The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 5, 1930, Page 6

Pubtishea py the Comprowxrty wunlishing Co.. Tne. Page Six Square, York City, N Address and mail MARCH 6 IN THE . except Sunday Stuyvesant | 1698 1 26-48 Union Square. New Y phor o the Daily Worker ILLINOIS COAL FIELDS Preparing tor May. Day By NAT BOUT four weeks before the onstration a meeting of the memberst the Communist Party of Franklin Cc held for the purpo; 5. At this meeting the mo: of right wing tendencies crysta of about thirty voted inst stration on March 6. A numbe rades put up the following arg Ss: That we did not have sufficient ma: ‘© come out in open demonstration and should have indoor me ‘ owns in the coal fields are is known, and an open demon mean vict f error here in the c extreme and we could not workers to fight back the police, ete.; we could only mobilize fo not Americans; and finally that nad never before held open demonst we had better go slov ae put forth the last arguments ‘ on his support! No Hesitation. Against this right wing, cow also crystallized, but to a Springfield-Taylorville ter rado, we made a sharp fight. It is impe that we continue the fiercest ideological gle against these elements (who are ma ROSS. exy cra ! lized. Six out body on would that Action older comrades who bring in all the bad herit- | age of Federation days, reformist as well as save-the-union trade union tactics, etc.). We must expose their lack of unde nding of the depth of the economic crisis and the general acceleration of the shakiness in their attitude that the miners have not arved 2nough yet, and therefore we'must wait, instead of us leading the miners (the vast majority of whom, as a matter of fact, are face to face with starvation!) into struggle against unem- ployment and capitalism. We must wipe out the penetration of bourgeois ideology in the ranks of the vanguard of the working cla’ which shows itself in the exaggeration of t antagonism between the American and foreign- born miners. It.is true that the prejudice in the coal fields is sharper than in the big cities. But the worsening conditions of the miners, the growing necessity of all miners to fight side by side to ward off starvation and misery, is sh&ttering this bourgeois prejudice. Our foreign-born comrades must not exaggerate the prejudice only in order thereby to capitu- late before it. The comrades must constantly, in the day to day class struggle, work among the American miners, explaining to them the basis for this prejudice, etc. The living refutation of the bourgeois idea that American born workers will not fight against “their country, is the fact that in Saline County we have recruited over 40 miners in the past few months, everyone of them being a native American. Reyolutionary Character of Demonstration. We must show these comrades who oppose the demonstration that in the present period of ever-sharpening contradictions of capitalism. these demonstrations become more and more imperative. It is through these demonstrations that we rally the masses behind us, clearly ex- pose the role of the unity of the state, the bosses, and the social fascists against the work- ers, bring out the heroism and self-sacrifice of the masses, teach them how to maneuver and fight back the attacks, and prepare the workers for higher forms of revolutionary struggle. The demonstration of today is the overture to the final revolutionary battle of tomorrow. It is true, however, that our demonstrations, except in Springfield, were a failure. In E]- dorado a small crowd of workers came to the City Hall, where the police refused to allow ces were too 1 not to hold indoor meeting was ssued a leaflet prote: tion of the demons calling upon the workers to the wishes of the police, on April 1. ing against the preven- the police, and 1onstrate ag Only n by demonstration on March.6 and very little mob- ilization was done because of the failure of the W.LR. supply the victimized miners with relief f number of weeks, (which is the In Benton, Franklin County nstration. A heavy downpour of nd after the hour of the demon- e miners from the surrounding m coming in with the exception of his of course is no excuse for the of the demonstration. Far f rs who are afraid of getting wet will not be fearless to face a rain of steel and this with the sharpening of all contradictions, par- ticularly pronounced in the coal fields, now be- the order of the day around here. gfield demonstration we ean reg- amount of su Over 4,000 sed before the State capitol and on , blockading traffic, ete. The State capitol was an armed camp. Twenty-five ma- chine guns were perched on the § e capitol. Over 300 city and state police v present. The militia was there. The Legislative Hall across the eet was lined with machine guns. The state arsenal a block away was fliled with militia ready to serve at a moment's notice. When the crowd gathered, Comrade Newhoff, sent from the district, got on the capitol