The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 26, 1930, Page 6

Saeed wg 3 Published by the Comp Square. New York City, Address and mail all chi Page Six ‘A WORKINGCLASS POLICY IN ‘odal? o the Daily Worker TT rn 28 Union WORK.” Publishing Co., Inc. at 26 Y. Telephone Stuyv " “Ds THE COOPERATIVES The ‘struggle for a working class policy in the co-operative movement, now going on among the Finnish workers, deals with such fundamental problems of the entire work class, and with such an important section of the revolutionary workers’ movement in the United States, that it becomes a document of vital interest to the entire movement. ‘ Daily Worker has just received the author- ized English translation, and hastens to p’ ub- lish it for the benefit of all revolutionary workers, as wellas for the Fi In movement, which already has received it in the Finnish. (Continued) The present leadership of the C. P. U.S. has correctly and vigorously fought. agai the Lovestone renegades and has shown also by its activities that it is carrying out the policies adopted by the Tenth Plenum of the E..C. C. lL. The Finnish Bureau, connected with the C. C. and headed by Comrade Puro, has alree begun to orientate the activities of the Finnish Workers’ clubs and societies in the proper direction. In the s ruggle against the Right deviations among the Finnish mem- bers the Political Bureau of the Party, the Secretariat of the C. C. and the Finnish Bu- reau have in general followed an absolutely correct line, but have made some tactical er- yors which must be corrected in the future. One must agree that the task of the Cen- tral Committee and of Comrade Puro in this struggle against the Right Danger among the Finns has been rendered difficult by the con- sequences of the protracted factional struggles and distrust which have not yet been fully overcome. t In many instances when the Fin- nish Bureau should have taken the initiative starting a timely ideological struggle in Finnish organizations against the Right Dan- ger, no such initiative was shown. This lack of initiative can be simply explained by the fact that the Finnish Bureau believed that the former factional opponents would fnterpret any initiative on its part as a continuation of the old factional struggle. It did not want to “aggravate” matt ; action “for a more suitable occasion.” This tactic was wrong. In order to over- come most quickly: the old factional remnants in the ranks of the Finnish organization all leading comrades should thoroughly criticise jn the organization their former factional posi- tion. It is not in vain that jt was proposed in the Open Letter of the Comintern (in solving the Lovestone s) that the Party. should and therefore postponed | | that he is not only a good opportunist, but also organize a “Wide discussion on questions con- | cerning the internal situation.” This has not been done to a sufficient degree at least among | the Finns and therefore it is not so easy for the members of the former factions to over- come their distrust against the leading com- rades, who have shown a sincere and deter- mined departure from factionalism. Naturally, there was even more reason for the Finnish Bureau of the Central Committee to demon- strate openly its departure from the old course by drawing in prominent comrades who had belonged to the one or the other faction for various Party work, since a great change has taken place in the tactics of the Party Execu- tive since the days of Lovestone so that now personal questions are settled impartially, al- ways bearing chiefly jn mind the interests of the Party. The Party Executive also has good reason to say that both in the mass organiza- tions, as well as in the Party, a course has been taken of persuading members instead of using the old factional system when all forms ‘of internal democracy were ignored, and when instead of calling Party fraction meetings for example, they called caucuses of “yeliables,” etc. ‘Taking this into consideration it is clear that a number. of tactical slips were made in the methods used last autumn in the struggle against Halonen. One fine morning it was decided by the Secretariat of the Central Com- mittee without much ado to order Halonen’s dismissal from the Central’ Cooperative. The a perfect scoundrel. But that the Party Com- mission committed a folly was soon borne out by the results of a meeting of the Superior Party organizations at which no more nor less than five comrades voted in favor of the Party. But soon after that the District Control Commission of the Party began to work with great vigor in Superior, and has by now ex- pelled a great part, if not a majority, of the former members. It is obvious that all such sudden wholesale expulsions cannot be consid- ered final, not at least until each individual case is separately looked into and examined once more. The Political Secretariat resolves that such an investigation shall be carried out immediately. The cases of all such members who have erred and therefore excluded from the Party, and who sincerely wish to follow the line of the Comintern and the Party will be submitted to a new thoroughly impartial examination to be effected together with the Central Control Commission. The striving to rid the Party as quic as possible of jncor- ible right wingers quite all