The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 28, 1930, Page 4

Published by the Compr. Squar Page Six PREFACE TO THE PAMPHLET » Publishin ae to the Dai / Telep 1696-7-8. Cable: “MAY DAYS IN KHARKOV” By V.21. | The present pamphlet of the celebrated May Day : Kharkov in 1900, drawn up t Committee of the Rus Kharkov ocratic Labor Party on the ba x by workers themselves. It was correspondence, but we ¢ bi a separate pa and also be sible to secure wider t ix months, the Russian of Ma century, and it make the arrange celebrati i as possible, and possible, not o take part in th character, b: kers will ¢ of the new of centers scale as reveal, shown to co for the pc ple, and consequent for the cl develo: and its open struggle for to prepare for the forthe : brations, and one of the most in sures of this work of prepara get acquainted with what the movement in Russia has alre examine the shortcomings of ow general and of the May Day ticular, to devise means for shortcomings and obtaining hette of the proletaria i It is tiv -democratic achieved, to movement in nt in par- ing these results. The Kharkov May Day celebrations illus trate how the celebration of a labor holiday can become a great political demonstration and they reveal what it is we lack to make these celebrations a really great All-Russian dem- onstration of the class-conscious proletariat. What made the May Day celebrations in Khar- kov an event of outstanding importance? The mass participation of the workers in the strike, the huge mass meetings in the streets, the unfurling of red flags, the presentation of de- mands indicated in leaflets and the revolu- tionary character of these demands—eight- hour day and political liberty. The legend that the Russian workers have not sufficiently grown up for the political struggle, that their principal duty is to conduct the purely eco- nomic struggle, and only slowly and very gradually supplement it by partial political agitation, for partial political reforms; that they must not take up the struggle against the whole of the political system of Russ: that legend has been totally refuted by the Kharkov May Day celebrations. But we de- sire to draw attention to another aspect of the matter. Although the May Day celebra- tions in KHarkov have once more demonstrated the political capacities of the Russian work- ers, they have revealed at the same time what we lack for the complete development of these capacities. The Kharkov Social-Democrats tried to pre- pare beforehand for the May Day celebrations | by distributing pamphlets and leaflets, and the workers drew up a preliminary plan of the general demonstration and of the speeches that were to be delivered in the Konnaya Square. Why did this plan break down? The Kharkov comrades say because the forces of | the “general staff” of the class conscious so- | cialist workers were not evenly distributed; | there was an abundance in one factory and a \ lack of them in another; because the work- ers’ plan “was known to the authorities,” who, of course, took measures to divide the workers. | The conclusion to be drawn is obvious: we lacked organization. The masses of the work- ers were roused and ready to follow the so- cialist leaders, but the “general staff” failed to organize a strong nucleus able to distribute properiy all the available forces of the class- conscious workers, maintain proper secrecy, ij e., to arrange things in such a way that the plan drawn up beforehand should be kept se- cret, not only from the authorities, but from all those outside the organization. It must be composed of men and women who clearly understand the tasks of the social-democratic labor movement, and who have absolutely re- solved to take up the determined struggle against the present political system. This or- ganization must combine within itself the so- cialist knowledge and revolutionary experience which has been acquired from the activities carried on for decades by the Russian revolu- | tionary intelligentsia and the knowledge of working class environment and ability to agi- tate among and lead the masses, which is eharacteristic of the advanced worker. Above ali we must avoid drawing an artificial d tinction between the intellectual and the work ers; we inust not form a “purely labor” or- ganization, but strive to unite the workers with the intellectuals. To illustrate our point we quote the following words expressed by G. Plekhanov: “A necessary vondition for this activity (agitation) is the consolidation of the already existing revolutionary force. Circle propaganda can be conducted by men and women who have no mutual contact with each other whatever and who do not even suspect each other’s existence. Of course, the lack of organization always affects propaganda, but it does not make it impossible. However, in a perfod of great social excitement, when the | political atmosphere is charged with electricity, when now here and now there, on the most varied and unforeseen pretexts, outbreaks oc- eur with ‘increasing frequency, heralding the apptoaching revolutionary storm—in a word, when it is necessary either to agitate or re main in the rear, at such a time only organized | revolutionary forces can seriously influence the | progress of events. Individuals then become impotent; the revolution