steps, started to speak and was immediately pushed off. He got into the crowd, was lifted on the shoulders of two comrades, and had hardly be- gun to speak when he was dragged down and arrested along with the two comrades who were holding him up. No other comrades got up to speak, and yet so high was the fighting spirit of the miners and other workers that it took the police and militia almost an hour to break up the ranks of the workers. It necessary to note a few shortcomings in regard to our preparations. We did not properly arrange to get cars to take the work- ers in from outlying towns to the central point of the demonstrations. Except in Springfield, little work was done to mobilize the miners in their gathering places (the halls, cafes, pool rooms, etc.). Although leaflets were distrib- uted and posted on the main highways, this was not sufficient. Insufficient work was done in and around the mints. We should have posted large placards on the highways, calling the workers to demonstration. We also failed to mark up the main roads and streets with indelible chalk to call the masses to the dem- onstration. This would have been very effective. We did not have a sufficient number of loca! leaflets. for the most part too heavy and difficult for the miners to grasp. Many comrades failed to talk up the demonstration, and were afraid to mention the name of the Party, legalism crop- ped out, ete. The failure of the Springfield Comrades to work among the Negroes must be noted as an impermissable act. We were handicapped also by the lack of forces in the field, as well as the lack of local leadership. Despite all this the spirit of the gomrades is higher now than before the dem- onstration. The fight against right wing ten- dencies, our mobilization of over 4,000 in Springfield, the great success of the Party throughout the country, have all helped us to set the Party to look forward to mass demon- strations in Southern Illinois on May 1, under the main slogan of “Work or Wages,” and | “Defend the Soviet Union.” ain before on ke; towns fri comes In ister a certai workers ma the stree at 2f-98 [nfon 7-8. Cable, “DATWORK” York NY iful of Party comrades turned up for the | coal Co. of Illinois) although we concen- | ood deal of our forces, we failed to | om it. | Our central committee leaflet was | Activize the Party Membership! By J. WEST. NOTE—In printing the following article by @ rank and file comrade from Detroit, we want to call the attention of the reader to the great importance of the contents of the article, especially at the present period when the Party is becoming a mass Party. Pd ‘HE main reason for the “right danger” and lagging behind is, that we have quite a number of “petty shop keepers,” professionals and highly skilled elements, and the dues paying members that live on their reputation as “old-timers” in our Party. As a result we often hear the remark by some Party mem- bers, “You will see no change in our time.” Such remarks are the most dangerous to our work. Such slogans are nothing but excuses against doing practical work. ; Especially in language fractions we see lots of this. In the clubs, lodges, sick and benefit societies, our Party members are busy, man- aging the affairs of the organizations, arrang- ing plays, acting on the stage, amusing the crowd, sometimes with a bourgeois play com- edy, not even a hint of class struggle, singing Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. TURNS oc cscecccsecscccanccccesesesssvsusene NS GEIB P3256 6c obits o0hd URIS vaisicncas . SMRIOE 6's! 65's:5'0 ssc peecer scene AB@scesas ‘ - _ Mail this to the Central Office. Communist - Party, 43 East 125th,St.. New York, N.‘Y, f national songs, with the crowd and neglecting the sale of a Daily Worker, Labor Unity, ete. Good Communists must do detailed work which the Party asks us to do. "To attend every unit meeting, to go and get others into the Councils of Unemployed, get your shop committees started, work in the union, sub- scribe and sell The Daily Worker, Labor Unity, ete. Give out shop papers and leaflets in front of shops. We must ask workers to join our Party, the Union, the International Labor De- fense. Visit the new members often. Leave a Daily Worker or some other paper with them, etc. Our Party is not asking us the impossible, but it wants more than motions and amend- ments, it wants action from the comrades. Canterbury Supports Pogromists (By Inprecorr Mail Service) | A telegram sent to the Holy Russian Czarist Greek Orthodox Church in 1905 by the Arch- bishop of Canterbury has been discovered in the archives of the former czarist synod. Re- ferring to the events at the beginning of the first Russian revolution, the Archbishop of Canterbury expresses his ympathy for the ezar- ist monarchist church against the rebellious workers and peasants and offers the» consola- tion that the “disturbances” would soon be at and end. In 1905 the Archbishop of Canterbury was thus very