right. But en when it’s a question of incorrigibles, it is necessary to isolate them from the member- ship. Otherwjse too many members might too easily be expelled from the Communist Party of U.S. A. Comrade Matti Tenhunen, who together with’ Comrade Puro has been invited to explain to the Polit-Secretariat these conflicts, is one of the few leaders of the workers’ cooperative movement in the United States who have re- mained true to the Communist Party. On ques- tions of the cooperative movement he has fallen into several right errors (overestimation of the significance of the cooperatives under capitalism), and has not recognized with suf- ficient clearness the difference between the second and third period of post-war capitalism. The last mentioned mistaken view of Comrade Tenhunen is doubtless closely allied with the fact that—although he took a sincere stand against the most dangerous forms of the Pep- per theory of “American exceptionalism” has has not yet completely uprooted this wrong and dangerous view within himself—a view which, as shown in the last Open Letter of the Comintern, served as a starting point for the former minority faction (to which Comrade Tenhunen also belonged). But as for his mis- takes in regard to the cooperative question, it must be taken jnto consideration that both the leadership of the American Communist Party, as well as the organs of the Comintern, have in the past issued instructions on these questions which are unclear and very defective. Comrade Tenhunen’s big mistake was that he was passive in the struggle between Halo- nen and the Party instead of energetically and unhesitatingly fighting for the Party and against Halonen, which can be regarded in no other way but conciliation. Comrade Tenhunen was right when he demanded of the Party Executive first of all ideological preparation in the question of Halonen’s expulsion, but Comrade Tenhunen himself did not prepare for thjs in the press with the clarity required by the political situation. It is true that in deal- ing with the question in the fraction of the Cenral Cooperative, he voted for the demand of the Central Committee Secretariat, but he spoke against it! Comrade Tenhunen has con- sequently reasons for learning, much more thoroughly than he has'so far, to differentiate between the matters of primary and secondary importance of politics. This time the struggle against the right danger is of primary impor- tance, not only the right danger in general, but its present concrete, Halonenist form. Com- rade Tenhunen has come out against other forms of the right danger, but he has not called for a fight against the Halonen right wingers. He has not done all he could to defend the authority of the Party Executive and thus of the whole Party. This is due to his mistrust | of the activity of Comrade Puro and the Fin- Secretariat hardly imagined then the right | wing revolt that would follow. Until then Halo- nen was considered one of the major represen- tatives of the Party, the secretary of the frac- tion of the cooperative movement, without any official criticism or remarks ever having been made about his work. Even in the same year | he was elected without any objections to the Ninth District Committee of the Party. It was clear that an organizational decision such as the demand to dismiss Halonen should have been ideologicaliy prepared first in the Party and in the cooperative movement. And this should have been done well before organiza- tional measures were called for. But instead of this, Halonen was given an additional “trump” with the possession of which he could argue, by misinterpreting the letter he re- ceived from some of the leaders, that the | Secretariat’s decision about his expulsion fol- nish Bureau, which he regarded a continuation of old factional activity. But there is no more reason for this mistrust. Factionalism is dead and buried, old sins must not be recalled by eithe: side, and no one must allow mistrust to interfere with the strengthening of the entire Communist front. Comrade Tenhunen, who, as well as Comrade Puro, adheres unconditionally and unreservedly to the standpoint set forth in our letter, assures us that he is ready to work actively for carrying out this correct view un- der the leadership of the Central Committee and its organs. Since this is the case, no one in the leading organs of the Party must har- bor unfounded mistrust of the activity of Com- rade Tenhunen, in the sense of implying that | he wants to undermine the leadership of the lowed his disagreement that the Central Co- | operative should make a loan to the Party. With this demagogical argument he first of all | won a majority of the fraction of the Central Cooperative for an open revolt agajnst the Party leadership, as it is obvious that for this petty-bourgeois crowd the idea of lending money to the Communist Party must have been something terrible. The Commission sent by the Secretariat of | the Party could not concentrate its attention | on the political site of the Halonen case. On the contrary, it considered the main issue in the struggle to be the absolutely unimportant auestion as to whether the managing board of the Central Cooperaive Exchange should pub- | lish two days sooner or later Halonen’s first | polemical article against our Communist paper, | which was later