can then be carried forward only on the shoulders of units of a higher order: Revolutionary organization. (G. Plekhanov, the Tasks of Socialists in the Fight Against Famine, p. 83.) Precisely such a period is approaching in the history of the Russian labor movement, a period of excitement and outbreaks on the most varied pretexts, and if we do not wish to remain “in the rear,” we must direct all our efforts towards establishing an All-Russian organization, capable of directing all the sep- grate outbreaks and in this way causing the approaching storm (to which. the Kharkov workers also refer at the end of the pamphlet) to become, not an elemental outburst, but a conscious movement of the proletariat, taking | the lead of the whole people against the auto- | cratic government. In addition to demonstrating the lack of sufficient compactness and preparedness of | our revolutionary organizations, the Kharkov | May Day celebrations also point to another and no less important practical matter. The first of May festival and demonstration,” we read in the pamphlet, “was unexpectedly link- ed p with various practical demands which were presented without proper preparation and which consequently were doomed to fail- ure.” Take, for example, the demands put for- ward by the workers employed in the railway workshops. Of the fourteen demands put for- ward, eleven represent demands for minor im- provements, which can quite easily be ob- tained under the present political system, as for example increased wages, reduction of hours, removal abuses. Included among these demands three other de: 4, Introduc juarantee against \ of as if identical with them, are ands as follows: on of an eight-hour day; 7 ; imization of the workers n connection with May Day events; 10. The ablishment of a joint committee of workers nd employers to settle all disputes between the two. The first of these demand (Point 4) is the general demand put forward by the proletariat n all countries. This fact that this demand ¥ put forward indicates that the advanced workers of Kharkov realize their solidarity with the international Socialist labor movement. But precisely for this reason a demand like this should not have been included among minor demands like better treatment by foremen, or a ten per cent increase’ in wages. Demands for wage increases and better treatment can be and ought to be presented by the workers to their employers in each separate trade, for these are trade demands, put forward by sep- arate categories of workers. The demand for the eight-hour day, however, is the demand of the whole proletariat, presented, not to individ- ual employers but to ‘the government as the representative of the whole of the present day social and political system, to the capitalist class as a whole, the owners of all the means of production. The demand for an eight-hour day has assumed special significance. It is a declaration of solidarity with the international Socialist movement. We must make the work- understand this difference, and prevent them m reducing it to the level of demands like free tickets, or the dismissal of watchmen. Throughout the year the workers, first in one place and then in another, continuously present a variety of partial demands to their employers anad fight for these demands. In assisting the workers in this fight, Socialists must always ex- plain the connection it has with the proletarian struggle for emancipation in all countries. But the first of May must be the day on which the workers solemnly declare that they realize this connection and resolutely join in the strug- gle. Take the tenth demand calling for the es- tablishment of a committee for the settlement of disputes. Such a committee composed of representatives enjoy complete freedom. What may, of course, be very useful, but only if the elections are absolutely free and the elected representatives enjoy complete fredom. What would be the use of such a committee, if the workers who oppose the election of the nom- inees of the management, who sharply criticize the management and expose their tyranny, are discharged. Consequently, in order that such a committee may be of use to the workers, the delegates must be absolutely independent of the factory management. This can be the case only when free labor unions, embracing many factories having their own funds, and prepared to protect their delegates, are formed. Such a committee can be useful only in the event of many factories, and if possible all factories in the given trade, being organized. Secondly, it is necessary to secure guarantees for the personal safety of the delegates, i.e. that they wlil not be arrested by the police or the gen- darmerie. This demand was put forward: 7. Guarantee of the inviolability of the person of the workers. But from whom can the work- ers demand guarantees for the inviolability of the person and the freedom of the labor unions (which, as we have seen, are necessary for the success of the committee)? Only from the state, because the absense of inviolability of the person and freedom of labor unions is due to the character of the fundamental laws of the jan state. form of government in Russia. The form. of government in Russia is that of an absolute monarchy. The Czar is an autocrat. He alone passes laws and