The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 8, 1930, Page 4

Published tee the Comprodaily Souare, NM York City Page Four PLAN OF at 26-28 DAIW Publis Se ' ACTION Resolution of the National Executive Commuttee of the HE definite grow nt nist League sir yroves the correc ndicates a ‘mprovemen During le League we arch 8th demonstr: yung workers participate a It has begun to take stion of t w young workers in con wit Union Unity b Young Worker: League member Young ; has been More or- nizatic n achieved in the I These fi are in no w ho’ possibilitie the i sizes the Li growing rad The generally Y.C.I. and Nation: ums has been the slowness in correct a 2 EY 5 erious disproportion elementary tasks which we are to get ¢ creased activ ence. The Lea tion to the win ing worke the T.U.U.L. during the present membership drive and the building of the 48 shop nuclei of the League as a result of i d activity. Up to the prese ni in carrying out shown themselves. The eliminate n the course of the carrying ‘ough of the Plan of Action. The chief prerequisite for the rying thru of the Plan of ion lies in the stubborn struggle against all ex on o. oportunism in practice. Opportunism in the pr of the League shows itself very ¢ readiness to a in words and the when it comes to executing these decisions in deeds. The League fails to ta me of its most elementary tasks in r 1iting the young workers into the revolutic y unions and employment councils. It not build youth sections of the unions in the fact but only accepts these c The comrades are slow day work in the large ing or maintaining al work in the ons res un- the do ect forms on p the every- s and in functioning shop n there. There is agreement as to the importance | of political strikes and demonstr the same time, we fail to or workers for these actions. Leaflets, very g eral in character, are distributed to the ser- vicemen, but those concrete tasks that would bring results are completely neglected. The N Plenum pointed out many con- crete examples of the Right Danger in the League, including the underestimation of the deep-going nature of the present economic cri the radicalization of the young workers and the lagging behind their growing strug- gles, it also pointed. to tendencies to turn the League into a cultural and social organization rather than a political organization leading the class struggles of the working youth (Superior, Worcester, etc.). But the Y.C.I. pointed out that the right danger is not the only danger There is also the so-called “Left” danger whici: stands as a main barrier to be overcon in successfully combatting the main danger, the right danger. The “Left” danger expresses itself in the tendency of “left” phrasemongers to substitute petty-bourgeois radicalism for the necessary direct connection between the leadership and the masses and mass organizations. These ten- dencies of “left” sectarianism have shown them- (Note: The time in which this order to correspond with the drive and winning the 10,000 y Plan myst b date set fo: Young Communist League | day work that confronts us | eee Young Communist League of U. S. Plan of Action—April 15 to June 30, 1930 ‘oung workers which has been set as one wor The im- mass org work in all inder theories that the Leg it- icient. Purely demonstrative ac- 1cn substituted for the necessary young workers into forms. Tendencies League to its own rs and to op- g among t s of young workers vherever they are to be found have been espec- yr These | of those tende pose are # few concrete examples of séme e practical work of the e which stand in the way of carrying out of Action lure to explain the i “Left” danger in such a way that would render easier the struggle against mi: es must be Plan is to be rea A me- oach has hidden the class connec- und “Left” devia- e not un- ands as the f these concrete each one d As a result t the “I danger s main barrier to be overcome in struggling suc- cessfully against the main danger, the Right danger. In emphasizing the “Left” tendencies of petty-bourgeois radicalism and phrasemon- gering which are so strong in the League, they have often done so in such a way as to have these tendencies replace the Right danger as the main If comrades consistently re- sist the ation of shop nuclei or trade unions under the excuse that the young work- ers are not ready for organization it is clearly an open Right opportunist error. If, on the hand, comrades hide their ure to do concrete everyday urder radical about the readiness of young workers gger struggles and replace this necessary work with ely demonstrative activity, it is obviously a “Left” deviation. The Plan of Action