The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 21, 1930, Page 4

blished by th micare: New York City, N, Page Four 16 Comprodally Publishing, Co.. Inc., Y. Telephone Stuyvesant ‘Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-23 Union Square, New Gally, except 1696 nday, Cable “LATIN AMERICAN INDIANS | AND THE PEASANT PROBLEM By JORGE PAZ. } IT would appear that America was not dis- 4 covered by Columbus nor by Americo Ves- pucio; neither the Spaniard nor the Italian. But it has been discovered by the Communist International, at least as far as the problem of the Latin American Indian masses are con- cerned. Until recently we were most ignorant of the e ence of a primitive rural economy worth taking into account in the later solution of the agrarian problem. The men who tore away the mystery of the ocean, breaking the limits of the known world in the discovery of the land of golden legends, shattered completely the toneless multitude of Peru and Mexico, impelled by the hydropic thirst of :netal riches. Speedy horsemen climbed the mountains, forded the rivers, lost themselves in the im- mensity of the desert or in the labyrinthine forests, possessed by a devouring fever of en- richment. Such was the spectacle Latin Amer- iea offered at the beginning of the Spanish Conquest. The rowdies, the ruined and ragged nobles, the ambitious captains thrown >ut of impover- ished Spain, travelled the tempting routes of the Valley of Anahuac in Mexico or the Tiawa- naku Valley of Peru, tracing their destiny and synthetizing the motive of their enterprise in the lines that they marked with their swords. They poured into Latin America, more especial- ly to Peru, High Peru (today Bolivia) and Mexico, countries where “gold blossomed from the ground,” to make themselves rich. If the legend of the existence of gold in great quantity had not been woven as it really was, America would have had another destiny, Hence the massacre of hundreds of thousands of Indians, by “occidental civilization,” then represented with territorial eloquence by Spain of Ferdinand VII, later by Phillip the Second. But when the gold did not sparkle in the required quantity for the satisfaction of all the | adventurers, the requirements of the kings and | the grand feudal senors of the metropolis, these audacious adventurers cransformed themselves into ‘peaceful” landholders, 31 royal commis- sioners. The sword of the legendary noble was hung on the wall; the initial impulse was halted and the noble armed himself with the plow and learned to turn the sod by the methods of | another culture. The bull was yoked; the war | horse hitched to the wagon. Along with maize, native of America, shines the golden sheaves of wheat. From the sword and armor, tools were made; the soldier and royal commissioner became governors. An occidental government with all its system supplants the regime of primitive Communism that ruled in these two civilizations. In fact, the Spanish found two civilizations in America, one a little different from the other. The Inca, in the area which today is Peru, Bolivia and North Argentina; and the Aztec, where today are Mexico and Guatemala, included in the last the Mayan civilization. Industrious the first; industrious and warlike the second. In Peru, the center of Inca cvilization, there existed in the pre-Columbus epoch, the follow- ing rural system: lands of the king; lands of the Sun, and lands of the community. The rst belonged to the king, the Prince of Tawan- tinsuyu in Peru, and to the native nobility and wariors. One can say that the native civil- izations in these two parts of America (in the rest of the continent the Indians were, in gen- erat, nomads) were characte cally of small rural proprietors and communal owners, whose greater pat were Pueblo (town) Indians. Hence the tendency is found that tries to return to this Inca Communism, which was nothing more j than the Russian “artel.” These lands the Pueblo Indians cultivated. The other lands, those of the Sun, were dedi- cated to the gods of the Indians and their prod- ucts were destined to the church. We are not forgetting that all the primitive peoples were ruled by a system of feudo-theocratic govern- ment. Another part of the products of these lands were destined as reserves for times of bad harve: { The lands of the communities or pueblos, in Peru called “Ayllu,” belonged to the agra- rian communes and were worked in common by family portions. These, as all the lands, were cultivated by the people. By preference, they worked first the lands of the Sun, then those of the old, the sick, the widows, orphans and soldiers in active service. Afterward, the people cultivated their own lands and were obliged to aid their neighbors. At the last, they cultivated the lands of the Inca, the king. And as the lands were thus divided, so were divided all kinds of wealth, mines, herds, etc. The Inca state had no money. One rule provided that any deficit in the con- tributions of the Inca were covered from the granaries of the Sun. No one was able to transfer land or to increase their holdings. When anyone died, the land was returned to the Inca. This same form of