The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 10, 1930, Page 6

Page Six Square, New York City, N. PIFTHRL THE Published by thé Comprodaity Publishing Co. Inc., dally, @xcat N £1696: Address and mail all checks to tha Daily Worker, ~~ t Sunday, at 26-28 -8. Cable: Y. Telephone Stuyv L.U. CONGRESS APPROACHES By A. LOZOVSKY. (General Secretary Red International of Labor Unions) HE Fifth Red International of Labor Unions Congress will be opened on the day of the of the Red International of Labor anniversar Unions. This does not mean that the Congress is especially being convened merely for the purpose of celebrating the annivers: or in order to carry out an international manifesta- tion.on the event of the Tenth Birthday of the R.LL.U. This Congress will be of a mili- tant character, for a whole number of extreme- ly important and urgent problems concerning the international revolutionary labor movement will have to be solved by it. oe The task of the Fifth Congress is to go ahead of the Fourth Congress. To go ahead from the point of view of ideological political clos- ing up of the ranks of the followers of the Red International of Labor Unions; to go ahead from the point of view of colsolidating the revolutionary forces; to go ahead along the road of struggling aaginst opportunism in theory and practice; to go ahead from the point of view of forms and methods for leading the economic battles of the working class; to strain all efforts in order that this Congress becomes a serious event in the life of the labor move- ment throughout the whole world. Question of Strike Strategy. What was the Fourth Congres: This Con- gress served as the turning point in the his- tory of the development of the revolutionary labor movement; it was convened on the eve of the upsurge in the labor movement, and the greatest merit of the Fourth Congress con- sists in the fact that it was able to grasp the most important link and bring forward as the central task for the whole revolutionary labor movement, for all Communist Parties, for thé revolutionary unions and trade union op- Pokitions the problem of independent leadership in economic battles. This bringing up of the question of the whole revolutionary trade union movement making a determined turn towards the economic battles and the new tactics to be applied in the internationad labor movement gave rise to some’ opposition tendencies,, which within a short space of time came to be be- yond the brink of the real international Com- munist movement. Alreddy this stresses the fact that this turn was effected in proper time., And today, examining the stage passed and the struggle still ahead with regard to this question in the different countries, it must be said with all conviction, that this turn served to-wrest our revolutionary labor movement out from the opportunist mire and forwarned the danger’ of overlooking the vast revolutionary upsurge among the toiling masses, the danger of continuing to merely talk of revolutionary tactics, without, however, carrying these revo- Jutionary tactics out in actual life. It must be stressed here that within the ranks of the Communist International, the question of the economic struggle is often ne- glected, and the significance of the economic struggle for the Communist Party and for the winning over of the majority of the work- ing class is often insufficiently understood. Strikes often pass off without the Party con- sidering it necessary to take the lead of them. Many of the Parties respond when it is already too late. In some of the countries they sat- isfy themselves merely with devoting several previer notes in the press concerning the econ- omic struggle, considering this to be absolutely sufficient; in other countries, it is considered to be sufficient to have this work carried out by the T.U. Branch of the Communist Party, while the Party itself, mind you, should busy itself only with questions of “high” politics. For a Lenin Policy. With regard to this question, as well as many other, it would be advisable for all parties to take some lessons from the Bolshevist Party, which, even during. the ezarist times paid ut- most attention to questions of the economic struggle. T want to cite here an extremely instructive resolution written by Lenin, in February, 1907, concerning the question of “The sharpening of the Mass Economic Needs and the Economic Struggle.” In contradistinction to many other resolutions, this resolution takes up only one- ; half of a page, which by no means, however, belittles its significance. This occurred in February, 1907, during the time when the reaction intensified, the offen- sive action of the bourgeoisie against the work- ers increased, together with a whole series of lockout, strikes, when the crisis became more acute, and when the Bolshevist Conference, held in Leningrad, in February, in connection with preparations for the Fifth Party Congress, ac- cepted the following resolution proposed by Lenin: .. “Taking into consideration that: “J, A whole number of facts bear witness to the extreme sharpening of the economic needs of the proletariat and its economic strug- gles; “9 According to all signs, these different manifestations of the economic struggle are concentrating in such a way, which makes it ible to