for the League which must come as a result of all its activity and campaigns in order to help close the gap between the words and deeds in the work of the League. It has reduced some of the quotas previously set by certain districts in an effort to combat tendencies of € ‘ated quotas and tasks, sin¢e such r talk” has only served as a further means of hiding the failure to take up the most ele- mentary work and get the most elementary re- sults even on a small scale. These national quotas have been built up on the basis of tke | minimum possibilities in each district. Every district must further coneretize the quotas, Specific factories must be named and the units told “where, when and how” each task is to be | accomplished. Shock troops must be establish ed, responsible to the respective leading bodies for the definite accomplishment of each specific task in the period of tim set The organizational functioning of the League plays an important role in the carrying ou! of the Plan. Every unit must be made to | function so that it can hold the gains made in new members, and not lose young workers ready for the League as we did during the, 1 membership drive. The whole life of the Y.C.L. must be given a youthful and fight- | ing spirit such as. will attract the working youth, and those special youth forms developed to make possible the leading of the young work- ers in all their struggles. At the same ‘time the organization questions and their solutioz cannot be substituted for the necessary cor- rect political line. Organization shortcomings and subjective difficulties must at no time be used as an excuse for the continued weaknose of the League, either by comrades in the Center or in the Districts, and the necessary fight against politically wrong tendencies must not be confined to organizational changes, Nothing can stop us from carrying out the Plan of Action by June 15th, if armed with a corrpect political line, we take up the every- or work e executed has been extended to June 30 in r concluding of the T.U.U.L. membership of the tasks.) " QUOTAS = 3 ae aa ts] a 8 ge Ea) i 24 1 500 2 75 ’ 2 2000 6 400 $0 3 ++ 800 5 200 15 400 1 50 3 800 2 50 2 1000 7 200 10 1000 4 200 5 1400 7 175 10 200 1 50 2 300 3 400 0 200 a 400 2 60 75 10 10 400 3 15 100 15 10 400 2 60 50 10 5 +. 200 ‘ 5 75 5 3 10000 48 1500 2000 $3000 37 125 * Members to join Sport and Opponent organizations, “Members to be trained as Pioneer leaders, French Intervention in Soviet China MOSCOW (IPS).—Shanghai gives details of the happening which led up to the French in- tervention against the red troops in the pro- vince of Kwangsi. The red troops established & Soviet regime in the Beshi district last year and maintained themselves sypported hy the population. sa inst the } ng troops had f onsiderable portion of the Lunchow area \\,..1 French intervention turned ! ’ %, ‘ the scales, The discipline of the red troops was strict and order was established in the area under Soviet control. The foreign missionaries and the foreign colony (mostly French officials) were not interfered with until it was discovered that the missionaries were inciting their fol- lowers against the Soviet power. The mission- aries and officials were then arrested by the rel troops and deported to Indonesia at the orders of the red command. None of the ar- ts certain definite goals atom Daily = Centra) Organ vt the Co... NO JOBS! TIME TO FIGHT! We rkee. » the U.S. A. By FRED ELLIS Montreal Workers on the March TOR the first time in the history of the Mon- | treal labor movement workers assembled in a public square in spite of police prohibition and brutality. A week before May Day the chief of police made a statement which was on the front pages of the capitalist papers, declaring that any demonstration would be put down by all means. The printing plant was raided and the May Day leaflets and the printer’s ch S stolen by the police. The Communist Party offices were also raided, but nothing could be taken. The editor, Comrade Alperin, and Comrade Waselesky, secretary of the May Day Conference, representing 25 workers’ organ- izations, had to hide themselves from the po- | lice, in order not to be arrested before May Day. Clash Between Workers and Police, At about 10 a. m. between 700 and 800 work- | ers were assembled at Place Viger under the leadership of the Communist Party of Canada. Police forces were pushing the workers from one place to another. Suddenly Comrade Dubois got up on a bench and started address- ing the workers in the French language. Po- lice were running from every direction and after a hand to hand fight Comrade Dubois was arrested with three other