The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 1, 1930, Page 2

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Page Two P 1. May First, the traditional day of cele. bration and demonstration against militari and war, of the world proletariat, for shc defending the interests ing of the work day, and for unity of the pro- ist the worker: letarian cl movement, h a ts police, courts, etc significance t year. May First now comes | ing cl in the situation of the econom unemployment, agraria the class struggle, radicali class. March 6th was a c revolutionary. struggle of ing class against the capit economic erisis, unemplo against capitalist interests of eri: government y Fir : level forces M a high struggle of the American workin The general t of the Par' 1 the, May Day of this year political united front ac workers, into a mediate economic d up the immediate an working cla: io} mass strike. ing of a political 3 the first task, logar . ds of the ploye ment nto @ on of the American tical demonstration for of the unemployed , for political slogans of demonstration directed against the stem, and taking the form of nection with this, acing the Party. demands today with the tradi- > of the May Day demon- and Second, the preparation ahd call- ah is, sharpen tion of the working minating point of the American work. list system with its ment, rationalization, defending the capitalists, against the bour- geois state and its fascist and social-fasc must be the continuation, on d on a broadened ba the mass propaganda an which already mi for the March 6th demon- In the center of our agitation work put the slogans of the immediate eco- unemployed and em- workers—Work or Wages, Unemploy- Insurance equal for Negro and white | workers, women and youth, administered by the | workers; against wage cuts, speedup and capi- st rationalization, for the 7-hour day and week, against the bourgeois government, of the capitalists against the bourgeois s attacking the work- or economic demands of the mers; against the fascists and social f American Federation of Labo and Muste group; against the War D: ger; for the transformation of the imperiali war into a civil war against “o bou cists of r own Among the economic demands, special 2 tention must be given to the slogan for employment Insurance, giving to the y Day -demonstration the character of a nation- wide campaign for Unemployment Insurance. All these slogans of the Party must not be simply repeated, but must be linked up with conerete economic and political events, illu trated with concrete facts, and must be eé: plained with some additional partial slogans ch stress the various aspects of our gen- For instance, our slogans of tl the bourgeois state “machine, »» Must be concretized with especially for the liberation of the Gastonia c prisoners; for the liberation of all demonstrators arrested on March 6th, especially the unconditional liberation of the New York Delegation; liberation of H jailed for five years because of ell as slogans to defend the revolution: sions and fighting agai: gans against police blackl med ship- load deportations of revolutionary workers, ete. Our slogans of the fight agai fasci: from the A. F. of L., S. P. and e group, must be illustrated with concrete examples of their attitude on the q f unemployment and March 6th demo: Matthew Woll’s program of fascist supp: the Socialist | with slo- | and | DAILY WORKER, ARATIONS FOR MA | of the unemployment movement published on the eve of March 6th, Norman Thomas & Co’s stand on the demonstration in New York, Woll’s article in N, Y, Herald-Tribune magazine openly proce. . of L, as the first defender of the capitalist em, ete.) exact quotations from speeches and documents should be largely | used in our agitation, in our leaflets, and even, in short form put on our banners accompanied with : slogans of fight against these fascists. | The irst traditional slogan of fight against m and war should be concrete- ized on the example of gthe London Armament Conference especially on the question of the I tion of new attack against the, U. S. S. R. on the religious issue; fight against War Danger mus‘ be linked up with the fight against the church as a capitalist class institution openly inciting to a new bloody crusade against an workers; slogans of protest and against th well as slogans denouncing the class role of the | chureh in the of its present campaign, should occupy place among our slogans. All t be accompanied by appeals to the | workers to join the Party and the revolutionary trade unions, All organizational efforts of the Party must be directed towards preparation of a mass political stri arch Gth showed considerable iegree of political influence of the Party among ses, mainly among unemployed wrokers. irst will be a testing of the political in- taf nee of the Party mainly among the workers | in the fi The Party should correct its | shortcomings revealed during the campaign for March 6th which was not sufficiently based upon