appoints the higher officials,. while the people and the people’s representa- v in the matter at all. Under stem of government, there can be no inviolability of person; citizens’ associations and particularly working class associations can- not he free. For that reason, to demand guar- antees of the inviolability of the person (and freedom of associatiog) from an autocratic state is useless; for such demands are tanta- mount to demanding political rights for the people, and the autocratic government is called autocratic precisely for the reason that it im- plies that the people are deprived of political rights. It will be possible to obtain guarantees for the inviolability of the person (and freedom of association) only when representatives of the people will take part in the passing of laws and in the whole administration of the state. Even if the autocratic government does make certain petty concessions, it will always nullify them by some means or other, unless a body of people’s representatives exists to check it. The May Day celebrations in Khar- kov proved this again and again. conceded the demands of the masses of the workers, and released the workers who had been arrested. But within a day or two, receiving an order from St. Petersburg, he again «ar- rested scores of workers. The provincial and factory officials “guarantee” immunity for del- egates, while the gendarmes seize them and fling them into jail in solitary,confinement or banish them from the city, Of what use are such guarantees to the people? Hence, the workers must demand from the Czar the convocation of an assembly of the representatives of the people, the convocation of a national assembly. The manifestoes dis- tributed in Kharkov on the eve of May 1 this year contained this demand, and we observe that a section of the advanced workers fully appreciated its significance. We must make all the advanced workers understand clearly the necessity of this demand, set them to spread it not only among the masses of workers, but among all strata of the people who come into contact with the workers, who eagerly desire to know what the Socialists and the “city” workers are figh ing for. A factory inspector once asked a group of workers what they want- More than that; it is due to the | The governor | , except Sunday, at 26-28 Ui “DAIWO, Union Square, New York, Baily [Qs Worker san of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. By mail everywhere: One‘year $6; Maobattan and Bronx, New York C HUPYORIPTION RATES: six months $3; two months $1; excepting Botoughs of ity, and foreign, which are: One year §8; six months $4.50 123 “DAMN -! By FRED ELLIS By PAT DEVINE. National Secretary Unemployed Councils. N°. revolutionary worker requires propagan- dizing regarding the great importance of the unemployed movement today. On all sides one hears talk about the cri of capitalism being sharpened because of it. Eight million unemployed and untold other millions of part time workers are literally facing starvation at the moment. This huge army is not docile or afraid but is composed of the most militant sections of the working This was clearly seen on March 6th when over 1,250,000 workers demonstrated and fought against the oppression of the bosses and their police. Never before had the United States seen such demonstrations, The capitalist class from the President down- wards realized the tremendous potentialities of this movement. They commenced raising all kinds of “will o’ the wisps” about pros- perity returing within 60 days. The 60 days have passed and unemployment ead of abating has become more and more cntuated. The unemployed situation today int | is much worse than it was on March 6th. Soup kitchen organizations, the Salvation Army, Mr. Zeros, the little Churches Around the Corner and the various governmental insti- tutions are working overtime trying to fool the workers that the unemployment problem can be settled by other means than militant struggle. Before, and on March 6th the entire force of the revolutionary movement was engaged in the various unemployed councils. Factory gate and street meetings, mass leaflet distri- bution and intensive activity at the various employment exchanges was the order of the day. Revolutionary workers were devoting a major part of their time to the work inside the various unemployed councils. All seemed to realize that without regularly functioning Councils no real work could be accomplished. What is the situation in most places today? The Unemployed Councils still exist. How- ed, and only one solitary voice was heard to say “a constitution,” and this voice sounded so isolated that the correspondent communicat- ing this writes humorously: “One proletarian blurted out. ” Another correspondent writes, “Under? the circumstances,” this reply was kov. Report of the Kharkov Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party, pub- lished by Rabocheye Dyelo, Geneva, Septem- ber, 1900, p. 14.). As a mater of fact, there was nothing comical in the reply at all. What may have seemed comical was the dispropor- tion between this lone voice demanding a chance in the whole state system and the demands for a reduction of half an hour in the working day and for the payment of wages during working hours. There is, however, an indubitable