workers. The police were escorted under the booing of the workers. The four workers were charged with unlawful assembly and resisting arrest. They | were bailed out by the Canadian Labor De- | fense League. | 2,000 Workers Jam Indoor Meeting. Two thousand jammed the only available hall in Montreal. Close to 100 police were massed outside the entrance and in the cor- ners of the hall, trying to intimidate the work- | ers but failed to do so. Comrade Freed, the Party speaker in Eng- lish, Comrade Wachsman for the Young Com- | munist League, Comrade Chector, a woman worker and a Young Pioneer addressed the | audience and one after the other denounced the war preparations against the Soviet Union, | police brutalities and the Canadian capitalist class with their tools, the socialist party and the trade union bureaucracy who were having a “respectable” meeting in another hall, ‘and also the “left” Zionist-Socialists who also | helped to deceive the workers, having their “own” meeting. May Day, the Communist Party and the U. S. S. R. were enthusiastically greeted by the were filled up for the Party. entire audience. When Comrade Sidney, chair- man of the meeting, announced that the dis- trict organizer, Comrade Dubois, would ad- dress this meeting in French, the audience burst into applause. Fight For Streets. Comrade Dubois called upon the hundreds of French-Canadians present, to celebrate May Day as a fighting day and to organize into the only working class party, the Communist Party of Canada. He called upon the work- ers to fight for the right of the streets and to make Square Viger a Red Square, where the workers will fight for the right to assemble. The imperialist war danger was brought up, and at the slogan, “Defend the Soviet Union,” the workers responded as one body. The work- ers were told about the duty to join the Com- munist Party, and close to 50 application cards Comrade Dubois announced that a four-page paper in the French language should have ap- peared for May 1, but would not appear be- fore May 15, on account of police persecution. This French paper, “L’Ouvrier Canadien” (The Canadian Worker), was warmly greeted by the workers. “L’Ouvrier Canadien,” which will appear by-monthly, will be a redoubtable weapon in the hands of the working class for the organization of those hundreds of French- Canadian workers who are the most exploited section of the Canadian working class. For the first time in the history of the Com- munist Party of Canada, in the district of Quebec three shop-bulletins were issued and factory gate meetings held. This new mass work is a sharp turn in the life of our Cana- dian Party and a death blow to the Canadian Lovestoneite, petty-bourgeois renegades such as McDonald, McDewitt and Co. Their theory of exceptionalism and isolation from the masses has become a tragic farce in the face of such a May Day celebration of factory workers. This May Day was the starting point of a recruiting drive for thousands of new mem- bers in our Party, The Quebee district has a quota of 350 new members, 200 of which are to be French-Canadian workers, 4 shop units and bulletins. This quota must be reached in a very short time. Our slogans must be: Not a paper quota, but a Bolshevik quota! Hun- | dred new members for every petty-bourgeois renegade! Face to the factories! A mass circulation for the “Worker” and “L’Ouvrier Canadien.” Against the Death Sentences of | the Japanese Communists THE long pending secret “public” trial of the Japanese Communists arrested in the past two years has finally come up. The result was sentences, ranging from death to life im- prisonment, for the leading members of the | Central Committee. This fact is not surpris- ing since the sentences were hanied down by | the self-styled “liberal” Minseito government | of Hamaguchi, et al. | | | In a country like Japan, where the condi- tions of the working class and peasants are appalling, the left orientation of the workers and peasants is only too natural. And in this connection the Communist Party of Japan led the radicalized masses of Japan in spite of the treacherous efforts of the right and the social democrats to mislead them. Two years ago, March 15, following the general election, the Japanese government conducted a big raid and arrested over one thousand militant fighters from the ranks of the Japanese proletariat. The Japanese ruling class was seared hy the rapidity with which the Communist Party was gaining influence over the Japanese masses. After these mass arrests the ruling class thought that it was all over with the Japanese Communist Party. However, it was not so, A little over a year later on