community agricultural holdings in Mexico was called “callpulli,” and the Council which administered it, the “call- pullalli.” The Council members were the old men of the village or community. In the pre- sent epoch of economic colonization by cap- italist imperialism, the national reformists of our countries try to turn back to this an- cient rural system. They wish to go back to the economic system now fallen astern of the ship of history. Chauvinist Attitude Toward Latins. The presumptuous adventurer taught us to despise the Indian. We spoke of the Indian’s “low passions” with emphasis, in the same moment in which the picks of occidental (cap- italist) destruction were tearing down all the fortresses and temples of the Indians. To- day, here in the United States, and even in the ranks of the Communist Party, I have noted with pain that there exists for us Latin Americans, an Olympic scorn, a dangerous tendency that those comrades who are af- fected by it must manage to overcome as they overcome white chauvinism, a prejudice of the occidentalist, that is to say, of capitalist culture, which must be replaced by thé full acceptance ‘of the Party policy and the culture of the proletariat, internationalism. This pre- judice towards us comes from the latent and perhaps unconscious supposition that in our veins there runs the blood of an enslaved and outcast race. (To Be Continued) Women Workers Are Fighting, By ETHEL SHOR. 'HERE are nine million women workers in the United States—they are in the shops, mills, factories, ete. They are the most exploited section of the | working class. The most underpaid and most beaten. They get the first wage cuts and first speed-up systems. Her oppression is double—first, she is ex- ploited as a worker and then oppressed as a woman, Often she is a wife and mother at the same time. Working in the factory long hours under most unbearable conditions, com- ing home after working cooking and cleaning, and in addition is a mother, bearing and rear- ing children. The bourgeois laws for women are only laws for the bourgeoisie women, granting them big alimonies, etc. The working woman is oppressed on all sides. There is no ma- ternity protection, very, very few safety de- vices, no time off to nurse her child. Nor is she given additional pay during the nursing period. In fact, she hurries off the childbirth bed in order not to lose her job. Women’s Position in Soviet Union. In the Soviet Union—in addition to the ad- ; vantages and the fact that the land belongs | to all workers and she as a worker shares— there is equality of woman and man in law. 1. Absolute equal pay. 2. Special mater- nity protection—eight weeks off before and after, with pay. 3. Special time off for nurs- ing. 4. Additional one-third pay during nurs- ing period, etc, Social and sick insurance ete., the same as the men workers, for only with economic equality can come socir equality. There are 26 per cent of the women orgar ized in unions in Soviet Russia where the are only 1 per cent in the United State: 50.7 per cent participated Town Soviet Elec tion—in the needle trades 79.2 per cent too! part in election, altogether 71.9 per cent pollec their votes. 80,000 housewives (you know how much housewives count for here) took part in Workers! Join the Party of | Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu nist Party. Send me more information. NAM vecsscrcesrecssecvenrererseceseaserss | evveees ity... Bees fail this to the Central Office, Communist 43 East 125th St,, New York, N. ¥, the Soviets. In all 200,000 women took part in the work of the Soviets here. Compare this with the United States. . Our first task is to organize them as work- ers in the unions, to fight their economic battles. To teach them independent political action. To organize them for the world revolution. They are an immense factor. They are: 1. One-half of the population. 2. They are now working in semi-war industries or indus- tries that can be immediately turned into war industries as they are 100,000 in iron and steel, 120,000 in food, 60,000 in rayon, which can be turned immediately into gun cotton. Bosses Want to Use Them in War. In times of war they run not only the war industries but all the mills, factories, trans- ports, etc. They unfortunately are the ones who buy the Liberty Bonds—they help fight the capitalist war. To turn the wars of the capitalists into civil war—into a proletarian dictatorship—they can refuse in times of war to run the war and other industries for the capitalists, Our main and basic task is to orientate our- selves to the factories, mills, ete. They are the basis for our work—to the unskilled and semi-skilled. This is the basis for the entire work of our Party. Every Big Factory Must Be a Communist Fortress. But the question of housewives is an im- portant one, too. More and more, by the thousands, are being forced into the factories (among the Negroes 50 per cent of the women workers are also married). The family as an ‘economic unit is breaking up. The women aust know that the old refuge of marriage is ‘one away with by the capitalists themselves -they go back to the factory the day after ey are