connection between these latter demands and the demand for a constitution, and if we can get the masses to understand this and we shall undoubtedly do so), then the ery “constitution!” will not come merely from one solitary voice, but from the throats of thousands and hundreds of thou- sands, and then it will not be comical, but challenging. It is related that a certain per- son driving through the streets of Kharkov class who are prepared to fight for “Work or. | Wages.” ever the functions are not going on as* | Struggle Against Unemployment smoothly as before, There is no stable lead- ership existing. Most of those who were the | and blood of the movement before March 6th have picked up their caravans and gone to some other field of activity. They seem to feel that a good job (March 6th) has been well done and that they no longer need to give their attention to the unemployed, f This is a fatal error. Today more than ever it is necessary to give time and energy to the unempleyed. Responsible revolutionary work- ers must work continuously in the councils. If they don’t, then the splendid sentiment of March 6th will be concretely organized, not for the revolutionary movement but for the reac- tionary movement. A cadre of workers must be built up among the unemployed who will be able to carry on work more or less independently, although al- ways under the general guidance of the Prade Union Unity League which sponsored the first preliminary national conference in New York Uity. This conerete example of the unity of the employed with the unemployed must be maintained. Chicago on July 4th and 5th has been set aside for a huge mass unemployed convention. Thousands of delegates from unemployed councils, revolutionary unions, American Fed- eration locals and fraternal organizations must gather at this convention to lay down definite’ | plans for a sharp struggle for unemployment “semi-comical” (see Labor Movement in Khar- | | insurance; “Work or Wages” and the estab- lishing of a well functioning National: Uhem- ployed organization. This can only be done with the active and energetic participation of all who made March 6th such a splendid and militant demonstration. Every city must immediately assign some of the best fighters from their ranks to the un- employed movement. Permanent and well functioning councils are necessary pre-requi- sites for a successful convention. Away with the underestimation of the un- ployment movement. Forward to the building of a powerful organization, which will guide it into the only channel that can solve the prob- lem, namely, a struggle against capitalism and for a Workers’ Government. i during May Day celebrations asked the droshky driver what the workers wanted, and the driver replied: “They want the eight-hour day and their own newspaper.” That droshky driver understood that the workers are no longer satisfied with mere doles, but they want to be free men, that they want to be able freely and cpenly to express and fight for their needs. But the reply did not yet reveal the conscious- ness that the workers are fighting for. the liberty of the whole people and for their right to take part in the government of the state. When the demand that the tsar convene an as- sembly of people’s representatives is repeated with complete consciousness and indomitable determination by the masses of the workers in all the industrial cities and factory districts in Russia, when the workers have reached the stage when the whole of the urban population, and all those rural people who come into con- tact with tHe towns, understand what the So- cialists want and what the workers are fight- ing for, then the great day of liberation of the people from the tyrannical autocracy will not be far distant. Written in the, first half of November, 1900. First published in a pamphlet issued by Iskra, January, 1901, COLONIAL MASSES AND MAY FIRST By R. DOONPING. On May 1 the streets belong to the prole- tariat! For decades before the last imperial- ist war this used to be true practically only in Berlin, Paris, London, New York, Chicago and such other big cities in Europe and America. But since the war and the November Revolu- tion in Russia the situation has radically changed. Amidst the rumbling voices of pro- test ‘and the roaring war cries of revolution in the last fifteen years or so the message of May Day has been carried to the remotest cottages | in the “darkest” corners of the colonies. In the period of the general crisis of capi- talism, of wars, of revolutions and colonial re- | volts, the significance and rallying power of | May 1 has greatly increased with the tremen- | dous growth of the revolutionary movement throughout the world. In this period May 1 is a rallying point, not merely for the work- ing ¢ in the imp list countries, not merely for the proletariat of the whole world, but also for the toiling masses, the city poor and peasantry in the colonial and semi-coloniai countries. Colonial Masses Fight. As the colonial masses fight for emancipa- tion directly under the leadership of the colo- nial proletariat, and indirectly under the in- spiration of the successful Socialist Construc- tion of the Proletariat in the Soviet Union, | they also consider May 1 as their day. On that memorial day in the last few years