Anvil 16, another mass arrest had to he conducted, This time over six hundred were taken in hy the police. rested persons sustained the least injury or ill-treatment All those arrested and placed in jails during these months had been branded as traitors and were treated accordingly . Among the arrested are Gaku Sano, Kazuo Fukumoto, Shir o Mitamura, and others—all active fighters in many of the bitter struggles of the Japanese masses. Out of the 16,000 ar- rested in the past two years 825 had been found guilty. The Japanese workers and peas- ants are now fighting for the release of these militant fighters under the leadership of the KGK, the Japanese section of the International Red Aid. At a time when the white terror is raging all over the world it is necessary that we workers in the United States should raise the voice of protest and demand the immediate release of the Japanese Communists and also the repeal of the Peace Preservation Law which provided death sentences to the Com- munist leaders, * * * The New York district of the International Labor Defense, together with the Anti-Imper- jalist League and Japanese and Chinese Buros are arranging a mass protest demon- stration at South Ferry and Whitehall Streets Saturday, May 10, after noon. The demonstration is to be also against the death sentences to Carr and Powers in Geor- gia. Turn out and show your international solidarity! Fight against the white terrorism, Demand the release of Fos- ter, Minor, Amter and Ray- mond, in prison for fighting for unemployment insurance. Maehstian and Bron SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Ry mail everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of ‘ew York City, and foreign, which are: One year §8; six months $4.50 CUBA’S PROLETARIAT BAT. TLES ON MAY DAY By HARRISON GEORGE. OT for nothing have the Cuban workers, through years of struggle and during five years through the terror of fascism, nurtured in their hearts the undying fire of proletarian revolt. This flamed forth on May Day when, paral- yzing industry in all Cwban cities, the pro- letariat of Cuba celebrated May Day not at all as the government of ado and the fascist Cuban Federation an appendix of the A. F. of L.) hoped they would. On the contrary, with 300,000 johless, with wage cuts and’ the decree of Gissolution of their revolutionary trade union center, the National Confederation, the Cuban proletariat is angry. "And its showed its anger. Filling the.great stadium ealled the “Nuevo Fronton” with at least 20,000, they heard speakers imbued with the spirit of the small but heroic Communist Party (existing and fighting illegally in spite of the years of ter- ror) who were enthusiastically applauded when they spoke for the line of revolutionary class struggle and pointed to the Soviet Union as the fatherland of the workers of Cuba as of all the world—any approval of the Soviet Union is unlawful in Cuba, the colony of Wall Street. Pouring out of the Fronton, 8,000 or more marched to the harbor where they filled many boats to take them across the Bay of Havana to the suburb of Regla, where 3,000 or so more work joined their ranks for a march to “Lenin's Tree.” It is the custom, established by tradition of years, that on May Day the Havana workers gather at a tree whose planting was dedi- cated to Comrade Lenin, and pay tribute to the great scientist of revolution. So this May Day the throng marched toward that goal. Halted in front of a shop, one section of the marchers was listennig to their band playing the “In- ternationale,” when—according to one account a dispute arose from the fact that one marcher, being deaf, did not hear the “Internationale and failed to uncover. Naturally, this slight misunderstanding would have been no cause for trouble had not a policeman, ever anxious to seize an excuse for attacking workers, made himself obnoxious by trying to arrest somebody. Whereupon the workers gave him an excellent beating, taking his revolver away from him and chasing him into the shelter of the shop, which was bomb- arded with stones about $200 worth, according to the shop-keeper who was foolish enough to shelter the cop. This done, the marchers went on tranquilly, until their front ranks were blocked by a bus, whose driver, in the first place, was violating the rule of “Down Tools on May Day.” The bus was promptly turned over on its back and the workers, the way thus cleared, were con- tinuing, when eight policemen opened fire, led by a police officer, who leaped on the bus with drawn revolver erying out: “We are going to - put an end to this!” He didn’t although the eight exhausted their ammunition. The workers stuck