expect united m: economic action, which will draw into participation a much wider strata of the proletariat than hitherto; “3. The whole history of the Russian revo- lution proves that all powerful upsurges in the revolutionary movement arose on the basis of similar mass economic movements. .. “In view of this the Conference is of the opinion thai “1, It is essential for all Party organiza- tions to give their utmost attention to this factor; It is essential to concentrate the maxi- mum amount of Party forces on economic agi- tation amongst the wide ma: “3. It is essential to consider precisely this economic movement as the basic source and principal factor giving rise ¢o the ever-extend- ing revolutionary crisi letarian,” No, 14, March 4, 1907). good also today, and doesn’t this short resolu- tion, consisting altogether cf 30 lines, answer to many questions relating to our present policy from the point of view of leadership of the economic movement? During the course of the last two years the “DAIWORK.” Square, New York, in Russia.” (“The Pro- | Doesn’t this resolution sound as if it holds | decisions of the Comintern and all the decisions of the R.ILL.U. bear evidence to the fact that | we have sufficiently mastered the Leninist | policy. If this was true already at that time, at the beginning of 19 so to what degre is such a policy true during the present stage, when in consequence of capitalist rationaliza- tion, the immense crisis, impoverization of the masses in the economic struggle, taking place in different forms, come to be the chief driving force, or it might be said, the principal symp- tom of that powerful upsurge which is taking place, if not to the same degree, however, is taking place right before us in all countries. During the Fourth Congress of the R.I.L.U the central question was that of the leader- ship of economic battles. Questions of tactics for economic battles, and of strike strategy oc cupies ‘during the course of this period the primary place in the activities of the Com- intern and R.I.L.U. The concentration of at tention of the leading organs of the world revo. ' lutionary labor movement on these questions bear witness to the fact that thi: that very important link of which the International Com- munist movement must take hold in order to move forward. o Precisely owing to this, we convened the special Confere: ike Strategy and Tac- tics in Stras the beginning of Jan- | uary, 192! on account of this, the economic fight hich took place during the. | ourse of this period were subject to detailed analysis by the Comintern and R.I.L.U., and the respective Parties, revolutionary unions and trade union oppositions were given detailed in- tructions concerning the future forms and | methods of struggle. In order to complete the brief characteristic of the past period, it is essential to note that, thanks to the direct organizatioinal and pol- | itical work carried out by the RILU, it was possible to set up the Latin-American Confed- eration of Trade Unions, embracing the trade unions of 16 Latin-American countries. It was possible to rivet the attention of the most advanced elements of these countries on the preparation, organization and leadership of the | economic struggles. It was also possible to ex- | tend the political influence and organizational activities of the Pan-Pacific TU Secretariat. (To Be Continued.) They Ask “ ‘Phis article was written before the “rejec- tion of Parker by the Senate. The difficulty of getting articles out of jail, however, has- delayed its publication. Whether Parker or some other servile tool of Wall Street is ap- pointed to the U, S. Supreme Court does not alter the fact that the function of this court as of all other capitalist courts and their judges is to defend the interests of the capitalist class against the toiling masses. “Yellow-Dog” Parker was rejected at this time for fear that the Negro masses, the white workers and the petty bourgeoisie who are suffering from the @tonomic crisis and the oppression of finance capital would lose their constitutional illusions about capitalist courts. Hoover will do everything in his power to get another Parker for the post as a “legal” step in preparation for an open fascist dic- tatorship.—Editor. * * * By I. AMTER. (Written in Jail.) HALL Judge John J. Parker be justice of _the U,.§, Supreme Court? That is one of the momentous questions stirring the breasts of all “thinking” men from Hoover to Thomas and Gitlow. Hoover says yes, for in upholding in the State of West Virginia the decision of the U. S, Supreme Court regarding the “yellow dog” contract, Parker, as a judge of the Cir- cuit Court, proved himself an “eminent jurist,” 7 a “loyal citizen,” a judge to be trusted to carry out what the bosses of the country order him to do.