dem- onstrations were staged with unbounded en- thusiasm in Shanghai, Hankow; Peking, Can- ton, Calcutta, Bombay, Manila, Havana, etc., as well as in the villages in Hunan, Hupei, Kwangtung, Kiangsi and on plantations and* in peaSant huts in other parts of Asia and Africa. The extraordinarily brutal white terrorist measures which the imperialist powers hurl against the revolting masses in the colonies is well known to the world. May 1 in the colonies ‘has become an occasion for the op- pressed masses to review and test their strength. It has also become an occasion upon “| which the imperialists exhibit their talents for |, brutality and degradation. Each year in the last few years not infrequently the imperial ists and native authorities in the colonies greet May 1 with a declaration of martial law, whole- sale arrests and imprisonment or execution of working-class leaders, and attempt to break up demonstrations by firing ‘into the masses, mass arrests and mass executions. But the revolting colonial masses are dauntless as their imperial oppressors are .brutal. Strong op- pression only engenders a stronger protest. The colonial masses have defied law and order of the oppressors and torture and death for themselves on many previous occasions on May Day. They will continue to do so until, steeled in battle, they finally emerge as victor in thr struggle. Boss Terror. But white terror as a customary gift of the capitalist class to the workers on May, 1 is a feature no more limited to the colonies. As the class struggle is becoming increasingly sharp- ened in the imperialist countries, the ruling class draws out its last reserve, the social- fascists, and more and more brutal measures are used against the workers. The workers’ right to the streets on May Day, a right Tully established by more than forty years of prac- tice, have flagrantly been violated. The shoot- ing of workers on the streets of Berlin last * May 1 by the socialist chief of police, Zoer- giebel, is a glaring example of this tendency. In the face of police provocations in connec- tion with May Day and under the shower of the oppressors’ bullets, the workers in the im- prialist countries ar taught by experience to realize how close their fates are to that of the colonial masses. The history of May Day in the last few years has shown that the white terror in the colonies is merely a warning of more white terror in other parts of the world. The Zoergiebel shooting of May Day demon- strators in Berlin was foreshadowed a few years earlier by similar incidents on the streets in Shanghai and Hankow. This fact is a direct challenge to the workers in the imperialist countries to unite with their colonial brothers and sisters in the common fight against im- perialism. Rising Wave of Struggle. The tremendous success of Socialist construc- tion in the Soviet Union, the capitalist war campaign against. the only Workers’ Republic in the world, the deepening crisis and growing unemployment all over the world and the ris- ing revolutionary wave in India and China and colonial revolts and intensified class strug- gles in Indo-China, Cuba, Haiti and many other colonies are giving May Day struggles this year, in the colonies as in other parts of the world, an almost unprecedented signifi- cance. In an atmospheree of a rising wave of struggles almost everywhere May 1, 1930, is the day on which all the workers and toil- ing masses all over the imperialist world and the colonies review and test their strength and rally for more militant struggles, more achieve- ments and more victories. May Day and the International . Labor Defense By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL. “PLOODY” WHALEN, Wall Street’s police commissioner on the home front against the working class, has announced through the yellow press, that there will be extensive raids against militant labor organizations, that for- eign-born workers will be arrested wholesale and held for deportation, and that other meas- ures will be taken ‘to “demoralize” prepara- tions for this year’s celebration of Interna- tional May Day. This new threat of intensifying the ven- geance campaign of the capitalist class paral- lels the desperate resistance of the unstable fascist dictatorships of Europe to the growing ‘radicalization of labor. Struggles Against Imperialist Wars. It is here that the International Labor De- fense enters as a bulwark of resistance to capitalist oppression —the shield of the work~- ing class—although it also stands in the fore- front. of the struggle championing all the de- mands of International May Day. - The I.L.D., as a working class defense or- ganization supports the struggle against the imperialist war, joins in the call to all labor for the defense of the Soviet Union, helps mobilize resistance to growing fascist and so- | cial fascist attacks, and organizes the defense of imprisoned jobless and employed in their joint struggle for “Work or Wages!” | “Bloody” Whalen’s threats are not new. They grow out of capitalism’s fear of militant jabor | in all countries. They are but a part of the | growing terrorism with which the ruling class in all countries seeks to meet the revolutionary 9) upsurge in capitalist, colonial and semi-colonial lands. Whalen and Stege. Whalen has his blood brother in Stege, the