and began crowding around their speakers. But the po- lice called the soldiers who came mounted and firing rifles. The crowd scattered, rushing intu any house open, some went into a movie theatre, the mounted soldiers riding their horses right into the theatre, and dragging out a number of workers under arrest. The workers, though dispersed, reformed, and a large number passing the police station where their comrades were held, staged a dem- onstration of protest. he soldiers and police again opened fire on the workers, this being the bloodiest clash, three policemen were wound- ed, 18 workers, among them two women, wound- | ed and one worker killed. Almost all the workers wounded were injured by police fire, one of them dying later. The great crowd again taking boats back to Havana, were met by troops and police at the wharf. The troops this time, however, had learned something and were under orders not to attack. The workers went their way to their homes, with the exception of 600, who march- ed to the newspaper office to voice their pro- test at the savage brutality of the government. Some of the banners borne by the marchers in their march show the militant character of the Cuban workers: “Down with Yankee im- periali: and its national allies! Down with imperialist v Against wage cuts and for wage increa Down with the imperialist Pan-American Federation of Labor! Long live the government of workers and peasants! Enough of starvation! Down with the white terror in Cuba! Work or wages for the unem- ployed!” and many others. And great red banners with the hammer and sickle and the slogan: “Workers of all countries, unite!” Of course, the police in Cuba as in all coun- tries, ascribe their own crimes to “foreigners” and many of those arrested on May Day were the next day being deported—without trial, as is usual in Cuba, ruled by American imperial- ism through its servile and murderous lackey, “Butcher” Machado, The two murdered workers, Rodolfo Perez, a Negro building trades worker, and Juan Mon- tergo, will not be deported. They lie in the cemetery where they were buried on May 2, while thousands of workers, with quiet but determined steps, followed them to their graves, the hotel workers letting the fat Yan- kee tourists get their own meals, if they could, while they attended the last farewell to their dead comrades. While a hundred soldiers armed with rifles surrounded the Workers Center and another brigade of cavalry and infantry watched at the cemetery, the Havana proletariat marched again, five thousand strong, to the cemetery, each bearing a flower to lay upon the graves of their dead. Among the dozens of floral wreaths which covered the coffins of the fallen was one saying: | “As a reply to those sacrificed to the cause, the proletariat will fortify its rev- olutionary ranks.” Around the graves thousands gathered, and again—in farewell—the thousands sang the song of the “Internationale’—with clinched fists raised, a warning for their oppressors. The reactionary daily “Diario de la Marina,” telling of the May Day battle, drops crocodile tears at the event—“whose memory,” it says, “has to last in the history of the Cuban pro- letariat as one of its most painful pages.” The memory of Perez and Montergo will last, yes. But not as a “painful page” as the bourgeois journal thinks. It will last, yes, as a memory to cherish deep in the hearts of the Cuban proletariat as a page of heroic class struggle. It will last as an ember of undying hatred for the imperialist murderer who sits in the National Palace and orders death and deportation to the workers who rebel against American imperialism. , : And eventually—not in the distant, but in the near future—that ember will flame forth in open revolutionary struggle led by the Communist Party of Cuba. And when it does, and when the fights grow sharper in the struggle for Soviet Cuba, the workers of the United States will have—nay—they even now have the duty of giving every aid to the pro- letariat of Cuba in the lion-hearted fight it is waging against Wall Street imperialism and native despotism. May Day and the Daily Worker By ALFRED WAGENKNECHT, Ee gigantic distribution of May Day edi- tions of the Daily Worker indicates that the Party members are making an attempt to bridge the difference between the broad influ- ence of the Party among the masses of work- ers and its own organizational weakness. A total of 400,000 copies of May Day editions of the Daily Worker were sent to the Party districts to assist in mobilizing workers for May First. The distribution of this immense num- ber of our Party organ brought many workers many steps nearer to us. What