factories, which was carried on mainly thru mass meetings without touching workers in factories, which showed passivity and inac- tivity of our shop nuclei. The center of gravity of the campaign for | May First must be in the factories and mainly | in the large factories of the most important branches of industry. Shop muclei thus should clerical campaign, as | TUESDAY, APRIL 1, 1930 be the central point of our organizational work which must be more concentrated upon propa- ganda in the factories, factory gate meetings, ete. Stubbornly and energetically preparing the political strike on May First, the Party must avoid the boasting generalizations about a “general” political strike “to be called” on May First. In this connection the Party should apply the same rule which was given for March 6th, and must be cautioned against the trans- formation of the May Day strike in some fac: tories into a strike only of active elements or only of members of the Party. 6. The characteristic feature of the May Day demonstration this year is, that in many cities the working class is already put before the at- tack of the bourgeois state against the workers’ right to demonstrate, to parade, the right to the streets. In New York, for instance, the traditional place of working class demonstra- tions, Union Square, is already given to the fascist organization of War Veterans. The fight against those attacks must become speci- fic points of our general fight aginst the bour- geois state. In those cities where the Party faces prohibition of demonstration or parade, or where, as in New York, the Party is dy put before an anti-proletarian and anti y fascist counter demonstration, where the Social- ist Party has called for a social-fascist demon- stration intended as additional support to the police and the reactionary World War Veter in the attempt to suppress the working c movement and the Communist Party, we mu immediately organize a mass campaign of pro- test and fight against these maneuvers or pro- hibition, using these facts to unmask the real elass character of the city governments and their lying demagogy about “democracy,” the fascist character of such organizations as the War Veterans, the Socialist Party, etc. In the present situation the Party does not call the workers to armed struggle against the fascist counter-demonstrations or against po- lice prohibitions, but the Party must not and Y D will not surrender these rights without a stub- born fight. The main task in this respect is to mobilize the largest possible masses even before May First, try to overthrow these manoeuvers or prohibitions with a mass moment of protes and the question of concrete tactics on the day of May 1 of the place of the demonstrations, etc. must be decided on the eve of May First on the basis of the concrete correlation of for- In any se the Party must not retreat before prohibition of demonstrations or parade, must organize not only mass meetings in streets and squares, but also parades on the streets, combining the parade with presentation of de- mands of the unemployed workers by Unem- ployed Councils or special delegations to the City Government. May Day will probably meet the same tre- mendous mobitizations of police forces as did March 6th, or even more. There must be no room for any panicky confusion amongst the members of the Party before this mobilization, Every member of the Party, even on the ex- ample of March 6th, must realize that the mobilization of the masses is the only way to paralyze these police threats, oblige them to re- treat, and fight them if necessary. Of especial importance for the success of May Day is the organization of Workers Defense Corps. In is respect the Party should ase the lessons of March 6th and the widespread recognition among the workers of the necessity of such | organization. Although in many districts work- ers defense corps were organized before March 6th, yet almost everywhere they are not yet united front organizations of workers in the fac- tories, but small fighting groups only of mem- bers of the Party or even only of members of the YCL, The work of organizating these corps must be carried on mainly in the fac- tories, among non-Party workers, joining these united front organizations under the guidance of the members of the Part; 8, As rege the organ propaganda for the demons ces. tional forms of rations, the Cen- Directives of the Central Com- mittee, Communist Party, USA tral Committee stresses especially the necessity of organization of May First Action Commit- tees. These committees must not be short lived organizations only to prepare May First, but preparations of the demonstrations should serve as the starting point to create such a united front committee which tomorrow should serve for instance as an Action Committee link- ing actions of unemployed and employed work- ers, or preparing another demonstration or ac- tion of the working-class. In ‘those places where before March 6 these Committees of Ac- tion were created, their