superintendent of police in Chicago, who has sent his uniformed gunmen against the head- | quarters, of the Communist Party and other organizations in the Chicago district, making wholesale arrests without warrants, savagely beating ad torturing prisoners in their cells, attacking workers who dared raise the slogans | of “Fight for Social Insurance for all Workers! Organize! Fight Against the Speed-up! De- mand the 7-hour day, 5-day week!” Whalen fears that Stege, of Chicago, where workers were slaughtewed in 1§86 when they militantly raised the demand for the 8-hour day, has out-reached him in plunging his hands into the blood of the working class. Whalen fears that he has not earned the blood feast that Wall Street is preparing for him on May .6th, in glorifying the efficiency of capitalist police oppression in the murder of, the strike picket Steve Katovis, the killing of | the anti-fascist worker, Gino Mazzola, the murderous attacks on the Match Sixth unem- ployed demonstrations and other protest ga- therings of the workers. “Liberties” Forgotten, The, police preparations for May Day cannot be separated from the year-around attacks on the workers. On May Day, however, the capi- talist rulers have a special fear of the mighty solidarity of the working class on its holiday. The police preparations for May Day are characterized by attacks on revolutionary work- ers’ organizations, by reducing to naught the so-called “political liberties,’ freedom of. as- sembly, freedom of speech and press, the right to organize. For demanding and attempting to enjoy these rights the Unemployed Delegation of New York City, William Z. Foster, Robert Minor, Israel Amter, Joseph Lesten and Harry Raymond, is now on Blackwell Island; M. H. | prisoners is a basic demand. Powers and J. C. Carr, organizers of the Com- munist Party and the Young Communist League, are facing death sentences in Georgia; 118 workers are threatened under the sedition laws with 1,105 years imprisonment (some of these are already in prison); hundreds are fac-* ing deportation, others are being framed up and railroaded to chain gangs, jails and prisons on the most ridiculous and far-fetched charges. Sedition laws in 35 states in this country take the place of new oppressive laws being, prepared by other capitalist governments, such as the German “law for safe-guarding the Re- public,” the “Anti-Terror Law” in Austria, the “Anti-Communist Law” in Greece, to men- tion only afew. The so-called “right of asy- lum” has been completely abolished, the United States Government itself becoming the blood- hound of foreign fascist dictatorships (revoca- tion of citizenship and deportation proceedings against the Hungarian worker in Pittsburgh, Tapolscani), running down. victims for foreign oppressors to put before their firing squads. , These are the weapons with which Whalen, Stege and other police chiefs threaten workers on the eve of this International May Day, while on May Day itself the most extensive police mobilizations are planned for capitalist class warfare against the workers. The demand for the release of all class-war It is raised for the seven Gastonia prisoners, now awaiting the decision of the North Carolina State Su- preme Court, as well as for Mooney and Bill- ings; for M. H. Powers and Joe Carr, charged | with insurrection and facing death in the elec- trie chair in Georgia, as well as the Centralia prisoners in Washington; for the Chester and Woodlawn prisoners in Pennsylvania: The Struggle Against Terrorism. Statistics, which are incomplete, gathered by! the world organization of the International La- bor Defense, show that in 73 countries during 1929 there were 94,498 workers murdered, 31,- 984 workers injured in various struggles, thru the bloody capitalist suppression of the upris ings of the workers, demonstrations, meetings and gatherings of various kinds. During the same period there were 81,878 workers arrested; 650 deportations; 56,564 searches made by the police; 1,541 bans on meetings and organizations, while there were 497 prohibitions against the publication of periodicals of various kinds, In 50 countries there were a total of 1,686 political trials resulting in sentences being passed against 8,916 individuals. Of these, 2,- 322 were sentenced to death, 56 to life im- prisonment, while sentences were imposed upon others totalling 12,412 years imprisonment. This international May Dav witnesses *h- | | preparations of outstanding financiers and in- dustrialists for a “testimonial banquet” to “Bloody” Whalen on May 6th because of his “efficiency” in making war on workers in New Yory City. . This bloody feast is nothing less than Wall Street imperialism’s glorification of the legal murder of tens of thousands of workers in scores of lands, the sending of thousands of -workers to endless years of imprisonment, since in many capitalist lands it is the Yankee dollar that dominates governmental policies, especially in colonial and semi-colonial coun- tries. This is most true of Latin American countries, § The International Labor Defense on this year’s May Day raises mightier than ever the demand for increasing resistance to the grow- ing terrorism of Yankee imperialism in all lands. No death sentences! No prison sen- tences! Release the class war prisonersl