The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 17, 1930, Page 4

@ Riuare New York” nee Bhs feet ge can # hi wie aily Reo lorker Fy mail everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of oe te Aadrece and mall a y Worker. 26 s Yurs SY sy Machisttan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One year $8; six months $4.50 Address and mail a y Works New York 3 Central Organ of the Communist Party ef the U.S, A. “LEGGO--!? saree THE END OF A CONFERENCE And the Beginning of War | wy Frets THE, RISING REVOLT IN CUBA | Some Tasks for U. S. Workers By LEON PLATT. RECENT and Seeretary of statement Nayal rivalry between the United Great Britain is definitely at chief of the Labor Governme jubilant over the great succe power “agreement” wh date international “peace. though seeing the failure of the ference, hails the three-power ag contribution of permanent world workers, however, m k themselve concretely were the resul the London cor ference? Why wa power agreement? Hoover and MacDonald to ha costs? The statemen United States and an end” is nonsense. America and Great FE ished so long as the antagonisms between t perialist pow In our every world the imper States and England conf! It is necessary to point out on more intensified betw lard Oil, the strug- The ¢ economic in every cc t interests of + with each other. e recen pp’ gle between Bri g > control interests, the renewed of the Latin American factors combined make olition of the na United States and E trary it sharpens and ir The treaty itself shows the antagonisms between these two imperialist giants. Why a Three Power Agreement? The foreign policies of the Labor Govern- ment were characterized by the capitalist class as a “success.” The role of Snowden at the Hague conference, Henderson’s treaty with Egypt, the reorganization of the commere representatives of the British empire in for- eign countries actually won the admiration of British imperialism for the foreign policies of the Labor government. Particularly approved were the policies of MacDonald in Palestine and in India, where workers and peasants are being slaughtered for fighting against the op- pression of British imperialism. Another trump card. in the hands of the labor government is its pacifist illusions spread among the masses, concerning “peace” and “disarmament.” However, the difference between the imper- ialist powers were so great that no five-power agreement, no real reduction of armaments was possible of achievement. The London confer- ence, therefore, proved to be a failure. The workers began to learn that disarmament and peace is impossible under capitalism. They also began to see the feverish war prepara- tions and the inevitability of war against the Soviet Union and between the imperialist pow- ers themselves. To counteract this, to save the prestige of MacDonald and the British Labor Party, to have some issue and achievement to the credit of the Labor Government, on the basis of which it could again appeal for support to the British workers—in short, to save its own face the British Labor Government, with the help of the other imperialists, patched up a three-pow- er agreement. Campaign Issues. The same is also true about the Hoover ad- ministration. The Congressional and Senator- ial elections are approaching. The bursting of the bubble of American prosperity, the serious industrial and agricultural crisis, growing un- employment, greatly impaired the prestige of the Hoover administration and the Republican Party as a whole. In the coming elections the Hoover administration has no issues on which it could come to the American ma It too wants to use the fake ‘disarmament” of the London conference as an achievement of the Hoover administration. The three-power agree- ment was, therefore, in the words of Chairman Brittn of the House Naval Committee, an act “to save the faces of the members of American delegation.” Disarmament a la MacDonald and Hoover. The Labor Government and the Hoover ad- ministration boast of the great savings of the London Conference and the limitations of naval armaments. Upon a close examination of the facts one can easily convince oneself of the tricks and hypocricy of Hoover and MacDon- old. We read, for example, that the United States and Great Britain will scrap a number of battleships. It is of interest to know that the battleships to be scrapped were already scrapped, regardless of any conference, be- cause of their age limit. The same applies to cruisers. The 89,000 tons of cruisers which Stimson was ready to sacrifice at the London Conference are today obsolete. The 179,000 tons of destroyers long ago had been put on the disposal list by the American navy. They were hastily constructed in the last world war to meet the attack of German submarines, and @en prior to the conference were put on the inactive list. This also applies to 16,000 tons of submarines. Disregarding any