positively on the side of privilege, power and corruption against the rising masses of the Russian people. He supported those who were organizing the anti-Jewish progroms and the sickening atrocities of the Black Hundreds against thousands of unarmed men, women and children. His present action is a logical con- sequence of his attitude in 1905, and represents support for the same corrupt but no longer powerful gang of white criminals and degen- | erates against the tremendous forces of de- | veloping socialism in the Soviet Union. APRICAT BARRICADI | THE | ' Daily Qs Worker Oren. of the Communist Party cf th 1 OF “FAT BOYS” By "a A, Veed Ellis ~ By L. BURNS. QS, March 20, a year transpired since the thirty-two Indian proletarian . revolution- aries, the leaders of the revolutionary work- ers’ movement of India were arrested and imprisoned in Meerut. They have been charged | by: the Anglo-Indian authorities with con- | spiring “to overthrow the sovereignty of His Majesty the King in British India with a view to the establishment of a Socialist: State under the dictatorship of the proletariat and the su- preme command of the Communist Interna- tional.” These men are charged with endeav- ' ouring to achieve their aims by organizing a Communist Party, Worker-Peasant Parties and Revolutionary Trade Union Organizations in India with a view to embittering relations between labor and capital, by inciting them to strikes and by publishing papers ani using every other means of propaganda and agita- tion. Although the Meerut Prisoners were arrested a year ago, their case has only re- cently been submitted to the High Court where it was heard with jurors, despite the continued protests of labor organizations in every part of the world. A lot of “cooked up” evidence was used at the trial. About 400 witnesses, some coming even from Europe, were called, among whom there were many” provocateurs and spies. Significance of Tri] It would be hard to overestimate the sig- nificance of the Meerut trial, L.be a it reflects the whole political situation in India today, the intensification of thé class struggle, the advance of Communist ideas, the progress of the revolutionary workers’ movement, the growing role of the working class in the national emancipatory move- ment, the reactionary policy of MacDonald’s imperialist government, the treachery of the native bourgeoisie, the strengthening united front between the workers of Great Britain and India and many other developments. The Meerut trial was “framed up” by the British authorities to stem the remarkable development of the labor movement which started in India in 1927. Ever since that year the whole of India has been swept again and again by mass strikes. During this struggle the Left Revolutionary wing, which had been formed before this time, became crystallized for the working class trusted it with the leadership of the struggle and it quickly extended its influence among the workers at large. Powerful revolutionary trade unions were beginning to be formed in the country. The working class was beginning to take active part in political life, demanding not only complete independence for India, but the establishment of a Soviet Republic. The revolutionary emancipatory movement direct- ly it was headed by the workers, began to de- velop rapidly and become more sharper, Bru- tally exploited by imperialism and the feudal landowners, the Indian peasantry slowly be- gan to raise their heads, Alarmed at the growing threat of the revo- lution, the British imperialists mobilized all their forces to fight the revolutionary work- ers’ movement. Their aim was to sfnash tho workers’ movement before help could arrive from the great reserves of the Indian peas- antry. Their first move was therefore (> “round up” the finest leaders of the worke: and in this fashion “behead” the movement. Ties of Labor Solidarity. Among the arrested men—who belong for the most part to the Communist Party or the Worker-Peasant Parties—you will find ‘such popular individuals, well known to all workers, like Dange, one of the leaders of the revolutionary union of the Bombay textile workers, the leaders of several revolutionary i Significance of Meerut Trial ! Bombay unions, including the Girni Kamgar Union and the Great India Peninsula Railwav- Joglekar, Nimbkar and Miradj- ka r Ahmed, the chairman of the Worker-Peasant Party of Bengal, WThengdi, Executive Committee member of the Trade Union Congress and marly others. Besides the Indian Comrades charged in Meerut, there are several representatives of the revolution- ary wing of the British Trade Union Move- ment—Bradley, Spratt and Hutchinson—who are also accused of conspiring “to overthrow the sovereignty of the King Emperor in Bri- tish India.” This is a clear example of the growing ties of solidarity springing up be- tween the work in the imperialist coun- tries and the oppressed colonies who are join- ing forces today to smash imperialism and