activity must be ree newed as Committees for May First and con- tinue after May First for the next tasks. Another organizational form of our campaign r May First, must be organization of large ted Front Conferences of all worktrs includ- ing rank and file of reformist organizations to prepare the May First demonstration, and set up committees to organize, direct and lead the demonstrations, with representatives of Party, revolutionary unions and unemployed, The Central Committee especially stresses the necessity to strengthen the role and work of the revolutionary trade unions in the work of preparation for May First. In this respect the insufficient activity of our trade unions befoxe Mareh 6th should be corrected. The Central Committee recommends also for ail Districts such form of drawing poor farmers into this political movement of the working- class, as sending special agitators, organizers and speakers into farming centers and localities, and even sending a delegation of Party and non-party workers to organize and participate in meetings and demonstrations of the farmers. Finally the CC points out that May First cam- paign and demonstration should be largely used for the recruitment drive of the Party, especially in connection with the evening hall meetings which must round out the May Day activities in every city, to recruit new hundreds of proletarians into the Party. GASTONIA POINTS WAY | Thrown 0 TO NEGRO, WHITE UNITY * $% Fight Boss Terror in South to Organize All Workers By GILBERT LEWIS. (Negro TUUL Organider) Gastonia signalizes not only first atempt to smash race prejudice and unite the brutally exploited Ne- gro and white toilers of the South in a joint struggle, but it also marks the first sincere effort ever made to orga: ers the South, at all. labor, heretofore, had either capit- of | ruar, | the| Tem organ 26, and joined the unemployed march to Ci on March 6, while all of the rs were in jail; Negro and white workers held a mass meeting jin a Negro hall, Attend in Large Numbers. M At all of the meetings called by e the oppressed Negro work-|the TUUL and Party the Negro| Organized| workers have attended numbers, responded enthusiastically Hall, in Chattanooga, in large} they spoke IN SOUTH HAVEFAILED | Class Struggle Labor on Job and Growing By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL The textile mill owners, their gov- ernment, their poison press, their churches, their Chambers of Com- | merce, their Ku Klux Klan, their | lynch mob known as “The Commit- | tee of 100,” declared that the Na- | tional Textile Workers’ Union would | be driven out of the South, It is one year after “Gastonia. the under protect the had built. {attacked as “the agents of Moscow,” threatened with a Negro worker, The mill ow! ers’ mob destroyed the union head-} quarters, in the night, while the militia, the Gastonia the sheriff’s deputies stood knowingly approved of the destruction wrought | by the terrorists drawn from the| Chain gang sentences for Bill Cau. | dle, for George Saul, for Dewe Mar- 5 Ag 7. | tin, the kidnapping and beating of The strikers biult again and then’ pipert Totherow, numerous ar put’ guns into their own hands to s army of heavily armed American Legion, the Klan and the mill bosses and sup: Mighty millions of the proletariat of the world have raised their voices | twice within recent years in support) of American labor’g struggles. They} mobilized in the oy lives of Sacco and Vanzetti. with lynching because from the same platform streets of Marion, wit! struggle, te police force Aderholt and notorious try, the mill barons co: rage against the unio by and the International ‘intendents. new headquarters they | and Bison printie was ever given a day attacks upon ke of the increasing wave against Negroes. This year of savage ‘ort to save the When six strikers were massacred in the seore wounded. But militant labor in the South rose again after every As the growing economft crisis gripped the southern textile indus- and the southern representatives of Labor Defense, Marion strikers were freed; no one} | Carolinas with its textile mills. To. day it extends up into Virginia where the battle raged about the efforts of Stephen Graham to or- 'ganize the Negro and white workers under the banners of the Trade Union Unity League, resulting in the famous trial at Norfolk, “for ineiting Negroes to rebellion.” Into Tennessee, into Georgia, into Ala- bama, into New Orleans, Louisiana, where raids upon the headquarters of the T.U.U.L. and the Internation- al Labor Defense have only served to strengthen these organizations and their activities in the ranks of the working class, h more than ntinued their m organizers ‘ests | others, while May and the Instead of driving the class strug- gle organizations of labor out of the South, the, Communist Party, the Young Communist League, the ruling class | Union, the LL.D., are today in the y in: jail for as a result of lynchings ulated before the sharp white chau-!to the program