conference, the American navy had nearly 300,000 tons of naval cvaft which was absolutely out of com- mission and could not be used for any effective warfare. As one of the bourgeois correspond- ents expressed himself in his report on the London conference: “The London conference merely recorded the $$ Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U.S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. Name . Occupation ......ccccccessscsrsss ABCs ceeee Mail this to the Central Office. Communist Party, 43 East 12ith St.. New York, N. Y, | “An. ex-capitalist’s soldi vities had al- reached. he tonnage which the United to dispose of would have ap heap, conference or the mere operation of the age limit. tleship proved If to be a very ineffective weapon. The “redue- ” was not disarmament, but an expediency anded by the preparations for the coming The Naval Appropriation Committee of the United States Congress had to admit ates is me to the nee, by “With the advent of aircraft and sub-sea- nosition of the b ship is questioned. Its supremacy has been challenged. Naval critics whose dgment cannot be blown down the nd are not slow to say that in event of a@ war of tude leships would be anchored in safest harbors pending eventu- In the place of the obsolete craft which the od States Government was ready to “sdc- sts of disarmament and tes will uphold this peace nd better perfected navy. will now build 135,000 r 78,000,000; 160,- of 10,000 tons displacement 70,000 tons of light erui 0,000 tons of submarines 9,000 tons of aircraft, $131,000,- $1,028,000,000 to «be avy within the next ult of the London confere- tons 000 tons of cruiser each, $288,000,000 000,000; 000, a total of Feverish War Preparations. ere interesting also to mark the fact the feverish war preparations on the part of American imperialism, the United will have to build 25,000 tons of cruisers the 15-eruiser program recently adopted by Congress. A proporti expenditure 1 increase in tonnage and in ill also take place in Japan and Another important fact is that yet the limit. The s what is known as m.” This gives England the ise its naval am based on ed naval program o ance or any Surapean powe Great Britain tradi- maintained for herself the right of power standard, namely, the navy of nd to be equal to the combined navies and Italy. We know, as was clear don Conference, that France will increase its naval program. In turn this will call for an increase—in addition to the present gigantic naval program—as stated in the three power treaty of 35,000 tons of cruisers and 50,000 tons of destroyers. Naturally, for the United States to maintain “parity” with England will mean building equal additional tons of erui: and destroyers. This in cold figures will be the result of the London three-power agreement which the capi- talist class does not want to disclose and speak about to the workers, As far as Great Britain is concerned, we know that pre under the Labor Govern- ng platfc prog y shown at the Lon- ment, a gigantic war program is benig carried | out covered by pacifist illusions and promises of “peace.” Frank H. Simmons, correspondent of the New York Evening Post (Republican), point- ed out that Surope what ha happened is that a conference called in the name of peace and reduction has produced chaos without reduction and a socialist government has proved, if not more royalist than the king, at least as little ready to champion real disarmament as the die-hards themselves.” Prelude To War. The London Conference is a prelude of the inevitable imperialist war. It must glaringly expose the contradictions between the imperial- ist powers. It definitely shows how in a period of peace the expenditur vari imperialist powers is greater even in the days of war. That the London Conference did not bring any peace is defin- itely being recognized by the capitalist press which admitted that: “The Londm Conference is going to result in the adjustment of the fleets of the great sea powers, in accordance with the necessities of the next war.” | These are the cold facts about the London | conference and its results, whic. every worker must remembe~ and from them draw the prop- er conclusions, us Comments of Our Readers A of the Unemployed Delegation by the Tam- many boss courts sends us a letter, addressed to Robert Minor, saying: “T have the honor to express to you my con- gratulations, and am proud that there is one more man in this hot house of iniquity w: sufficient manhood to prefer death or impris- onment than to sit in silence and take insults from those murderous snakes.” Victory, Dyer, a worker, writes us: “On March 6th, I was myself knocked down, beaten about the head until my skull was nearly frac- tured, and kicked in the eye by Whalen’s thugs. Later, to add insult to injury, I was found guilty of ‘disorderly conduct’ by a Tammany court.” Dyer informs us of the interesting fact that “Gangster and