- Senator Borah is not quite so sure—but for a different reason. Borah looks for votes and he knows that the American Federation of Labor can pretend at least to mobilize work- ers’ votes against the “enemies of labor.” Bo- rah,,and whoever *supports him in endorsing Parker, will be regarded as an “enemy of la- bor” if they endorse Parker. How many f | ' Real” Justice { “friends of labor” are there in all capitalist legislative, judicial and executive chambers? Gompers, and Green after him, found many “friends’—who always were enemies of the working class. This is as it must be, for a capitalist, government is a government of capi- talists to protect capitalist interest against the working clase; and a Soviet Government is a government of workers and farmers to pro- tect the interests of the workers and poor farmers against the capitalists. Then another issue enters into the case. Parker made some very derogatory remarks about the Negroes. Borah is not worried about this—but Senator Fess and Watson are, for there are elections this year and they are afraid of the “Negro vote” in their states— Ohio and Indiana. They are not interested in the Negro workers, but see in them so many yotes that can be herded together on election day. They do not speak so openly as A. B. Carter, president of the Carter mill, at Gas- tonia, N. C., who wrote to Senator Overman: “I do hope you will not let the Communists interfere with this nomination, Personally, I think, it will militate against you to favor the labor people in holding up Judge Park- er’s confirmation.” Carter is well satisfied with Parker—the open shop judge and the anti-Negro judge! Norman Thomas Writes Hoover. Norman Thomas writes Hoover against the appointment of Parker. Thomas wants a “re- statement of legal principles in terms of human rights and needs.” He declares that the “Supreme Court has legislated a reactionary | theory of rights.” He says that Parker-shows. “none of those characteristics of greatness which our times demand.” This petty-bourgeois social-fascist wants | Morris Hillquit or Jacob Panken appointed, for he, together with the social-fascist socialist party, believe that if capitalist property rights’ | | ing the extermination of must be asserted, as the S. P. believes they ' should, this should be put accross in a more Unior Ags: Central Organ of the Communist Baily $2: Worker Party of the U.S. 4. Dewn With Imperialism and All Its Supporters By FRED ELLIS Imperialist Antagonisms in the Mediterranean By J. B. (Jerusalem). HE miserable fiasco of the, London “Naval Disarmament Conference” which has just ended is remarkable not only because it has exposed more openly than ever the hollowness of the pacifist phrases in the mouths of the imperialists and social-imperialists, the futility of pompous imperialist disarmament confer- ences, the inevitability of the war-like com- plications between the imperialist states, One of the effects of the conference is that the long-standing Anglo-Freneh antagonism, which has been continually concealed hitherto, and | the Mediterranean problem which has not in any way been solved, have become more acute than ever before, One can say that after the abortive attempts lasting three months to bring about an under- standing between France and Italy with re- gard to the Mediterranean, the Franco-Italo antagonism has entered on a new stage. The immediate reasons therefore are not perchance to be sought in the increased naval construc- tion in the Italian shipyards and the Italo- Greecian and Italo-Turkish approchement on the one side and the change of government in Spain, which has been taken advantage of by France, and the renewal of the Franco-Yugo- slavian “friendship” on thesother side. Rather has the Italo-French antagonism grown more acute in North Africa and in Western Asia. Only recently the Italian expeditionary corps in Tripolis, after long and hard fights involv- whole tribes of bedouins and the sacrifice of many Italian sol- diers, brought its “activity” to an end for the time being. It is true, not all the revolts in the interior of the country have been finally quelled, but the Italian troops have already reached those points in the South of the coun- try which are regarded as the frontiers of the French sphere of inflrence; it is not yet cer- tain whether, and if so, how far, the Italian General Staff‘will recognize this “line of de- marcation.” Keener Appetite. In Arabian politics the appetite of the fas- cist government (so far as its opinion finds expression in the fascist press) has. become keener than it has ever been since 1925, after the outbreak of the great revolt in Syria. In connection with the British difficulties in Palestine the Italian press is demanding that the whole of the Arabian question be raised and is plainly hinting that the distribution of mandates be subjected to that revision so often desired by Italy. These attacks are directed not only against France but also gracious manner—with a little “labor,” liberal” janguage so that the “yellow-dog” contract— the pledge to keep away from organization— may be accepted by the worker with a righte- ous ‘ecling, that it is being done on the basis of “human needs.” St. Thomas a Bit Early. You are a bit too early, St. Thomas. The time will come—perhaps soon in the United States—when the bosses will need people like you, Hillquit, Panken and the rest of your ‘social-fascist bunch, not only as judges, but as police chiefs to shoot down the workers (re- member Zoergiebel in Berlin!) or as mayors of big cities—yes, even as prime ministers (think of friend MacDonald!)