and in most cases vinism of the South, regarded the | linked themselves up with the or- Negro as impossible of organization, | ganization. In Chattanooga, Tenn., or, like the social-fascist American! two Negro workers and two white! Federation of Labor, played the | workers were arrested with the or- game ie eae a den aie | ganizers, one of the Negro workers ignored the Negro altogether. | being sent to the chain gang alon; The correctness of the Communist| with the Negro iokiisart He eats International analysis of radicali-/| off the chain gang with a fiercer zation of the Southern proletariat,| determination than ever to fight the of the radicalization of the Negro|bosses. The other Negro worker was masses and the possibility of win-| released by the judge in the morn- ning them for the revolutionary|ing and appeared at a mass meet- struggle, of the possibility of smash-| ing in the afternoon and spoke for} ing race prejudice and uniting the! the TUUL. | Negro and white workers for a com-| Fight Boss Terror, mon sttugglé against imperialism,! The capitalist terror against the has been vindicated on a wide scale. | workers and their organizations tha! Gastonia has had its r 1S! was so brutally carried on in Gas: on many fron tonia, has not been absent in other} parts of the South. In Atlanta three} | organizers were jailed and are fac-| ing heavy sentences for attempting |to organize the Negro and “have| Revolutionary Trade Unions in the Souw. In Wwarious cities of the South, in Houston, Texas, in Atlanta, Ga., Chattanooga, Tenn., New Orleans, La., Birmingham, Ala., Charleston, S. C., Greenville, S. C., Winston- Salem, N. C., Charlotte, N. Ca., and | workers together, meetings have |been smashed and efforts made to) drive orgarizers out of town. In} | Winston-Salem a reign of terror has others, locals of the Trade Union | been unleashed and organizers jailed | Unity League have been set up and|°" trumped up charges. A | hundreds of Negro and white work-| "008 Tene, Cppnsers Have Sere | ay ited tities revolutionary | 8?7ested for holding street meetings struggic, Again and again, both| 24 railroaded to the chain gang. white and Negro speakers have ap- pea i of Lonel ie aN shel peared before mixed audiences ex-|#8ainst one bec . rf pounding a program of revolutionary | C°UT@se to defy the police terror an: unionism; of full social, economic | ¢#te to.crganize the starving Negro and political equality for Negroes, 274 white slaves. for the ultimate establishment in) The terror continues and so doe: this country of a workers’ and farm-| the work of organizing the unor- ers’ government. | ganized. * For every organizer jaile: | . Class solidarity — class interests the revolutions a nee rising supreme to any interests 0: in inted th s ri ly has Gastonia poin the way. any jomleatia Kairie tise oP | The workers of the South are pre- At,an open sir meeting in Chatta- pared for struggle. Especially are | nooga, when the Negro organizer for) the TUUL along with the white or-| for the struggle. ganizers and four workers, was ar-/ rested, a band of Ku-Kluxers gather-| #1 of F. ; i fy ef segregation, jim-crowism hi ccaehagee ein ere aart eet L land lynching being practiced against “Lynch him, lynch the damn Ne-; gro!” Immediately white and Ne- them. ds th They know that this can end only pag Ema li pres csotick him| with the ending of the capitalist sys- should anyone start anything. item. Therefore, a, are prepared j | to fight to this end. mene eee eer? 1 Gastonia points the way! At a factory gate meeting before one of the largest metal plants in " the city, white and Negro workers NATIONALISTS CAPITULTED again gathered around the Negro or-|__ Haitian reports state that the na- ganizer to protect him when he took | tive bourgeois leaders are “much the platform to speak. |satisfied” at the report of the St ni! of the meetings held by | Hoover Commission, but as the re- T. U. U2 L. in Chattanooga, |pori’s recommendations cannot by a Said /Megser. workers: have ‘any stretch of imagination be said tak . th Pind ‘and voiced their |t sive the least economic relief to ageiye f f fighting side by side \the starving peasantry and terribly pane a liga a t of the | exploited workers, it clearly does not okie ae Lager the pees the demands of the masses. other in the event that any of our | as Negroes and as workers, a sys- HAITIAN BOURGEOIS iment is alleged to be the “disap- meetings should be smashed. pointment” at the failure to with- The radicalization of the Negro draw the Marines “immediately.” masses, their determination eee Tha bourgeois -leadersy who aspire gle against the bosses and their gov-) + political and administrative sine- ernment, their willingness to fight | cures now held by Yankees, are side by side with the white workers | quite content with the promise of | for complete emancipation of the|jucrative places, but find it hard to| working class, has been given sharp explain to the masses why the Mar- expression. \ines should remain under an