Racketeer Stories” which published an article entitled “The Po- lice Can Do No Wrong?” exposing police at- tacks on workers in an attempt to hide their gangster and underworld connections, was sup- pressed, “Workers are fortunate,” writes Dyer, “in having one daily which is not easily intimi- | dated. Only by reading the Daily Worker can a true knowledge of what is going on in the world be gained.” From a Rebel Guardsman. “Having been in two armies of capitalist countries,” writes a soldier to the Daily Work- er, “then as a seaman, and then in the I.W.W., I now find myself rapidly swinging toward the Communist Party: I have attended meet- ings, demonstrations, distributed thousands of leaflets. Lately I joined the Marine Workers League. And now I am transferring to the Painters Industrial Union. The militancy of the Communist Party of late is so great and encouraging . .. Yours for the coming rev- olution of the proletariat r—-now still an American soldier, but in the Red Army,” | swer” of “revolution”; it is the development | of the class struggle, which in the course of for navies of the | worker after reading of the railroading | | the March 6th events, THE PRE-CONVENTION DISCUSSION = Report on the Theses, Delivered to Plenum of Central Committee by Comrade Browder, April 3rd, 1930. V. STRUGGLE AGAINST WAR DANGER. Our leading, fundamental Communist slo- gans in the struggle against imperialist war are: “Defend the Soviet Union,” “Transform imperialist war into il War,” and “Defeat of ‘Our Own’ Bourgeoisie.” These are the elementary slogans in the struggle against war. We have seen at different times a ten- dency to give these slogans a not exactly cor- rect form—seen in the changing of the slo- gan: “Transformation of the imperialist war into civil war,” into “Answer the*imperiali: war by civil war,” or “Answer'the imperialist war by proletarian revolution.” This is wrong, | and we must emphasize the fact that the strug- gle against war is not an answer that we give by some one act; it is a process of the de- velopment of the class struggle, in the course of which we transform the imperialist war into the civil war. It is a whole course of struggle beginning now. It is not the “an- development transforms imperialist war into civil war, t the idea that nt stages of de- Then we must fight agains! these slogans re ont diffe velopment of struggle a don't. They are slogans which go togethe We don’t begin with the slogan of defeatir our own government and then develop thi | slogan into the slogan of transforming imper- ialist war into civil war. The slogan of de- feating our own government goes hand in hand with the slogan of transformation of the imperialist war into civil war. VI. FASCISM AND THE A. F. OF L, We will say a few words about fascist de- velopment in the United States. In the first draft of the thesis that we sent out we have continued the mistake we have been making for sometime, in classing the A. F. of L. and Muste group together under the description of “social fascist.” It is quite clear, and we ourselves have recognized it in all our propa- ganda, that the A. F. of L. is plainly fascist. It camouflages itself not at hoe the phrases of social fascism. We muff make the distinction between the openly faScist A. F. of L. and the social fascist Muste Group. In our propaganda work of the future we must develop this difference more at length. In the past we have somewhat neglected to analyze the role played ,in fascist development by prohibition in the United States. This of course is not a specific class factor or social factor in the development of fascism. It is one of the forms and instruments seized upon by the bourgeoisie in the mobilization of their fascist forces, That has already been men- tioned in the thes I don’t want to enlarge upon or emphasize it too much, and especially | I hope that we will not have further develop- | ment of some tendencies which we have seen, for example, in the Dakota district, which put out a big leaflet on prohibition under the name | of the Communist Party in which the leading slogan is “Abolish the Volstead Act” (laugh- ter). I don’t think that our struggle against fascism is going to be promoted by the Com- munist Party trying to take the leadership of the prohibition repeal movement. VII. LESSONS OF MARCH 6TH. The point which has marked the entrance of our Party and the working class into the new period signalized by the economic crisis, was March 6th. The Political Bureait has pub-. | lished a detailed analysis and appreciation of | We must understand the full deep political significance of March Gth for our Party. March 6th was the turning point in the development of our Party into a mass Communist Party. It was the sign and evidence that we have made this turn, that our Party has seized upon the strategic link in the development of the class struggle in the United States, the link which connects us