needs especial mention is the methods of distribution and the political importance of these methods. At the Factory Gates. Methods of distribution of these 400,000 Daily Workers prove that in a number of dis- tricts the comrades are beginning to under- stand the value of the Daily Worker as an in- strument which propels the Party into the masses of workers at factory gate, at their homes, wherever workers are to be found. Comrades in increasing numbers are learning what contact with the masses means. They are beginning to live a new Communist life, are sensing the rightful place of our Party and every Party member to be in the vortex of the class struggle, living their everyday struggles and giving political leadership. They are beginning to function among working-class masses, talking to them, learning their prob- lems, prescribing the Daily Worker as an or- gan that will clarify these problems and help to organize them for struggle. Mobilized For May Day. This immense printing of the Daily Worker was used mainly to mobilize workers for May Day: This is as it should be. To have printed a single edition for May First, to be distrib- uted only on that day, would have been an er- ror. The Daily Worker is an aid to every move the Party makes and the Daily Worker moves the workers toward the Party and en- lists them in all Party campaigns and acti i- ‘ties. Daily Worker Red Sundays in a number of districts brought to the atention of thousands of | workers our May Day slogans and the revolu- tionary portend of May First. This method of visiting workers at their homes finds en- dorsement by Party members wherever it is tly organized. Comrades in a number of cities have at last learned the value of dis- tribution and sale of the Daily Worker at sub- way, elevaged and street car stops. There are stations where thousands of workers dismount from cays to go to their shone. These stations must be charted and a crew of comrades and unemployed workers must esti iu ire culation at these points. , How to Sell the Daily Worker. In many districts we are beginning to un- derstand that unemployed workers and com- rades should be enlisted for distribution and sales of the Daily Worker,, The May Day mobilization editions forced @mrades in charge of distributions to avail themselves of unem- ployed workers. Unemployed workers, in some instances, themselves took the initiative to help sell and distribute, Bat what is of major importance are the achievements we have to record regarding fac- tory gate Communist activity. The May Day mobilization editions pressed the Party mem- bership toward the industries. Factory gate meetings increased because Daily Workers on hand had to reach shop, mine and mill work- ers with the “Strike-Down Tools” slogans and articles. And when a comrade takes a bundle of Daily Workers to a factory gate and ten or fifteen workers gather around him, asking questions about the Party, the Trade Union Unity League, discussing their problems, giv- ing information about conditions in their shop, this is also a factory gate meeting. Of this kind of meetings we had a wonderful increase during the period before May Day. Shortcomings. ‘ There were shortcomings. Some districts still have to discover the Daily Worker, In- numerable factory towns where we have Party membership did not see a single copy of our organ. The distribution among steel workers, miners and workers in many other big indu- stries was too limited. Some districts circul- ated a totally inadequate number of Daily Workers with the “Strike—Down Tools” slog- ans and articles. But many districts accom- plished a good task and a big task. Here axe the statistics: The Boston district circulated 3,000 copies of the May Day editions of the Daily Worker in five cities. The New York district circulated 101,300 copies in ten cities, Philadelphia and the Anthracite region, 31,450 in eleven cities. Buffalo 13,000 in four cities. Pittsburgh 2,300 in two cities. Cleveland 6,800 in eight cities. Detroit 100,300 in four cities, Chicago 12,000 in nine cities. Minneapolis 5,130 in five cities. | Kansas City 2,160 in seven cities, Seattle 25,000 in seven cities. California 10,200 in four cities. Connecticut 2,350 in six cities. The South 1,650 in six cities. The balance were distributed by individual comrades and Daily Worker readers throughout the country and used by Party sec- tions. mainly in New York, upon Red Sundays. This immense distribution must result in steady, regular sales at factory gates, in work- ers’ neighborhoods. There must be thorough follow-ups by contrades everywhere and thous- ands of new mail subscribers must mark this achievement,