—and even as dictators (don’t forget your good friends Pil- sudski and Mussolini—good old socialists!) And we hear that even that police agent, Ben Gitlow, sent a letter to Washington, pro- testing against Parker’a appointment. He is | in proper company—Hoover, Green, Thomas, Gitlow! What is the Communist, working-class at- titude? i 6; their masters, whether their names be Hughes, italist judges, like all capitalist officials, «| office to carry out the instructions of |. | against England; the latter, by possessing the most important strategical points in the Medi- terranean (Gibraltar, Suez, Malta, Cyprus), and its Mediterranean fleet, maintains “par- ity” in relation to Italy and France combined —a sort of “balance” in the Mediterranean. But Italy is endeavoring to maneuver England out of this role. Italian imperialist policy regards itself potentially not only as a suc- or to France but also as the heir of Great Britain in the Mediterranean. Hence,. the sharp criticism of the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty, hence also the protest against the contem- plated agreement between Great Britain and the Iraq, as these two treaties endanger the Italian “open door” to the Near East. MacDonald—Imperialist. It is therefore quite understandable that the representative of British imperialism, Ramsay MacDonald, was not the most suitable person to act as mediator in the Italo-French antag- onisms in the Mediterranean question, especial- ly as he was not prepared to make any mag- nanimous sacrifice, were it only a symbolical | disarmament gesture, in this sphere where the | danger of war always lurks. The British re- organization plans in the Eastern Mediterran- ean area are much more calculated, aiming as they do at stabilizing British rule, to render the Italians mistrustful of any mediation and induce them to increase their armaments. The “direct negotiations” between Signor Grandi and Briand are seized upon by the imperialist press as the only glimmer of hope left of settling the Mediterranean questions. These direct negotiations are to have a pe- culiar prelude: the whole of the French fleet is to be concentrated in the Mediterranean; the centenary of the French colonial rule in Algeria is to be the occasion of an imposing naval parade under the very nose of the Ital- ians in order to show with all emphasis that France is prepared to defend every inch of ground of her Mediterranean colonies with all the forces, both naval and military, at her command. The Italian answer will not be long in forth- coming. The pacifist talk of a peaceful set- tlement of antagonisms is being clearly re- futed by the naval maneuvers, like those which took place immediately before the world war, and indicate with the accuracy of a barometer the approach of serious conflicts. The redis- tribution of colonial booty in the Mediterran- ean is becoming an urgent necessity for the imperialists, and they are now preparing for the eventuality of a dispute over it. This dis- pute will not assume the form of negotiations at a round table but the form of open warfare. Brandeis, Holmes or Parker. The Supreme Court of the United States is the body that makes and unmakes law. Congress may pro- pose—the Supreme Court disposes. At this period of world crisis and sharpen- ing class struggles, the bosses of this country will ensure for themselves a reliable capital- ist Supreme Court. Proletarian Justice. But the workers will understand that a cap- italist government like the United States is to protect the interests of the capitalists against the workers; and that what we need is a rev- _olutionary workers government to protect and promote the interests of the workers against the bosses. This they will understand from their experience in strikes, on the picket line, in demonstrations, in capitalist courts. The Communists will organize them to get what they need. Then there will be justice— / proletarian justice for the masses! Proletarian justice for the capitalists! No Parker, Hughes, Brandeis or Caen on the bench—but work- ers who have gone through and understand the | struggle, and hence can mete out real justice. Till such time, a capitalist judge will remiin a capitalist judge—-loyal to his class, an enemy of the working class. SUBSCRIPTION RATES! sy By mail everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of Mavhettan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One year $8; six months $4.50 | THE coming Seventh National Convention of our Party must be utilized for the politica! ion and mobilization of our Party mem. ip to carry out the great revolutionary now confronting our Party. The pre- Convention discussion must be conducted on a higher political plane than previously, and ap- plied concretely to the carrying out of our tasks by every member of our Party. Con- teness and a higher political level of the discussion in the ranks are the two main fea- tures that must characterize the pre-conven- tion discussion. This is possible to achieve to- day because the Party is following the Comin- tern and freed itself of factionalism and un- principled struggle for group contro! of the Party apparatus. Our great achievements in the unification of our Party, the abolition of factions and the establishment of unrestricted discussion and self-c sm from below must be definitely emphasized in initiating the pre- convention discussion. To achieve the maxi- mum results and benefit from the pre-conven- tion discussion in the Party units, you are to carry out and be guided by the following in- structions: 1. Each district shall first have an en- larged plenum of the district committee (at the date set by the Central Commitice) to which all leading functionaries from the out- of-town units are to be invited. The District Organizer is to make a general political re- port on the draft thesis and the questions dis- cussed at the organization conference. 