capital, their common enemy. All the men arrested on the Meerut charges were “rounded up” at the same time, with the exception of Comrade Hutchinson. who wes | arrested later, On the night of March 20, |. when the arrests and searches were made in Bombay, Calcutta and the other towns, troops were moved into the factory districts, for the authorities feared possible “disturbances.” Searches were made everywhere, the comrades who had to be arrested being hunted down like beasts. The Meerut trial began when Baldwin's Con- servative Government was yet in power, still continued under the labor government, with | MacDonald at its head. So far from any change in the Cabinet improving the situa- tion, we find that two other comrades were arrested in connection with the Meerut trial. The authorities bluntly refused to have the case tried by jury. The prisoners were put on a far severer regime than previously. While Comrade Campbell, the representative of the Communist Party of Great Britain, who in- tended to be present at the trial as the poli- tical adviser of the arrested men, was refused a passport to India. The Indian “nationalist bourgeoisie, who fea¥ the revolutionary working class move- ment far more than imperialism, completely support all the terrorist measures instituted by the Anglo-Indian Government and wel- comed the Meerut trial. As a matter of fact it is the Indian bourgeoisie who are increasingly urging repressions against the working class movement. Reformist Tools of Imperialism. Instead, the rgsponsibility for the Meerut trial must be laid wholly to the door of the reformists in the labor movement. Together with the imperialists and Indian , bourgeoisie they have been shouting from the house-tops ‘that the danger of Communism was threaten- ing India, that Moscow was getting control of the trade union movement, that insurgent ele- ments in the country were receiving “Moscow gold,” ete. With their continued lies and mis- representation the reformists prepared the ground for the terroristic measures instituted by the government. Having arrested all the leaders of the new left wing unions in accordance with a care- fully laid plan, the government had hoped to mt the whole movement and leave the masses without a leadership when the strug- rio wast at its height. But all these care- ful plans fell through, for the working class of India has reached a stage of development to- day when the arrest of a few individual leal- ers cannot stay the development of the move- ment as a whole, Despite the outrageous at- tacks of rabid reaction, the masses did not lose their heads, A wave of protest strikes, ‘nass demonstrations and meetings swept the country. This was the workers’ reply to the Meerut trial. New leaders, from the rank and ‘ By Mall (In New York City only): $8.00 a year; By Mail (outside of New York City): $6.00 a year: SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $4.50 six months; $3.50 six months: ‘THE POPE AND THE ANTL $2.50 three months $2.00 three months SOVIET CRUSADE Colleague of Mussolini and Banker's Tool By GIOVANNI GERMANETTO (Italy). WELVE months after the conclusion of the so-called Laterano Agreement with Benito Mussolini, Pope Pius XI, standing at the head | of the Roman Catholic Church, appeals to the world to condemn the religious .persecutions in the U. S. S. R., and thus takes up a position in the forefront of the anti-Soviet campaign. It could not be well otherwise. How could he keep back from taking a hand in a world cam- paign sponsored by prominent financiers to- gether with the Besedovskies, the social-dem- ocrats, the most reactionary governments, the New York bankers, Leon Trotsky, Protestan bishops, muezzins, the rabbis and MacDonald. While his worthy colleague, Benito Musso- lini, is raising the alarm against the Bolshe- vik danger, Pius XI is appealing to all true believers to unite against the Soviet Govern- ment. This is not the first time that Pius XI has attacked the Soviet Republic. Although the conditions have changed, he is continuing today his activities in the interests of an international clique of bank- ers—a work that he begun when he was the Nuncio of the Vatican in Warsaw when he gave his blessing to the war against the Soviet Repu The pope’s letter to Cardinal Pompili is an extremely important document. The head of the Roman Catholic Church, who urged the governments to strengthen-the alliance against the Republic of the Russian Workers and Peas- ants, who organized committees of white guards and seminaries for white guard officers, under | the guise of monks, is now appealing to ail the catholics to rally together their forces to fight the Bolshevik danger, This crusade against the U.S.S.R. is being promoted by fanatics. It is the most striking attempt during the last few years to get war declared’on the Soviet Republic. The power of the catholic church is well known. It is still one of the greatest religious factors in the world, not