distributed at large. When ! the article was set for the “Pyramid Builder,” | the Central Cooperative organ, published in dur Party printing shop, the commission decided to confiscate the edition. This was followed by a regular moving picture show: First, Halonen | got some of the copies out of the printing shop; second, the Party commission and the district secretary burned all other copies; third, the janitor of the printing shop, who sided with Halonen, heat up the Party secretary in the dark with a stick, Both sides soon there- | after put up guards around their homes, which under the circumstances in the case of the Tyomies may have become very necessary for the protection of the house of the Tyomies. It | is quite. clear that the rsult could only be a Jot of noise, but little good. A. few days after Halonen began to issue a weekly journal of the Central Cooperative for the sole purpose of slandering the Party. He proved thereby ye Party. The Party Executive must from now on de- vote closer and more regular attention and care to the development of the Finnish mem- bers and organizations in general and. especi- ally to the leadership of District 9. The fact that the Minnesota District has in the past year been for months without a district or- ganizer could not but partly be the cause of ufficient struggle against Halonen’s devia- jon. The proposition should be considered whether a sub-<djstrict bureau should not be set up in Duluth under the leadership of a sub- district organizer who knows the Finnish lan- guage. Special care should be taken ‘with re- gard to the editing and the circulation of the central organ of the Finnish workers, the Tyomies, and the new publication, Viesti. The Tyomies will be able to fulfil its important mission in the proletarian class struggle only as a Communist mass paper. The Party on no account deprives non-Party workers possessing stocks of the Tyomies, of the right to decide jn regard to affairs of the paper, or the Tyo- mies Association. The Finnish workers of the Central States must definitely guard their paper so that it may never fall into the hands of the opportunists. Finnish Party comrades of the United States! | The distant and semi-federational connec- tions of your organjzation with the Communist Party of America resulted in the fact that not all Finnish Party comrades even today regard the Communist Party of America as “their own Party” in the full sense of the term, that they do not consider this Party above all other organizations and recognize its leading role. Apart from that survivals of old social-dem- ocratie and syndicalist traditions still weaken the sense of Party discipline. The right wing- ers who want to drive a wedge between the Party membership and the leadership as well as between the non-Party mass organizations and the Party take advantage of this situation. They want to liquidate both the leading role 3 “ NY. Central Orean of the Baily SRE Worker’ : Commui —— SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of * HON Fae Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One year $8; six months $4.50 of the U.S. A. SOCK! By P. FRANKFELD Rese coal is making a large group of | anthracite operators and their agents quite hot. In fact it is burning them up. Russian coal is replacing the aged myth of “Moscow gold,” and the black prostitute press of the | anthracite is howling and barking its loudest | against this “new menace.” This crusade against the Soviet Union fol- lows immediately upon and is closely.related to the whole recent outbreak of capitalist fury against the USSR. It is a continuation of the policy of conscious lies, provocations, and preparation for war against the workers’ Fath- erland. This fact can most readily be realized by the simple understanding that Welsh coal has been and is being imported in far greater quantities than Russian coal. About five weeks ago, Secretary of Labor Davis, brought out the fact that Soviet Russia had exported about 125,000 gross tons of an- thracite to the USA, and that New England mill owners had placed orders totaling 250,000 tons of Russian anthracite. He stated that this coal was being sold for $1.00 ton less than the American product. Davis himself initiated the campaign to exclude Russian coal by demand- ing that some revisions be made in the pres- ent tariff bill, or that Hoover declare an em- bargo against it. A Damn Lie Statements were made that Russian miners receive seventeen cents a day for their work, In fact this most damnable lie is used by all newspapers, by the UMWA fascist officials, by the coal companies, and by the Dep’t of Labor in order to antagonize the American miner against the Soviet Union. “Russia pays its miners seventeen cents a day, do you want the same wages for yourselves” is a popular question thrown at all hard-coal miners. The capitalist press goes even further in referring of the Party as well as Party discjpline and thus to destroy the foundation of the whole Communist Party. All attempts of the Halon- enists of this sort must be repelled by united effort. Conciliation or hesitation in the strug- gle against the Halonenists are not any longer mistakes but a crime. The Polit-Secretarjat knows that the present letter, with which the representative. of the Communist Party of the United States is en- | tirely in