2 The discussion must be very concrete and the general political directives given in the thesis of our Party be applied to existing conditions of every district. The key to the discussion of the Party thesis and the main tasks to be emphasized in our pre-convention discussion are: (a) To make our membership understand the present economic and poli 1 situation in the United States and the tas that arise from the existing and further de- veloping crisis.’ (b) To take energetic steps to overcome the gap that exists today be- tween the political influence of our Party and our weak organizational strength. This means a definite orientation of our Party to the shops, the building of the T.U.U.L., ete. 8. As a basis for your discussion you must use the political thesis adopted at the plenum | and the various resolutions adopted at the or- ganization conference, guided by the general political outline sent out by the agitprop de- partment: All the reports and resolutions .ac- cepted by the Plenum will be printed in a special pamphlet that must receive the widest circulation in the Party. 4, Immediately after your district plenum, you must prepare for a discussion in the units. This is to be preceded by calling of a special conference of speakers, functionaries and lea:l- ing comrades, where a discussion shall take place on the method ofé presentation of the political thesis of the Party in the units. In addition to the general outline for discussion prepared by the Agitprop Department of the Central Committee, you shall draw up an ad- ditional outline dealing with district exper- iences and tasks. 5. You must not wait with the discussion in the units till the last unit meeting prior to the election of delegates to the section or dis- trict conventions. In order to develop a wide pre-convention discussion in the Party, it is advisable to begin the discussion as early as "possible. Wherever necessary you shall de- vote more than one night to the unit discus- sion and the election of delegates from the | INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE PRE. _ CONVENTION DISCUSSION. units to be followed at the next meeting (in« ” structions for the election of delegates, vot~« ing, etc., will be given in special instructions of the organization department). The lead of the discussion in the units must be a sp’| cial comrade selected by the district or the section committee, who must not necessarily, be a member of the DEC, 6. The pre-convention discussion must take place in each unit individually, no merging of ion is permitted, unless er is sent from the district to lead the discus~ sion. The district must take all measures to involve the broad rank and file in the discuss sion with special attention paid to new mem- bers. You must ure free and frank dis- cussion of Party problems and tasks. You should particularly encouraze open and frank rank and file criticism of the Party’s mis- takes and shoricomings. In the discussion you should wage a bitter struggle against the Right danger in our Party, particularly against opportunism and the right wing dange in the practical carrying through of Party de- cisions. You should guard yourself against al) tendencies of “heresy hunting” and center all your attention on the Leninist method of cri- ticism of all tendencies to deviate from the correct Party line. You must vigorously com- bat all attempts to ridicule wrong expressions and unclear attitude on the part of new mem- bers, which is based on mis-conception and misunderstanding of the Party and our tasks. Wrong opinions and ideas of our new and un- developed members must be corrected through comradely self: cism and ideological clari- fication. The presentation of the pre-conven- tion discussion in the units is to be open. Workers sympathetic to our movement shall be invited. In those shops where we have a nucleus and a shop committee, members of the shop committee carefully selected shall also be invited. Discussion in the units must be clear and simple. You should eliminate all bombas- tic phrase-mongering which the new members will not understand. You must explain the political tasks of the Party as they are em- bodied in the Party thesis in the simplest lan- guage understood by all members. 7. After the discussion by the district and in each unit, the membership is to adopt a resolution on the discussion and Party thesis. The resolution of each unit is not to be a stereotyped resolution prepared by the district office or the section. The Executive Buro of every unit itself is to draw up and present the resolution to the membership. The same applies to the district resolution. It must ng be a replica of the thesis but a concrete ay plication of the thesis to the district tasks. 