only because of its reactionary activities directed always against | the working class, or the work it conducts through the catholic unions and elsewhere, but because the Roman catholic church serves im- perialism. The whole of the numerous army of mis- sionaries and representatives of the Vatican, now so active in all the colonial countries, are nothing else but a weapon in the hands of the imperialists. The consulates of the big imperialist powers at the Vatican are nothing else but the agencies of big finance capital inter- ested in exploiting the wealth and resources of the colonies—rubber, cotton, minerals, ete., for imperialism needs the services of the clergy in the distant countries to keep the slaves in the colonies obedient and do- cile, which can be attained far cheaper by religious propaganda than by the use of arms. As a matter of fact, the pope is ready to co-operate with every one, with MacDonald, Mussolini, Tardieur, the U.S.A., Holland, Spain, with the Mahomedans and even with the Budd- hists. .. . The letter of Pope Pius XI is receiving widespread publicity. The new postal office placed at the disposal of Pius XI by Mussolini, cabled this letter, for example, to America. This anti-Soviet document has been published in all the papers. The printery of the Vatican has published this document in 50 languages and dialects. This is the pope’s war cry to the millions of catholics, appealing to them to make war on Soviet Russia. The pope, a “white guard” in a black shirt is not allowing things to hang fire. The pres- ent move of the Vatican is certainly significant. It is a fact that down to the present time the pope was always very careful in his maneu- | vers. The Vatican was always noted for its caution and cireumspection. But today behind the Great Bronze Door, activities are being developed in truly “fascist fashion,” activities that reflect not only the political life of Italy but also thé economic difficulties and the de- pression that has overtaken the country. With his present appeal to the catholics throughout the world to unite against Soviet Russia, Pope Pius XI is continuing the reac- tionary traditions of the Roman catholie file, steeled in the struggle, were immediately put forward to take the place of the arrested leaders. Under their leadership the working class came out more determinedly and ener- getically against imperialism and “their own” bourgeoisie. and are continuing the fight at the present time. This is simply borne out by the big strikes of 1929-30, whose political significance could not be well over-estimated. Indeed, they show that the working class struggle has been raised to a higher plane at the present time (witness the five-months’ General Strike of the 100,000 Bombay textile workers in 1929, the General Strike of 240,- 000 Calcutta jute workers, the General Strike on the. Great Indian Peninsula Railway and also the recent mass political movements of the working class, the first of May demon- strations, the Lenin memorial gatherings and the demonstrations on Independence Day, Jan- uary 26, last, ete.). Despite the extremely adverse conditions the working class of India \are putting up a heroic fight. It is the obligation, indeed, the duty of the international working class move- ment to support the workers of India in every way. Now that twelve months have passed and the Meerut prisoners are still detained, it is the revolutionary duty of the whole interna- tional working class movement to start up a broad campaign of protest against the Meerut trial, against the interested parties who are engineering this persecution—-British imperial- ism and in particular the British labor party, in office today. This campaign should not be confined as hitherto only to India and Great Britain, or be taken up in fits and starts as the months go by. This campaign must be pushed forward by all the workers in every part of the world. It must be con- tinued until the Meerut prisoners are re- leased from the maw of imperialism, reactionary work of this religious outfit whose orientation is becoming more and more fascist | in character. | But the pope’s letter shows how serious 1s | the present international situation. Despite the bulwark of fascism, Pius XI does not feel | that he is out of danger. Hence, he is striving | to mobilize all the forces against the Soviet Union. And so we find the pope of the Roman catho- | lie church aiding up with the capitalists and imperialists, with the social-democrats and the | big bankers, with the renegades of the Comin- | tern and all the other reactionary forces. | There is a well-known saying in my | country: It says that when the clergyman | is called in to the bedside of the patient, | | | church, The workers everywhere know of the | | | there is no longer any hope! | Nation’s Business Boosts for War By GRACE HUTCHINS. HO’S going to win the next big war? And why Nation’s Business, journal of capitalists or- ganized in the