accord, will cause absolutely no dif- | ference between the Executive of the Commu- nist Party of America and the leading bodies of the Communist International; that on the contrary, it is but a continuation and confir- mation of the course taken by the Central Com- mittee of the Party. Hoping that the Party Executive will keep the leading organs of the Comintern more informed than hitherto, con- cerning the work of the Finnjsh comrades in ' the United States, the Political Secretariat calls upon all members to work with full con- fidence in the leadership of the present Cen- tral Committee of the Party and its Finnish Bureau, The Party leadership on its part must exert all its efforts that the Finnish organizations and comrades (especially the Young Commu- nists) will take the most active part in the | general Party activities and thus fully merge | with the Party organism. You Finnish Party comrades, on the other hand, all without excep- | tion, should in a real Bolshevik manner defend the authority of the Party and its leadership. All of you must understand that a Party under whose leadership the working class will have to overthrow in fierce combat the class domin- ation of the bourgeoisie can never develop if members will simply carry out its decisions nout enthusjastically fighting on their be- ‘nalf. With Communist greetings, POLITICAL SECRETARIAT, E.C.C1, | 8 By FRED ELLIS The War on Russian Coal | to the Russian mjners as “serf labor” (Scran- ton Times, April 14th) and “convict labor.” These slanders are reprinted with relish by the: press of the reactionary UMWA, which does not want to play second fiddle in this anti- Soviet Union drive. But in spite of themselves, the truth some- times slips thru the columns of the operators’ press. For instance, in one of the almost daily dispatches from the anti-Soviet Coal War Front, we read the following in the Scranton Sun (Apri! 10th): “according to the Soviet representatives, Russian miners are paid at the rate of $32.55 a month, Mr. Paul states. The Carbondale banker declares that the gest | part of this is deducted for taxes, etc., so that the actual money received is insignificant." So when the facts appear, a president of a bank in Carbondale (Mr. Paul) makes his own deductions and leaves the Russian miner with an “insignificant” sum. Of course, the actual conditions of the Rus- sian miners will never be made known to the American miners, in contrast to those of their American brothers. Conditions of Russian Miners 1) 6 hour day and 5 day week. 2) 1 mofhths vacation with pay. 3) Unemployment and other insurance. 4) Wages highest in history and rising 12 to 15 per cent each year, 5) Wages, conditions becoming bettered. 6) Small rents, free passes for best theatres. 7) Powerful, industrial Union that controls and determines working conditions. Conditions of American Miners 1) 8 (and more) hours a day, 6 days a week. 2) 3-4 months “vacation”’—without pay. 3) No unemployment insurance or other in- surance of any kind. 4) Anything the operators consent to pay them. 5) Wages becoming smaller, and worsening conditions. 6) Large rent, all kinds of taxes, lots of accidents, etc, 7) A fascist-official controlled UMWA that betrays and sells out miners daily in the anthracite, There are of course, other issues raised in in this campaign against Russian coal. Rus- sian coal is being blamed for the growing un- employment in the anthracite. This is nothing less than sheer incitement against the Soviet Union; and is intended to create blind hatrea and fury against the “Russian enemy.” Like the stories of the Germans making sausages out of little Belgian children. The Five Year Plan The fact that Russian coal now plays such an important role is no isolated event. It is bound up with a whole series of important problems and developments. 1) The question of the 5-Year Pian and the rapid growth of the production of coal under the 5-Year Plan. The following figures will show this growth. In Gross Tons* 1918 1922 1927 28,900,000 11,000,000** 35,400,000 1928 1929 1982 40,600,000 51,600,000 75,000,000** “Figures oltained from “What is the 5-Year Plan, issued by the Workers Library Publishers. ** 1922 was the period of the civil war. *** Figure for 1932 will undoubtedly be far exceeded, 2) The relation that the growth of produc- tion of Russian Coal has to the steadily cur- tailed production of American anthracite. For | instance in the Scranton Sun of March 11th we read in an editorial entitled “Another Russian Menace”: “If this gmount of 250,000 ton altho only » small part of the anthracite re- quirements for this region (New England) is sent in now; a much larger quantity may fol-. PIONEERS MARCH FORWARD By MARTHA STO: IN the intensive preparations for May Ist, the Party must not fail to mobilize all sections of the working class. There is quite often a tendency on the part of some comrades to conside youth and children’s work as a scc- dary problem. However, in order to really become effective and mobilize the masses of workers for May Ist, it is necessary for every single department in the Party to properly mobilize its workers for the struggle. “Out of School May First.” In preparing the Young’ Pioneers for May 1st, the League has had to buck up against many right wing tendencies among comrades sympathizers. In raising the