married. It is no more a temporary | \ ate, which is one of the reasons hithertofore, was difficult to organize the women. We cannot ignore the hundreds of thousands £ wives of working men, for they are part | of the working class, and as Marx said they are the “slaves of the slaves.” It is they who help the men on the picket line. It is Ella May, mother of five children, an ardent union worker, who was shot by the bosses thugs. They were on the picket line in Passaic, Bed- ford, Gastonia, in the dressmakers strike, etc. And last but not quite least, they teach the young to become Pioneers, Young Communists and the future of our Party. Women workers and working wives, rally together with the men as fighters and com- rades for the social revolution and proletarian dictatorship, for only then will you emanci- pate yourselves. Emancipate the working class and you are emancipated. Fight the Right Danger. A Hundred Proletarians for Every Petty Bourgeois Rene- gade! - { at 94 98 (oton DATW J | profits. Worker ” ‘val Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. ~ By Mall (in New York City on! By Mall (outside of New York SUBSCRIPTION RATES! ity): $6.00 a year; y): $8.00 rT; $4.50 six monthi eh $F 90.00 ay *fab0 six montht $2.50 three montht $2.00 three months . WENDLY ADVICE— “8 By Fred Ellis Thomas: “Sh! There Grover, its all right to break up the unemployed demonstrations, but don’t talk about it!” Why Soft Coal Miners Are Out ot Work By ANNA ROCHESTER. ‘OR soft-coal miners in the United States the | unemployment cri: began s¢veral years ago. It grows worse year by year. The pres- ent depression in all capitalist industry throws more miners out of work, but the shutting down of. mines, the replacement of men by machinery, and speed-up on the job for mine- workers who still hold their places in the in- dustry have been progressing steadily ever since the final collapse of the coal boom in 1923, Coal mining was one of the first great in- dustries to reach the stage of permanent crisis toward which all capitalist industries have been blindly heading. And bituminous inter- ests have been fighting for survival with all the familiar technique of rationalization; price- cutting, cost-cuting, wage-cutting, new ma- chinery; small inefficient mines shutting down; large, low-cost mines growing larger; strong companies merging and extending contrdl, weak companies driven to the wall, Details of the picture vary in the different countries, but everywhere except in the Soviet Union the coal capitalists have been carrying | on a desperate war for profits and throwing the cost of their struggle on the workers in mass unemployment, worsening of working conditions, and lowering of living standards. About one worker in four has been thrown out of the coal mines in recent years in the three leading coal countries: the United States, Great Britain and Germany. In these three countries together, the number of men who can | find jobs in coal mining has fallen by at least 600,000. Hours are longer than they were, and in Great Britain and the United States wages have been pushed steadily downwards. Everywhere speed-up is increasing the hazards underground. Here in the United States, more men were employed in soft-coal mining in 1923 that at any time before or since. From the peak that year—with 705,000 workers—the number had dropped to 522,000 in 1928. No later totals are yet available, but the steady advance, of mechanization, the closing of additional mines, | and the present slump in coal production have certainly thrown more. thousands out of the industry. * Just what happened in the coal industry. | to cause this permanent crisis which began | seven years ago and promises more serious unemployment for years to come? The coal industry in the United States’ for many years before the war had the capacity ' to produce more coal than the country needed. In 1913—which was a “good year”—there were mines and miners enough to produce 635,000,000 tons of bituminous coal, although the actual output was only 487,000,000 tons. This chronic surplus capacity meant that operation was : always irregular and a high percentage of loss- es was always characteristic to the industry. It was a chaos of gambling competition for All the worst features of capitalist development were exaggeraged in coal. In every industry under capitalism, “pros- perity” depends on a steadily expanding mar- ket, for capacity to produce tends to outrun the capacity to sell the product. When the market cannot be further expanded, production is stalled, surplus capacity lies idle, workers are unemployed, and the industry faces a crisis. This is the general situation in American in- dustries today. It is the basis of the present depression in the capitalist world. It is the most important source of the war danger, But American coal mining reached this stage of permanent crisis seven years ago. It had been chronically carrying @ surplus capacity far greater than that {n other industries. The boom demand for coal during the war could have been met by the mines and miners at work in 1913. But the drive for war profits led toa wild fever of further expansion. In 1920 