8 The Central Committee invites a discus- sion of our Party tasks and the Convention thesis in all our Party press. The Daily Work- er and our language press is to carry on a broad discussion in its columns.’ In order to achieve the most results from the discussion we must have not only the leading comrades and functionaries in the district write for our Party press, but we must take special measures to encourage the members in the units to participate in the pre-convention dis- cussion in our Party press, particularly the comrades working in large shops anfl those ac- tive in trade union work and in the every-day work of the Party. All discussion material, articles, resolutions, ete., are to be sent to the Agitprop Departmext, Central Committee. AGITPROP DEPARTMENT, CENTRAL COMMITTEE, COMMUNIST ag Y i U.S. A. By MARTHA STONE. VER 600 workers’ children took part in the parade and march to Union Square. Fif- teen picket lines were held in front of many of the schools in New York City. Fifty children were arrested because of militaht school dem- onstrations, chalking up the streets, painting the school building with “Out of the School on May First.” More than 40 parents were ar- rested at the schools because of their active participation and resistance to the attack of the Pioneers while picketing on May First. However, the Young Pioneers can record many weaknesses in the May First campaign. The chief weakness is the fact that not more than 25 children were mobilized in any one school to take part in the parade on May first. From this we can clearly see that our Pioneer movement is basically isolated from the work- ers’ children, and while May First marked a decisive step forward, yet this is not sufficient. The second weakness is the lack of a strong parents’ movement to defend the workers’ chil- dren, resist the arrests and attacks of the truant officers, and to carry on the struggle of the workers’ children daily in the schools. In so far as the mobilization of Party mem- bers, behind the Young Pioneers, we can note a definite sign of progress over last year. How- ever, there were a number of Party comrades (many living in the Cooperative House) who “protected” their children on the way to schoo! The task of the Party is to take up cases at once and for all act decisively. Such elements are unhealthy for a Bolshevik Party. The attack on the Pioneer movement and the workers’ children has become greatly intensi- fied at the present time, especially after Ma First. In spite of the statements of O'Shea, Superintendent of the Public Schools, “that the schools would not persecute any child beea' he stayed out of school May First,” 50 ea of persecutions arose in the schools. Mav> these children were demoted, suspended and a few expelled, and others called to court. An extreme case of demotion is in Public Schoo! No. 109 Brooklyn, where a workers’ child was first grade, and daily he is put up a class, Also in Walton, a young Pioneer was demoted from third term High to seventh-grade public school, The school department report over 2,000 children stayed away from school May First, and in some schools the absentees reached as high as 200 (P. S. 89 Bronx). This is mainly due to the campaign of the Pionecis prior to May First. Because of the sharp clashes in many schools numbers of children stayed away from school but feared to attend the parade. The majority of children demoted and sus- pended have been reinstated in the schooly demoted from eighth grade public school to | | Address .... New York Pioneers On May Ist right of the workers’ children to take part in the struggles of the workers, and to fight for better school conditions still remains. The task before the left wing movement, and the working class as a whole is the or- ganization of a movement of adults and work- | ers’ children to fight for the above demands | of the workers’ children. .Our strength is felt today in the schools. The publicity campaign in the press is not an accident. Our organ- ization as yet is still small and weak, but our influence is growing, and our voice is heard in many schools in New York. Only through a thorough discussion on the role of the Pioneer movement, and the educa- tion of the Party members, and the workers as a whole on the need of supporting such an organization, can we be in a better Powe However, the main problem of fighting for the | j | to overcome the weaknesses of the Pionel movement, establish ourselves in the schoo! i and gain the whole-hearted support of adult workers. bd White Terror in Bulgaria BELGRADE, May 8—During the trial of Dr. Vladimir passe and twenty-three other Croa- tians yesterday for a bomb plot agains‘ loyal deputation to the fascist Kink ‘Alesnudeesie was revealed that many of the confessions which the police obtained from the accused were se- cured by terror. Many gruesome stories of the torture perpetrated by the Zamreb police were told in court. Demand the release of Fos- | ter, Minor, Amter and Ray- mond, in prison for fighting fer unemployment insurance. Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! iI . Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. 1, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. | NAME is. cladvesscuscmtmecacenasoesscuneet® teeecommcese Uityeserceeee Occupation . te eeeeeneesees ABC coeee Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St.. New York, N, ¥.