slogan “Out of school on May Day” there has been some re- sistance amongst workers and even Party members. The Pioneer movement has reached a stage that without a complete understanding of its tasks and support of its campaign it will be hampered considerably in its growth. Today, we can record many struggles in which the Pioneers have participated, many struggles for the betterment of school condi- tions, etc. But as yet we are basically isolated from the masses of workers’ children. On the one hand, we have but a handful of Pioneers, and on the other we have the strong bourgeois organizations of the workers’ children. Such organizations as the settlement houses, Boy Scouts, ete., have thousands of children in their ranks. A sign that the Pioneer movement is breaking down its isolation will be when we can record in our organization, large numbers of children and child laborers, working as boot- blacks, newspaper boys, etc., children recruited from the mass organizations such as the Boy Scouts, ete., have thousands of children in its etc. The Pioneers today come mainly from parents who are sympathizers, Party members, or are recruited from the Non-Partisan Schools. Win Proletarian Children This has been the main shortcoming in the work of the Pioneers. While it is correct to recruit from the*language schools etc, it is a weakness in our work when these schools become the main source of our recruiting in- stead of increasing our numbers with. prolet- tarian children, from the East side, children of the unemployed, etc. Today when our move- ment is going thru a real test in the heat of the struggle we are suffering considerably because of our isolation and composition of our membership. The fact that there are many children within our ranks who come from petty- bourgeois homes, and in this time of struggle, the petty bourgeois elements want to run away from the struggle, drawing the children away as well. It shows itself clearly in op- posing our slogan of “Out of School on May Day” in wanting to keep the children away from a demonstration because it will mean a clash with the police, in opposing mass work in the schools because it will result in perse- cutions, demotion etc., in instructing Pioneers when they get arested to deny that they are Pioneers, ete. The above manifestations of the right danger are seen amongst our own Party comrades, especially is this true of many of the Party teachers in the language schools. (Non,Par tisan etc.). Free Harry Eisman. The central campaign for the Pioneer move- ment today is the freedom of Harry Eisman as part of the May Day agitation. This slogan must be raised everywhere, wherever there are workers, and the workers’ children. The Party must intensify its work in demanding the release of Comrade Eisman. This is not merely an attack on a leading Pioner, but an attempt to crush the Young Pioneer organiza- tion. The fight for the release of comrade Eisman, must be linked up closely with the fight for the right of workers’ children to be- long to the Young Pioners and to participate in the struggles of the workers. To carry out this struggle, the Pioneer _—_—— -low later” (our emphasis). Further on: “Penn. anthracite has had enough trouble in the last few years thru difficulties which have arisen from many causes in our producing and con- suming territory, it should not be called upon to endure an additional menace trom a foreign source and certainly not from Russia” (our emphasis). It is very clearly put. The heart of the issue against Russian coal is the strug- gle to preserve the home markets for the home exploiters. It is a struggle to maintain the present precarious position of the anthracite industry in America. thracite can be seen hy the fact that for tne month of March 1930, there was a drop of 1,277,767 tons as compared with February 1930 \ and a drop of 197,751 tons as compared with March of last year. (figures taken from the Anthracite Bureau of Information, dated April 11th). This means a great drop in employ; ment, and a great drop in the wages of the workers, 4) The move to ban Russian coal is not meet- ing with an unanimous response in all sections of the bourgeoisie. Lamont, for one, is oppos- ing the embargo on the ground that $100,000, 000 worth of machinery, ete. that Russia im- ports from America is a bit more than the 250,000 tons of anthracite that she exports tu America. It seems possible, that this group of the u. S. Bourgeoisie, representing the biggest Wall Street interests, will win out in Congress. ' Prepare Wage Cut 5) The coal operators are nevertheless very clevery using this Russian Coal issue to pre- pare the anthracite miners for a wege reduc- tions. Just as the Illinois operators in 1927 used the issue of “Kentucky coal,” saying thav it was being mined for one-third less than Ih. coal to prepare for a wage reduction in 192%; so the anthracite operators are using this smoke screen to prepare to slash the wages ot the hard-coal miners at the time of the expir- ation of the anthracite agreement in Septem- ber 1930. i Allin all this campaign against Russian coal is in reality a campaign against the USSR, except that it is a transation into economic, material terms in order to incite hatred against | the Soviet Union. And it is up to the ecmmu- nists and the NMU to expose the purposes of this