with the whole development of events. We have connected ourselves up with the masses of the United States. We have put ourselves at the head of the mass development. We have given leadership to it. We have given organization to it, The political significance of this event cannot be over-estimated, While we are em- phasizing this, at the same moment we must emphasize the organizational weaknesses of the Party in making this turn. Politically we have made the turn, organizationally we have not made it yet, or at least we have just made the first steps organizationally. The first sten organizationally in this turn to mass work was the Party recruiting drive which is directly connected up with our success on March 6th. Of course, the recruiting drive and the whole course of development would have been im- possible except for the struggle which has been carried through by the C. I. to get our Party off the factional path, to eliminate the theories of American exceptionalism and the whole opportunist line of our Party under the Lovestone leadership. The correction of the political line of the Party was the first condi- tion. The second condition was the practical turn to mass activities, expressed by the re- cruiting drive, and third, the beginning of mass activity, just the beginnings, of the sectarian path pursued in the past. Finally the March 6th demonstrations put the seal on this turn. But March 6th also demonstrated our organizational shortcomings, the lagging behind of our Party organizationally behind the political developments, our own political development as a Party, and especially behind the political developments of the class struggle as a whole. This great gap between our poli- tical influence and organizational strength is the main problem facing us—a problem which must be solved. VII. BUILD THE RED UNIONS—OUR MAIN TASK. The new situation creates new tasks and cuties for the Party. Not only for the Party but especially for our trade unions. The devel- opment of the revolutionary trade unions be- comes the central point now in overcoming the gap between our political influence and our organizational strength. It is impossible to overemphasize the importance of setting to work with concentrated attention upon the trade unions, to overcoming all the many com- plicated problems in the trade unions, as the question which is going to decide the future development of our Party. If we do not meet and solve the problems involved in building up and strengthening our revolutionary unions, it will be impossible for | the Party to develop along the road to a mass | Party. It is not enough to have a correct gen- | {unpaid earnings of its workers”) up more eral political line. This political line must be transformed into correct organizational pro- cedure—correct approach to the masses and consolidation of our influence into mass or- ganizational forms. Of these forms the trade unions occupy the central place. In this regard I think we must say that yesterJays discussion on the trade union ques- tion, while favorable and having many good features and marking a new step forward in facing these problems, was also a demonstra- tion of our weakness in this respect, was a demonstration of the lack of concreteness with which we have faced these problems, was a demonstratoin of the fact that we still have | to force our Party to get into the midst of these problems so deeply that it is impossible for us to have a day’s discussion without hav- ing every minute of that discussion spent in solving in detail some problem in connection with the development of our trade union work. (To Be Continued. By J. W. FORD. UBA today—April 15—is the center of a new rising tide of revolt in the Caribbean and the West Indies. The crisis in capitalism expresses itself as sharply in colonial and semi-colonial possessions as in the homeland of imperialism. U. S. imperialism in an at- tempt to extend her markets is ruthlessly suppressing the movements of the colonial peoples. The colonial struggles are a part of the proletarian revolution. The numer- ous revolts that have taken place in Haiti, Santo Domingo and other Caribbean countries | are mutual struggles with the American work- ing class in its battles against American im- perialism at home. In the decline of capi- talism the bitterest battles are taking place on both fronts. Part of Struggle For Independence. The struggle of the Cuban proletariat against unemployment, mass dismissals, star- vation and wage cuts is a stepping stone in the struggle for independence from the fero- cious rule of American imperialism over it and a direct blow at the very heart of im- perialism. This struggle is carried on bit- terly against American imperialism, its local governmental puppets, the Machado govern- ment and its labor agents, the Pan-American Federation of Labor—the tool of the fascist American Federation of Labor. What is the basis of