arrange- | In Charlotte, N. C., the March 6th ment they have agreed to. demonstration was made possible, fyen the detested “High Commis- largely through the determination of | sioner,” Brigadier General Russell, is the Negro workers to demonstrate’ praised by the report and allowed to despite police interference. ‘yemain under a vague recommenda- the Negro workers ready and eager ihe workers that has been going on| For theirs is a) for many months on such a large | 0Dey' double oppression. They suffer both! scale, the lengthening of hours of |inspired by the |that the Communist Party was not and forces in the South. . But. iny William Truitt and family who were evicted from their house along with 61 other striker families by deputized thugs and gunmen of the Manville-Jenckes textile mill. Truitt was one of the first to be put out because he was secretary of the Leray local of the National Textile Workers Union. APRIL 1, 1929--- APRIL 1, 1930 Growing Masses of Negro Workers Join Movement By CLARENCE MILLER. Gastonia, employing over two thou-| We are making. Although we sand workers, | 20t say that the race problem in the the movement South amongst the working masses has spread until | has broken down, nevertheless, for now it involves; the first time do we see a growing most of t h e mass movement in the South where Southern states, the color line has been broken down The crisis that| to a great extent. is developing in cially in speeding up, the amongst the C. Miller chievements of the K, ing has forced the Five-Year Plah of building So- Tye ictnces esters fala ibe front cialism in the Soviet Union and join- \lines of struggle. The Southern’ ing the Communist Party that fights workers, from the position of being for the establishment of a Workers “docile Americans,” have now grown 4nd Fatmers government. into real militant fighters. Far from| Insufficient Agricultural Work being a “source of reaction,” the The large number of agricultural Southern workers are a militant | workers and tenant farmers repre- force and an inspiration to the whole Sent a real problem to our move- American labor movement. | ment. So far we have failed to make The fake dri f the A. F. of L. 20Y real headway in this important Savannah pees cide tie “| field of activity. The agricultural is the latest weapon used by the | - isis, eatin wader i 4: . 5 panying starvation bosses in order to counteract the ris-| 56 thoce masses, offers us with a | ing militancy of the workers and the | ‘Although we have . pe problem. growing success of the revolutionary | any contacts and considerable in- trade union movement. This drive} Shey fluence amongst these classes we aga gg a yee have not yet seriously undertaken guard. ‘The A. F. of L, can be sne- | He task of winning them for our cessful only to the extent that the | Program. i ‘ TU.U.L, and the N.T-W.U, will fall|,, The Trade Union, Unity Teague mg bu as made considerable progress and down in its tasks of organizing the| ow we are faced with the tasks of The only fly in the bourgeois oint-| Workers. For a short time following | consolidating, extending our influ- |the trial and conviction of the G tonia defendants there was a slack- ening in our activities. The fact ence in the South, On May 11 the Trade Union Unity League has realled a Southern conference in Chat- rivet ya, Tenn., Baltig: UIE At & pace to) keep with, ‘noosa, Tenn., to accomplish these the growing mass movement faced Take us with a shortage of leadership} N.T.W,U, Progress The National ‘exuie Workers Union has also extended its work. A number of new local unions have _been organized in recent months and | We were forced to organize new dis- |tricts sofas to consolidate our work. Winning Negro Masses | We now have districts in Danville, The biggest progress we can note; Va.; Winston Salem; Charlotte, N. in the last months is growing ©.; Greenville, S. C.; Atlanta, Ga.; the last couple of months these shortcomings are being overcome and we can already note ‘consider- able progress. | * In Greenville, S. C., Negro work-|tion that his office be abolished at} ows threw down their tools on Feb-jsome definite future. ‘ hae 1 into our movement. The militancy of | ham, Ala. A number of locals have {the Negro masses and their response “Organize the South” has became t? the program of the revolutionary a reality. From a strike in a mill in| movement clearly shows the gain The conviction of the Gastonia de- the United) fendants, the murder of Ella May States had its! and of the six Marion strikers, the effects, es pe-| kidnapping and fascist methods of the | the ruling class, has done its share South. The to raise the class consciousness Southern working stretch - out of | masses. The Anglo Saxons who are traditionally, even if only formally, obeyers of the “law,” are now being masses of Negro workers poli hatiancces, ‘Tenn. and Birming- | | One year has passed since the te 3 ; tile slaves at the Manville-Jenckes the battle took place at the Gastonia | plant