U. S. Chamber of Commerce, thus assumes the next big war. It then pro- | ceeds to boost a plan for mobilizing industry in the U. S. up to war strength in the shortest possible time. The proposal, called “education- | al war orders for munitions,” is set forth in a | bill backed by the war department, the navy department and the national commerce cham- | ber. Hearings on the bill have already been | | held by the house committee on military af- | fairs. To give the Secretary of War power to place ; educational war orders for munitions without | advertising for bids or without being bound | to award them to the lowest bidders is the | purpose of the bill. The war department, in | other words, wants to help the great industrial | concerns, to turn, overnight, the making of | automobiles, typewriters, sewing machines and | machine tools into the making of munitions. | Prospective Munition Plants. | But the war department and the Chamber | of Commerce do not want to bother about the | “small concerns with no capacity worth consid- | eration in war time.” Only the larger automo- | | | | | | | | bile manufacturers and machine makers are to be urged to turn over a corner to making muni- tions for a few months at a time. By spending | $5,000,000 in five years for this special educa- tional purpose, as authorized by the bill, the Secretary of War can thus help the capitalists to prepare for future war profits even if there | is little present profits from educational orders. “Making munitions is much more difficult and complicated than turning out trucks or tractors or pleasure cars or typewriters,” ex- “Cannon must be \ | | plains Nations Business. | Shells must be | quite as accurate as watches. perfect.” Dp “War is now a fight of factories, a battle | of machines. . . The nation whose manufac- | turing plants can most quickly be tuned up to | quantity production of cannon, shells, search- | lights, fuses, gun carriages, and whatnot will | win a victory.” But “Government plants in the United States have the capacity to fill only from five to ten per cent of our munition needs in a war against another major power or combination of powers.” Private munitions plants. do not add enough for war time needs. ‘‘So the mat- ter comes down to the large efficient, well managed establishments that in time of peace make automobiles, typewriters, sewing ma- chines, multigraphs, street cars, machine tools and other articles of ordinary commercial use- fulness. In war the victory will go according to | the way such plants have been taught before- hand their war-time jobs.” Women Workers and War. Women’s part in munitions making fs as- sumed by Nation’s Business war boosters. A | picture of women workers in a munitions plant, taken by the ordinance department, U.S.A. | heads the leading article, with the caption | “Gauging of cartridges is only one step of many in their manufacture.” In so far.as production can be carried on by women wo! s, Mere men can be released for slaughter in capitalist armies. In the imperialist world war of 1914-18 wom- en were used in practically all the production processes of munitions and explosives plants, So now women are increasingly employed in ' other chemicai industries, in electrical plants anc in iron and steel manufacture. -Little is said in this discussion on war mob- ilization of industry about the role of the cheme ical industry in war preparations. Yet sig- nificantly enough one of the war boosting ar- ticles is written by E. T. Trigg, chairman of the committee on national defense of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and a witness at the house committee hearings. Trigg is also pres- ident of John Lucas and Co., manufacturers of paints. Making of paints isa chemical in- dustry and chemicals are of course @ vital necessity in the new warfare, Rationalization in the Mines Displacement of coal miners by machinery makes a new record in the stripping operations on the Northern Pacific R.R. properties at Coalstrip, Montana. The Scientific American describes the new Bucyrus-Erie coal loading shovel that lifts out more than eight tons at a time, dumps it into gondola cars skirting the pit and returns for a new load all in 45 seconds. Operated by only 2 or 3 men it digs and loads 5,000 tons in a 10-hour shift. With the aid of a smaller loader a total of 20,000 tons are loaded in 24 hours, enough to fill 300 of the 70-ton cars recently purchased by the com- pany. A dirt stripping machine bites out 15 tons of earth at a chunk, depositing it a city block away at a height of 10 stories if necessary all in one operation. The pick and shovel man is out of date here. Each worker in the pit averages 50 tons of | coal a day, or about 10 times the normal pro- ; duction of underground coal mines. Not more than 75 men will be needed to produce the 11,000,000 tons of fuel that the N.P. road will take from this mine in the next eight years. Miners’ unemployment grows, ie ceed 4 ~. 4 ae