rising revolts and struggle in Cuba? In spite of the cloak of the Machado gov- ernment which rules for the American im- perialists, Cuba is a colony of American im- perialism in the fullest sense of the word. The sugar barons of the U.S.A. control the country, determine the wages of the workers, determine what they shall eat, where they shall get it and how little they may have. Out of a population of 31% millions over 900,000 are workers and including their fam- ilies these compose the majority of the popu- lation. The wages of the workers were $4.50 per day in 1919, in 1928 they were 80 cents per day, in 1929 they were 60 cents and today wages are at an average of 40 cents per day. The workers live in the greatest misery, they are undernourished and disease is rampant. The people are not allowed to produce the most elementary products of food, such as eggs, fruits and a number of other necessi- ties that could be produced in Cuba, all these things are imported from America. Cuba was one of the wealthiest markets in the West | But during the | Indies for American exports. last 5 years exports from the USA to Cuba have dropped off by $70,000,000, so that the workers are unable to buy the necessities of life, the sugar crisis having produced mass unemployment amongst them. Slave Labor, The American capitalists have not only im- ported their goods into Cuba but they have carried their stock in cheap labor, slave labor imported from Haiti, Jamaica and other West Indian countries. Seeking to further reduce the cost of sugar production these barons re- sorted to the introduction of Negroes from Haiti and Jamaica. and Jamaica Negroes has increased consider- ably since the inception of this slave traffic in 1912. In 1921 there were 709 Jamaicans and 233 Haitians in Cuba; the number rose to 27,088 Jamaicans and 35,971 Haitians in 1920, imported by American capitalists’ agents. They imported illiterate Negroes who did not understand the language of the country and main | The influx of Haitians | kept them ignorant, thus setting a wedge bee tween the Cuban workers and the Negro worke ers imported from Haiti and Jamaica. It is in the light of this general situation and the rule of the American imperialists in Cuba that the American working class must see the basis for the great struggles that have already taken place against American imperialist agents and the future imminent struggles that are immediately ahead. These struggles take on great political significance for the American working class. Alveady a number of strikes have taken place against wage cuts and unemployment. In January of this year clashes occurred with the police, several police being killed. The greatest terror is carried out against the workers and their leaders. A number of leaders have been arrested and exiled, and murdered. Only a few months ago Junco, a native Negro labor leader, barely escaped from the country with his life. At present leaders of the trade unions are imprisoned. Battle of March 20th. On March 20th over 200,000 workers went on strike against unemployment and the sup- pression of the labor unions in the face of the threats and terror of the government. The mood of the workers for struggle was very high, and the situation was very tense. During the strike 5 working class leaders were arrested, following the strike 40 workers were arrested. As a consequence the workers have become greatly agitated and in spite of the reign of terror are disposed to greater struggle, A strike has been set for April 15; over 300,000 workers are estimated to be going on strike. So high is the mood of the workers for struggle that armed struggle is expected. Even the American State Department is doubtful about the loyalty of the Cuban army. Thus the sending of U. S. marines and gun- boats to Cuba is imminent. Tasks of U. S. Workers. In this situation the tasks of the U. S. working class to support the struggles. of their brother workers in the Caribbean is clear. Under the leadership of the revolution- ary trade union center of America, the Trade Union Unity League, the American workers will be mobilized for the most tangible sup- port to the Cuban workers, we shall mobilize great masses of American workers in this country in nation-wide protest against the sending of battleships and gun-boats by the American imperialists to Cuba and in support of the Cuban struggle against American im- perialism. We will establish and set up means for international solidarity aid. These demon- strations must be greater than the demonstra- tions on December 14 held throughout the country against the massacre of the Haitian workers by the U. S. marines, At the same time the Cuban workers must themselves strengthen their trade unions, ex- tend their influence into the great masses of the workers, through shop committees, fac- tory committees and make their revolutionary trade unions representative of the great mass