campaign, bring the facts to the hard-coal | miners, send a delegate or two to the RILU Fifth Congress who will make a special study of conditions of the Russian miners, bring back a report. It is up to the Communists to rally the miners in the defense of the USSR. 3) The present deep depression in the an- | TO MAY 1st SCHOOL STRIKES movement needs the utmost support of the | workers and especially of the Communist Party. The task before the Party today is to lead in the organization of Parents’ Councils in every specific school. These parent councils must help the Pioneers in the school in carrying out their tasks, campaigns. Immediately the problem arises of organizing the parents to resist the persecutions, that will no doubt fol- | low after May Ist. i | Overcome Right Deviations Secondly, a vigorous campaign against any right wing attitude towards the Pioneers. Sup- port of their May Day slogan and helping them j‘carry out a militant policy in the public schools. Too many Party Comrades refused to permit their children to stay out of school last year on May Ist. This must not be re- peated again. The Party line must be carried out wholeheartedly by every Party comrade. We are in the midst of big struggles. The Pioneer movement must be given much more | support now, than ever before. The masses | of workers’ children are yet under the influ- ! ence of the ious bow vis organizations, the masses of child laborers, children of the un- employed, etc., are looking today for working class children’s organization. The crisis in America affects the working class home, and the working class child. Our main job is of making inroads into the proletarian children in New York City. This can only be done with thé wholehearted support of the Party and the League, and a relentless struggle against any right wi and social democratic conception of Pioneer work. Mr. Gitlow Complains Mr. Benjamin .Gitlow, one of Policeman Whalen’s jatest assistants, complains against the Daily Worker because it reported on April 14th that “he unites with these same enemies of the workers (Muste group of the S. P.) to prevent the National Miners Union securing a loan from the Garland Fund for the organiz- ing campaign.” To refute this, Gitlow pro- duces a letter from Roger Baldwin. Unfortu- nately for Gitlow, Baldwin’s disclosures are even more damning than ours, revealing Git- low as attempting to use the Garland Fund as an instrument to deliver over the Nationa Miners Union to the Farrington-Peabody Coal Company outfit. Baldwin’s letter to Gitlow, revealing this fact, says: “At the meeting of the Fund Board on March 26th, a report from the sub-committee was considered involving propsed loans to the new Mine Workers Union formed at the Springfield Convention and to the National Miners Union. The minutes show that you propsed an amendment to the report, author- izing th ecommitte to consider the situation again and to bring in a report for uniting and aiding all the progressive forces in the miners’ movement, The yotes which were taken record you as voting for your proposal and not for the loan to the “progressive” union nor against an appropriation to the National Miners Union.” Instead of voting “against” the loan to the N. M. U., Gitlow merely put up his own motion to liquidate the N. M. U. into the Farrington outfit, with a promise of some liberal money as a reward for accepting the treachery. The Daily Worker is glad to $correct” its previous report, which did not sufficiently expose the | depths of treachery of Gitlow. ‘Swedish Concession Complete: Factory In Yaroslav a powerful electro-mechanical factory has been completed by a Swedish con- cession. The president of the Concessions Committee of the R. S. F. S. R., Comrade Skobiliev, in a press review concerning this concession, said the following: “The completed electro-machine factory of | the Swedish concession is the last word in | technique. The concessionnaire invested about | fourteen million roubles in the enterprise. It is to be observed that the establishment has been equipped much more quickly than was stipulated in the agreement. This is a splen= djd answer to the attacks of the anti-Sovict press, endeavoring to prove the impossibility of concession work on the part of foreign capital in the Soviet Union. The A. C. E. A. undertaking is a slear and actual confirmation ; of the fact that a good concession with a | sound financial base has all the chances for | normal work here.” In accordance with articles stipulated in the agreement, the firm is ‘building a club, a din- ing room and other buildings essential for the workers. The factory works seven hours a day. Uninterrupted Working Week Introduced in Soviet Farms The Central Committee of the Agricultural | Workers Union of the U.S.S.R. has confirmed the regulation concerning the introduction of the uninterrupted working week on government farms. In some farms the workers will work five days and have the sixth day off and in others four days and the fifth day off. Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! | Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. ' I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. Name cecccoccscsescccune Address Occupation ..+seerveee woes Age. Mail this to the Central Office, Communist | Party, 43 East 128th St. New York, N. ¥. 4