the tonnage produced (approximately the same as the tonnage of 1918) was larger by one-fifth than the tonnage of 1913, bet the ere capacity of the mines had risen far more than the output. When the coal market crashed, the coal in- dustry was far more perilously unstable than it had been at any time before the war. It was geared to produce 970,000,000 tons, al- though the operators could sell only 565,000,- 000 tons in 19283—which was a very “good” year, in spite of the collapse at the very end. At the Workers’ Expense. Rationalization was the only capitalist “solu- tion.” By 1928, the number of mines in opera- tion had been reduced from 9,331 to 6,450. The drive for mechanization had brought the coal loaded by machine up from considerably less than five million tons to more than 21,- 000,000 tons. Strip mining, with its high average output per worker, was developed in earnest and- produced another 20,000,000 tons in 1928. Powerful companies reorganized their workings and by concentrating operations did achieve more regular operation. For the coun- try as a whole, the average number of days that bituminous mines were operated rose from 179 in 1923 to 203 in 1928, although the total output of coal was lower in 1928 than in 1923. A determined drive to break all resistance by the workers in the U.M.W.A. began with repu- diation of the Jacksonville agreement in 1924 by several of the largest companies, and ended in the defeat of the 1927 strike. In the one “strong” district that remains—Illinois—the agreement signed in 1928 conceded the wage cut demanded by the operators. And the “pro- gressive” leaders now reorganized at Spring- field include’ the openly corrupt Farrington, notorious agent of the Peabody Coal Company. Wages have been pushed down in every coal field. In Ohio, the scene of bitter struggles more than fifty years ago when miners were first fighting for the right to organize, the average earnings are down below the averages in West Virginia and Kentucky. Of the-200,000 men thrown out of the industry, 160,000 are from the mines of Pennsylvania, Illinois, In- diana and Ohio. This rationalization continues and will con- tinue—throwing more thousands of men out of the mines, cutting down stil] farther the earnings of those who hold their jobs, speeding up and increasing accidents underground—un- } less the miners organize and fight for their rights under the banner of the National Miners Union. The dying U.M.W.A. has betrayed them. The “progressives” who try to pump new life into that organization are turning back to the “ideals” of John Mitchell, the great bargainer who played with the capitalists, helped organ- ize the National Civic Federation, and died worth a quarter of a million dollars. They are singing the same old song of competitive wage - scales, competitive freight rates, regular opera- tion, “buy Illinois coal,”—all the slogans that might appeal to the operators. Only the National Miners Union summons the miners to a fighting union: “Work or wages for all unemployed miners! “A minimum wage scale of $35 a week. Or- ganize and strike against every wage cut. Resist every attempt at speeding up. “Build the N.M.U. Prepare for national strike September 1.” vw Editor's Note:—The author of the above article is now working on a book “Labor and Coal.” to be published in the fall as part of the Labor Research Association series by the International Publishers, The solution proposed by the National Miners Union is not that of cutting down the number of “wasteful” mines in the industry and throwing miners out of the field, It is to make work for more mipers, not only by resisting the speed-up, but by en- foreing the six-hour day and five-day week, equal distribution of work and no discrimina- tion. If the number of men now in the fields are able to produce too much coal for the | marist tne it is time to fo operators, AGAINST THE ANTISOVIET. AGITATION OF THE CLERGY | ABROAD — HE newspaper “Bezbozhnik” (Atheist) pub- lishes the reply of Comrade Yaroslavsky, president of the League of Militant Atheists in the USSR, to foreign correspondents re- i ber of questions in relation to | e c Se eatontatvcaligten | ing of religion in school which clashes with the position of religious organizations’ in the U.S. S. R. Comrade Yaroslavsky says: “In reply to these questions, I deem it necessary first of all to protest energetically against the slan- derous statements which are appearing in the foreign press regarding the activity of our atheist organizations. This activity is carried on publicly, anyone can get an idea of it from our widely and openly spread press. The League of Militant Atheists is a volun- tary society which exists on the basis ofa statute confirmed by the government, in op- eration, just as other voluntary societies, on the basis of the U.S.S.R. constitution. The means we are using against religion are agi- tation and propaganda, We have repeatedly opposed attempts to substitute these methods of influencing the masses by other methods, To bear out my statement, I would like to refer to the widely spread pamphlet published by the Atheists’ League “Communists and Religion.” This is what