rebelled. | tent colony, on the night of June 7,} Greater Progress to Come | 1929, ending with the chief of police, | The National Textile Workers’ ' Aderholt, dead, the shots fired were | Union is still in the South. It is injactually heard around the world. | North Carolina. The mill barons! This second time the electric) have failed to carry out their threat. chair was cheated of its prey. {The dawn of the second year gives American imperialism, with its Hoo- | |big promise of greater setbacks for| ver government at Washington, did the enemies of the workers below | not dare go through with the legal the Mason and Dixon Line; greater lynching of the sixteen Gastonia victories for the working class. | prisoners, for whom death was There is no chapter in all Ameri-| planned in the electric chair. One can labor history that blazons 80) holt upon this year, however, is the many brilliant pages of glorious | guilty verdict that paved the way deeds, heroie sacrifices, seeming de- | for 117 prison years inflicted upon jfeats turned into hard earned vic- the seven strikers and organizers, tories, as this chapter that tells of | one year after the beginning of the strike at Gastonia, April 1, 1929. Here is clearly shown the progress that comes to the banners of class - struggle labor when it knows how| _Rises After Every Struggle. and dares to battle. | Even while the trial was on the The strike from the beginning court calendar the mill owners’ mobs jfaced the stone wall of capit: lclass resistance in every form. The state militia turned bayonets upon) the strike pickets. Race and relig- ious prejudices were fanned against the strike organizers from the North, Hendricks, Carter and McGinnis finally brovght to trial. That bolt | napping, flogging, threatening death | to all union organizers—actually | carrying out their threat in the murder of Ella May. While the trial itself was in progress at Charlotte, heen organized in New Orleans and Charleston, The Marine Workers League has made headway in a number of South- ern ports. The Metal Workers Lea- gue, in preparation for their national convention, are extending their or- ganization. The same is true of the miners who are now leading a strike in Kentucky. The growth of the revolutionary trade movement, the building of the Communist Party as the leader of | the Southern workers, the develop- ment of a number of Southern active workers, especially amongst the Ne- gro workers, is a guaranty that the to cope with the growing militancy of the workers, | first Southern textile strike, led by the National Textile Workers Union} we can proudly say that we have! broken through the Mason-Dixon} Line and laid a firm foundation for) the revolutionary movement. | above all, we must estimate the the obstacles in our way. f Our slogan -now must be: york for winning the Southern ment, Spring Time Is the Best Time for Vacation! i VIEW OF DINING ROOM IN NEW HOTEL HOTEL NITGEDAIGET Price $17.00 per week Address: CAMP NITGEDAIGET Say : BEACON, N. Y. , Camp Tel. BEACON 731—862 | DIRECTIONS: From Gr: 1 4 ¥, Phone ESTABROON 1400 | Central or 125th St, Direct to Beacon, ‘Trains Leave Every Hour, { ‘ — Beal, Miller, McLaughlin, Harrison, | must be wiped out. | | i | raged through the countryside, kid- |§ movement will grow and will be able | iB On this first anniversary of the! weaknesses of the movement and'# take all steps necessary to remove | workers for the reyolutionary move- | ; CAMP NITGEDAIGET : | attacks, instead of crushing the| South more firmly than ever. There ranks of southern labor, has/is only this difference. One year strengthened them. Working class | ago the struggle was centered about resistance is no longer measured by | Gastonia, in North Carolina. Today the thin ranks that once spread only |the struggle goes forward in prac- through the Piedmont section of the tically every southern state. a But, | More |} Gastonia Am Mich, Avril 14 gang xentence 19 Workers Face Neportation on Pacific Coast 68 Workers in “Soctalist” Milwaukee Release the Gastonia and Mar. © Prisoners! FOSTER MINOR a AMTER LESTEN Go on Trial April 11 The appeal for the seven Gastonia strik- April 22! April starts a month of big class-war cages grind out brutal terms against all militant workers! WHAT IS OUR ANSWER MASS TRIALS OF HUNDREDS OF WORKERS! TRIALS OF UNEMPLOYED DELEGATIONS! MASS DEPORTATIONS on the WEST COAST! Here are just a few of the many cases up in April: Protest-Great Mass Meetings—Gastonia Protest the arrests of the Unemployed Delegation and the March 6 Unem- y ployed Workers! Great Need RUSH FUNDS TO The International Labor Defense The Unemployment Delegation— RAYMOND ers, sentenced to 117 years comes up From coast to coast the bosses courts want to to SEDITION CASES! winved Neloantion, Aurit! 31 Protest Week April 6 to April 13 Instant Funds Is a 80 East 11th Street, Room 430, New York City, ———— seme [a — emer Sort cane ee err are rmets ee ee SS Sa NE UN AAMT Nt EE

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