of workers. The building also of workers’ de- fense corps is of the greatest importance. The Cuban workers at the same time must ex- tend their struggle and establish connection with the great revolts in other countries of the West Indies and Latin-America, Haiti, Santo Domingo, ete. In this way establishing a broad united front in the struggle against | imperialism. By SOLON DE LEON, Ho’ American corporations thru intense ex- ploitation of the workers made hay while the boom sun shone last year is further vealed by recent financial reports. Steel, re- oil, motors, and chemicals, all important war in- dustries, were especially prosperous up to the time of the crash, Corporation Profits, 1929 and 1928. Company 1929 1928 (Thousands of dollars) U. S. Steel .. + $258,722 $193,304 Bethlehem Steel . 42,242 18,585, Republic Steel . +. 82,144 25,027 Standard Oil, Ind. 78,499 77,337 Standard Oil, Calif. . 46,633 46,083 Vacuum Oil .. + 35,767 37,659 Amer, Superpower . 44,782, 3,806 N. Y. Telephone . 29,655 29,169 United Gas Imp. . 28,725 21,015 Midwest Utilities 15,843 8,863 ‘General Motors ....... 247,317 278,559 Ford Motor 81,797 Int'l. Harvester . 36,779 29,685 Pullman, Inc, 17,678 16,396 General Electric . 67,289 54,153 Eastman Kodak . 22,004 20,142 Amer. Radiator .... 20,012 21,019 Radio Corp. America .. 15,982 2 Union Carbide .. 35,427 30,557 Allied Chemical . 30,198 26,962 American Tobacco .... 30,231 25,066 United States Steel raked in the largest in- come it ever reported in peace time, “earn- ing” $21.19 on each of its 8,132,000 shares of common stock, as against $12.50 in 1928. Bethlehem Steel sent its “earnings” (read than 100 per cent over the previous reaching a neat $15.50 per shares for the Italians call “sweet doing nothing.” Standard Oil Did “Nicely.” The Standard Oil companies, as usual, did nicely, thank you. The California unit “earned” $3.70 a share, while the Indiana company, the sturdiest of the family, raised the ante to $5.37. Though Vacuum Oil showed a drop of over $2,000,000 in net profit, its stockholders were none the poorer. By put- ting into practice the principle of “stabilized earnings” (for capitalists only) they were given nearly $21,000,000 in dividends instead of the previous year’s $19,000,000. United Gas Improvement Co., which has subsidiaries in at least eight states, and op- erates the municipal gas works of Philadelphia on a private lease, is now negotiating to ab- sorb the monster Public Service Corporation of New Jersey, controlling practically all the power, trolley, and bus service of that “com- year, what monwealth.” Mid-West Utilities, presided over by one of the Insullent Insulls, nearly doubled its “net,” but American Superpower increased its winnings no less than ten-fold! General Motors Juggles Figures. In spite of an increase in sales of nearly $1,000,000 a week, General Motors was able to arrange its bookkeeping so as to show a loss in net income for the year. Interna- tional Harvester did the largest volume of business in any twelve months in its history, due largely to an increase in its foreign trade, some of which went to Soviet Russia, “Earn- ings” on its common stock went up from $5.58 to $6.65 a share. General Electric kept on*a-climbing, adding nearly 20 per cent to its net profits and boost- ing its “earnings” from $7.15 to $8.97 a share, Eastman Kodak Co. “outstripped all previous earnings”—no wonder old George can afford to give away 50,000 cameras for advertising to twelve-year-olds next summer! Radio Corp. Swallows a Lot, The 1929 income of Radio Corporation of America cannot be compared with the 1928 figure,. because last year this ethereal young giant swallowed the very material Victor Talk- ing Machine Co., cranks, dises, and all. The merged organization, however, reports $182,- 137,000 gross business, compared with $155,- 933,000 for the two companies in the year be- fore the consolidation, Union Carbide reaped for the do-nothing hollers of its common paper $4.19 a share, while Allied Chemical and Dye after a “sharp increase” last year records “earnings” equal to $11.12 a share, American Tobacco was another corporation ; which turned a “record year,” increasing its total profits by 20 per cent and rolling “earn- ings” on each share of stock up to $13.17. Sports in Soviet Union MOSCOW (IPS).—Workers, representatives of sports organizations and Red Army men enthusiastically welcomed the participants in the ski-run (the longest in the world) from Khabarovsk (on the Chinese frontier, about 200 miles from the Pacific Ocean) to Moscow. The total run of 9,400 kilometers was com- pleted in a little over two months. Over 4,000 Persons took part in the run, including many members of the Soviet Far Eastern Army. In the meeting in Moscow Comrade Kuibichev, the chief of the Red Army Administration, de- clared that the run had demonstrated the fra- ternal solidarity of the sports movement with the Red Army,