we stated in this pamphlet: “Our Party is carrying on a struggle against religious prejudices, religious creeds by means of science and enlightenment, by means of books, newspapers, lectures, films, informal talks directed against religion and religious deception, Our program warns all Communists that, in carrying on this work, they must act in a manner not to offend the feelings of true believers, because by offending the feelings of true believers, one does not weaken, but can only strengthen religious beliefs.” You ask if there is religious freedom in the USSR, and if so, how religious freedom can be reconciled with the deprivation of the cler- gy of all denominations of voting rights, and with the consequences of such deprivation of political rights. Religious freedom in the U. S. S. R. is guar- anteed by the decree on the dis-establishment of the church, of 13.1.1918, which contains the following statement: “2, In the precincts of the Republic it is forbidden to issue any local laws or regu- lations likely to restrict or limit freedom of conscience or to establish privileges or ad- vantages of any kind on the strength of the citizens’ creeds, “3, Every citizen can practice any reli- gion, or not practice any at all; any de- privation of rights connected with adherence or non-adherence to any creed is repealed. “NOTE: Any indication of the citizens’ adherence\ or non-adherence to religious creeds is removed from official documents. “4, The actions of state or other public- juridical social institutions are not accom- panied by any religious rites or ceremonies.” This law is in force today. There has not been a single case of any religious organiza- tion being subject to persecution for this or that dogma of its religion, In the USSR, ut- terly unthinkable is persecution for the propa- gation of such absurd—from our point of view—dogmas as the approaching end of the world or the defense of theses on the crea- tion of woman from Adam’s rib, or the exist- ence of an after-life in paradise or hell. But at the same time, it is impossible in our coun- try to persecute for anti-religious propaganda, whereas such persecution takes place in all capitalist countries which have, formally, pro- claimed freedom of conscience, but in prac- tice, are persecuting, as shown recently in the United States: the case of Scopes who propa- gated Darwin’s scientific theory. Therefore, laws on blasphemy and _punish- ment for blasphemy, as in a number of coun- tries of “bourgeois democracy,” are impos- sible here. As to the deprivation of the clergy of the various denominations of voting rights, it is a well known fact that according to the So- viet constitution people living on unearned in- comes are deprived of voting rights, and the working class cannot of course be expected to consider as socially useful labor the reading and chanting of prayers, the swinging of the censer, etc., religious rites in general. Whenever churches are closed and church bells are taken down, the rules established by law are strictly observed. I will again refer to our indications in the pamphlet “Commu- nists and Religion”: “We must be prepared for struggle against any religious ideology, including the sectarian, for a considerable length of time. We must carry it on not by compulsion and coercion, not by administrative measures, not by prohibiting church services, but by steady, continuous explanation from day to day, by enlightenment, of the youth espe- cially, by exposure of the exploiting role of the sectarian organization, of the connec- tion between any religion, including sectar- . jan religion, and the organization of the exploiters.” And on another page: “One must avoid closing churches against the will of the majority of the believing population, provided of course that houses of prayer are not converted, as this has hap- pened, into houses of counter-revolutionary conspiracies, arms’ stores, etc.” In the event of a church being closed -with- out the observance of the provisions of the law, the believers take their grievance as a rule to the VZIK (All-Union Central Execu- tive Committee) which in such a case gives judgment in favor of the believers. I will refer to the fact that for several years Jewish working men and artisans cannot get from the VZIK the permission to use the Choral Synagogue in Moscow as a club, in spite of the fact that thousands of workers have signed the petition for the closing of the Synagogue and that indefatigable agitation is carried on in the Jewish press for such closing.’ The USSR Government is just as careful regard- ing the closing of the temples of other reli. gious organizations. to pay a union wage for a shorter work week, Naturally, only the overthrow of capitalism can wipe out the unemployment and misery of miners, but the demands outlined above will help, are worth fighting for. ments.” The Soviet law does not forbid religious parents to bring up their children in a reli- gious spirit at home. But schools in the USSR are secularised, instruction in the school is based on science, and therefore, the teach- science, is considered harmful by our consti- tution. Let the grown-up person decide at the age of 18 if religion is necessary for him or her or not. Neither is it prohibited by law in the USSR for children to attend church and listen there to the sermons of the clergy. You ask what, in our opinion, will be the result of the “crusade” announced by the clergy abroad with regard to the activity of the League of Militant Atheists. I must say that this campaign has given an impetus to atheist propaganda, has given it a political character, has been and is to atheists an in- centive to explain to the workers the reac- tionary character and the danger of this cam- \ paign for them. The political aims of this), “campaign” are so obvious that this gives us an opportunity of exposing the religious or- ganizations abroad as being in their entirety in the service of the capitalists. This makes, of course, all workers beware of any religion and any religious organization. The sequel of this “world protest” will be growth of the anti-religious movement throughout the world. The church will’ lose everywhere millions of members, and the atheists will get them. The League of Militant Atheists is not or- ganizing any campaigns in connection with the forthcoming day, of “International prayer- protest.” This device of the clergy abroad is already partly divulged. That which under- lies this buffoonery and which serves as a cloak to certain capitalist organizations—oil and others, is becoming more and more clear. In the press and at meetings, we are only ex- plaining the true meaning of this “campaign.” Our strongest weapon is—science and satire. To both these weapons the campaign planned by the clergy offers a wide and fruitful field of struggle. Notes on the South fi By CAROLINE DREW. ‘outhern Representative Workers International Relief. Seven Negro women are employed as ironers in a house dress factory’ in Greenville, S. C. They get six cents a dozen for pressing wo- men’s dresses, and three cents a dozen for pressing children’s dresses. No matter how many pleats, tucks or fancy there is to be pressed, the price is the same. The women start to work at 7:30 and work until 5:30 with thirty minutes off for lunch. These workers cannot press more than 150 dresses a day for which they receive about 75 cents. A short time ago they were given a lot of children’s dresses which were so fancy, that work and sweat as they would, they could not - average more than 101 dresses, which made their wages about 30 cents a day. White girls sew on snaps for which they get three cents a dozen. Two snaps have to be sewn on each dress. Packers get four cents a dozen. These girls average $4.00 a week. The white girls and women who sew the dresses make between $2.98 and $3.98 a week. Pe Officials of the A. F. of L. of the state of South Carolina, begged the governor recently to restor the jobs of workers who were dis- criminated against because they belonged to the union, Last summer the U.T.W. “settled” the strike jof the textile workers in the Mills Mill. The “settlement” stated that all workers should get their jobs back and workers who belonged to the union should not be discriminated against. Thirty-two union members were fired soon after the workers went back to work. The governor promised to “investigate.” This is another invitation to the workers to keep on starving. ” . Both the Court House and one of the large churches in Greenville carry the insignia of the Masons on their cornerstone. A framed copy of the ten commandments is hung in the lobby of this same court house. Around the corner from the church a painter cut his throat because he was out of work five months, could not get a job anywhere and his family was starving. ” On the bulletin board of a large fashionable church in Charlotte the following announce- ment appeared: “A man who does not have a car is one. who has not kept up with his pay- * ¥ When Negro workers appeared for an un- employment meeting in Greenville, a short time ago, cops stationed in the lot told them if they did not move on they would be given a job on the chain ‘gang. The bosses of the South not only’ want cheap labor, they want free labor. bs Ten hours a day in a dust-filled 2 yee for wages of $4.00 and $5.00 a week is the life of between 400 and 500 young Negro workers in the Charleston Bagging Company. Most of these workers are just children, They do not look more than 11 or 12 years of age. When they leave the factory at night, their hair, eyelashes, face, every part of them is covered with the brown dust ‘of the mill. In the mill the dust is so thick they cannot see the worker next-to them. At-a recent factory gate meeting which the southern representative of the Workers Inter- national Relief held, (the first of its kind in Charleston): the workers gathered around eag- erly and thanked the speakers. The Workers International Relief Branch in Charleston has set as its immediate task the organization of these most exploited workers. hs i Machines installed in a large cigar facto in Charleston have caused non Nears othe workers to lose their $4.33 a week jobs. ; ; hd A rigger working for one of the dry-docks in Charleston fell down and was instantly killed. 8 t F € ‘ qT I 1 t f. 7 ‘ } f: