The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 20, 1930, Page 4

F Page Four Square, New Addrer® and York mail ali checks ON THE MARCH SIXTH DEMONSTRATION Resolution of the Detroit District Committee | 1, The res n_100,000 work- ers to the call of the Comintern to demonstri on March 6 is a great victory for our Ps Detroit. This splendid response confirms the correctness of the analysis of the present cfisis by the Comintern and the Cen Committee. The response of the ma: cor to the steady deepening of the crisis, which result in the constant lowering of the living standaré of the entire working class and reduces ever larger sections of the workers to ac 1 st a- tion. The fact that a large number of em- ployed workers participated in the demonstra- tion in Detroit ows that the solidarity of workers employed and unemployed is ing. This is aceelerated by the practical wiping out of the difference between employed and un employed thru partial employment which is the lot of the majority of the employed. This demonstration, the largest/ever held in Detroit, is the best proof of the growing radicalization revolutionary espond of the masses and the rising mood among the auto workers in this most highly rationalized industry. 2. This demonstration of over 100,000 un- employed and employed workers around the slogans of our Party and under its banner i the best proof that the Party in Detroit is be coming a mass Party able to rally huge masses and that the District Committee under the lead- ership of the C.C. has correctly understood how to utilize the present situation for raly- ing the workers to fight for the demands o the Party in the interest of the entire working class. This demonstration revealed the grow- ing influence of the Comintern and the rapid internationalization of the masses who gathered under the banner of the Comintern despite the vicious propaganda of the bosses, the social fascists, and the entire capitalist press. The Party achieved such tremendous results thanks to the adoption and the carrying out of the line of the 6th Congress and the 10th plenum by our C.C. and the political guidance given to the District by the C.C. At the same time we must emphasize that the mobilization of over 100,000 workers was made possible by the intense activity carried on by the District in the last three months, the successes achieved in the recruiting campaign, and finally due to the seriousness with which the District Com- mittee approached the task of organizing the demonstration and mobilizing the masses on the basis of the directives of the C.C. Over a quarter of a million leaflets, stickers, shop papers, and Daily Workers were distributed in the factories, labor organizations, workers homes, employment agencies, schools and sol- diers barracks. Many factory gate meetings were held, organizations visited, etc. 8. The demonstration was convincing proof that the workers in Detroit are following the Communist Party and the Trade Union Unity League. We succeeded in winning some sup- port in locals of the A. F. of L. despite threats of expulsion. Nevertheless we must recognize that the A. F. of L. bureaucracy still a powerful enemy that must be exposed and defeated before the Party can gain the leader- ship of the majority of the wor This demonstration has exposed the A. F. of L. bu- reaucrats, the Socialists, the Proletarian Party sect, the S.L.P., as enemies of the workers who must be fought by the workers. Particularly have the Lovestonites and Cannonites been ex- posed as deserters from the struggle to the side of imperialism. In mobilizing the masses for this demonstration the District carried on a struggle against the attempts of the bosses, the government, the churches, the A. F. of L., the socialists, the various other social reformist groups, and the Jerry Buckleys, all of whom in their own way tried to hinder the mobiliza- tion of the masses and to confuse the masses. The size of the demonstration shows that in a large measure the workers are beginning to understand who their enemies are. 4. The District Committee tho orientating on a large outpouring of the masses, and ap- plying correctly the line of the C.C. under timated the tremendous response of the ma: to the call of the Par This is true not on with respect to the size of the demonstration but also with regards to the number of work- ers who left the factories and demonstrated in solidarity with the unemployed. Already even the partial reports indicate that many thou- sands of workers struck on March 6 in some cases almost the entire plant quitting at 11 in the morning (Hudson) and strikes in de- partments (Packard—U.S. Rubber) and the leaving of the factories by many workers at Ford and other auto plants: Tho we made special efforts to call out the workers in the factories thru special agitation, factory gate meetings, special strike leaflets, ete. neverthe- less we did not estimate correctly the real re- sponse of the employed and insufficiently real- ized the mood of the employed, which if prop- erly organized would have resulted in many more strikes in departments and factories. “This underestimation led to the adoption of strategy not entirely suited to he huge dem- onstration. Chief among these shortcomings in strategy was the failure to properly concen- trate the forces of the Party, leading to seri- ous difficulties in the exercize of leadership of the demonstration by the Party. At the same time the steering committee at the dem- onstration suffered from too much formalism and lack of initiative and did not ouickly enough respond to the new situation. .One of the most serious errors was the failure of a sufficient number of leading comrades at the demonstration to take the lead despite the evi- dent difficulties that existed hecause of the massing and the strategy of the police and other armed forces. The demonstration has shown many weak- nesses of the Party both as to experience and capability in effectively resisting the attacks of the police. The defense groups were or- ganized without sufficient preparation and were unable to cope with the situation. This problem must be given the greatest attention by the Party immediately. Another great deficiency both in preparation and in conduct of the demonsnration of the T.U.U.L., the Auto Workers Union, the Unemployed Councils. Tho they all participated they did not do so in an organized manner. Similarly the workers whom we succeeded in getting from the A. F, of L. unions did not participate in an organized manner. 5. The fact that our Party succeeded in mobilizing such large masses tho its member- Published by the Comprodatty Cit a | in a measure of success. | masses and the growing influence of the Pa’ | 6. The District Committee must guard against the results of the demonstration being dissipated thru a period of inactivity. On the | contrary the Party must apply its | leadership from among the most militant non- Punt ails t Sunday, at 24-28 tT Te nt 7-8. Cat DAIWOT to the Daily Worker. 20-28 Union Sguare, New York, ship is compartively sma at we are | gaining the influence over ses because of the pursuance of the correct line of the Com- intern. It, however, dramatizes the wide gap between our influence and organizational strength. It also brings home forcefully the responsibiliti with which the D.C. and the entire membership must be ready to meet. De- spite the mobilization of the entire police fore something unprecedented the history troit, and supplemented by the mobilization deputized armed thugs from various patrioti organizations, we can record splendid militancy on the part of the Party membership and the workers as a whole. specially the Negro workers and women workers showed tp well. | The working women were active in resisting | the attacks of the police, and almost half of those taken to the hospitals and arrested were women workers. Yet we did not succeed in I king th the police lines and defeat their strategy. This inev ure to of the »oked to the Communi: for leade . This great shortcom be overcome. We have succeeded gathering over 100,000 workers to demonstrate. We must now learn from the experience that we had for the first > in Detroit and be able to resist and defeat the attacks of the police. Here we can also record that the Y. which for the first time succeeded in mobiliz. ing almost its entire membership has i d manifold in the last few months, played a ve militant role at the demonstration wielding in- fluence over large sections of the young work- ers. The Y . was largely responsible for a wide distribution of leaflets both in the Na- tional Guard and the regular forces. It also helped to mobilize the children thru the Young Pioneers by holding school yard meetings and calling for strikes in the schools that resuited y If the gap between the radicalization of the on the one hand and the organizational weak- ness of the Party exists in Detroit it is even more pronounced in the other cities of the Dis- trict. In Grand Rapids there was a splendid demonstration of many thousands at the City Hall despite the police announcements that they will not allow the demonstration about which the police changed their mind when they saw the great m Already dozens of workers have joined the Partv here as a result of the demonstration. In Muskegon with hardly a dozen members the Party succeeded in leading a demonstration of about 5,000 unemployed | and employed workers. On the other hand in Pontiac and Flint where about 10,000 workers gathered in each of the cities near the City Hall there was no demonstration held because the police by arresting practically all the com- rades who were in charge of the demonstration succeeded in robbing the demonstration of the leadership, and the comrades sent from the District the last minute were insufficient and unable to lead the demonstration. Here we see the tremendous response of the m s and the great weakness of the Party which as yet has not learned how to work in such a manner as to be able to carry on the work in spite of the attacks of the police. Tho the District has given considerable attention to the outlying cities and has succeeded ‘as a result of the re- cruiting campaign for the first time really building the Party in Pontiae and Flint, and to more than double the membership in Grand Rapids, the District did not give sufficient at- tention to the preparation of the demonstra- tion. The District ted these cities by working out the plan printing their leaflets and stickers, and sent comrades to help in the prep- aration. But the comrades sent were not the most experienced and were not from the lead- ing comrades in the District which showed an underestimation of the demonstrations in these cities. If with the greatest energy and enthusiasm gained as result of the demonstration to the organiza- tion of the masses that responded to the call of the Party and fought under its banner. Al- ready the district has organized a huge mass meeting at Danceland Auditorium for Thurs- day, March 13, against the brutality of the police, and for the purpose of despensing the experience of the workers and gain organiz tional results for the Party and the other mas organizations. The Party must immediately concentrate on the following important tas! (a) The Councils of Unemployed must be built into real mass organizations. The Party fractions in the councils must do everything possible to build them and to develop real Party workers who must be drawn into all the leading committees. The Councils must give more attention to organizational w * to the issuance of books, dues, ete. (b) The Party fractions in the T.U.U.L. must see to it that the T.U.U.L. utilizes this situation for the enrollment of tens of thous- ands of workers into its ranks—into the Auto Workers Union and its other sections. The National Conference of the Auto Workers Union held last week pledged itself to recruit 10,000 new members into the Auto Workers Union by the time of the National Convention of the union on May 17. This pledge must be put into life. The Party factory nuclei must take the lead in the factories for the building of the Auto Workérs Union into a real mass organization. ey (c) On the basis of the response of the employed workers we must take steps to at once create Committees of Action of the em- ployed and unemployed workers. The Party must devote more attention to the winning of the workers in the shops. (d) The Councils in Detroit, Grand Rapids, Pontiac, Flint, etc., must be stimulated to start a discussion and election of delegates to the National Unemployment Conference to be held in New York City on the 29th of March. We must send at least ten delegates and thus lay the basis for a real mass delegation to the National Convention of the Unemployed to be held later in Chicago. (e) The Party must utilize its influence around the issue of unemployment and raise it to a higher political level’ We must pop- N Worker y of the U.S. A. By Mall (in New York City only): $8.00 a year; By Mail (outside of New York City): $6.00 a year: SURSCRIPTION RATIO 50 six months; $3.50 six months; $2.50 three months $2,00 three months By Fred Ellis pohetternt pb had The Attack Against the Soviet Union Will Be Smashed By HUGH McKIERNAN Worker Correspondent. 'HE workers of Russia, led by the revolu- tionary Communist Party established the Soviet Union over twelve ago. Since then we hear the reactiona n every capital- ist country, through their subsidized press, croak about its overthrow. In the United States its fall was predicted at first within three days, then it was a ques- tion of weeks, then the cossacks were march- ing to crush the Soviets, the fy nts w revolting, etc. All the lies, however, had no effect, instead it went from one victory to an- other, for the workers and Socialism. Such as building up of industries that were com- pletely broken down under the rule of the czar. It gives its workers a seven-hour day, a five-day week, social insurance, vacations with full pay. And now comes the greatest victory of all: the Five Year Plan. ears Socialism vs. Capitalism. The imperialists are now really alarmed. One-sixth of the earth under workers’ rule, each day proclaiming to the world new vic- tories, while the rest of the world, under cap- italist rule, is rotting and decaying and unable to feed its wage slaves. Something has to he done to fool the worker So the imperialists call a disarmament conference in London, not for the purpose of disarming, but to patch up their own differences and contradictions and to form a united front for war on the Soviet Union. There is but one obstacle in the way, and that is the solidarity of the workers in the imperialist countries and the colonies with the workers’ fatherland. So the workers must be split. What better way than to stir up a holy war? So they call on all reactionaries and exploiters. And what a combination of capitalist agents! Look them over: the Pope of Rome, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Gal- loper Smith, alias Lord Birkenhead of Free State fame, the yellow social Arthur Hen- derson, Kerensky, etc., Rabbi Wise, Bishop ularize the political mass strike and prepare for an even greater demonstration for May First in which we will succeed in calling strikes in many tactories. Around the preparations for May First which must begin at once, we must rally the workers around the slogans of the Party, against imperialist war and for the Defense of the Soviet Union. In uniting the workers under the banner of the Party we will succeed in mobilizing the workers for the strug- gle for a revolutionary, workers government which must be popularized in our propaganda. (f), The new members must be educated and retained in the Party. Further recruiting must take place regularly and thousands of workers brought into the Party. The membership must. be mobilized in all campaigns, new shop nuclei built and the numerical strength and the work of the existing factory nuclei improved. More shop papers must be publishe] regularly and reflect the conditions of the workers inside the shops and those thrown out. The Daily. Workers sales which already total almost 3000 throughout the District must be increased by many more thousands. The Party leadership in the District Committee, the Sections, the nuclei, must be strengthened by drawing in the comrades who show up best in the struggles in the factories, the unions, mass demonstra- tions, ete. This must not be carried out mechanically but on the basis of the most tho- rough self-criticism and control of the acti- vities. | Manning of New York. It does not make any difference to them, even if the head of the Greek orthodox church, the Metropolitan Ser- gius or Rabbi Gluskin, who was supposed to be murdered by the Soviet Political Police, not only deny any persecutions, but are indignant at Jewish rabbis and other reactionary clergy- men in capitalist countries trying to ferment war on the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union is the only country in the world where real freedom of religion exists, where the people can exercise freedom of thought, where the young minds are not biassed or warpo! by any particular brand of religion, where they are taught science, instead of superstition and ignorance, until they reach the age of 18 years. We know that the church has always played a reactionary and hostile role in every fight for freedom, so it is nothing new to hear of members of the church being caught red-handed and getting the same fate all traitors get in any country for -plottintg with the enemies of the Soviet Union. Whether it be aiding the kulaks to hoard up the grain so as to starve the revolutionary workers in the cities, or aiding Denikin, Wrangel and all the other counter-revolutionaries and white guardis in vain attempts to overthrow the workers government. The workers in all countries must support the revolutionary press and join the only rev- olutionary party that fights not only for poli- tical, but also economic freedom. The capital- ist system is already smashing at its weakest link—unemployment. It can no longer feed its wage-slaves. The crisis is maturing in every capitalist country. The bosses’ offensive against the working class, the attacks upon their stan- dard of living, the attack upon the revolution- ary militant organizations, especially the Com- munist Party which leads the international working class in every country, will not suc- ceed. The example of the Soviet Union, the fatherland of all workers, will be our inspira- tion for the ushering in of a workers’ republic in all lands, on the basis of the complete de- struction of the capitalist system. Unemployed Can Read How Employed Work Too Hard By ROBERT W. DUNN. Be speeding up of workers in America’s big open shop plants is described in a new col- lege text book by S. Howard Patterson,* pro- fessor at the Wharton School of the Univer- sity of Pennsylvania. The professor admits that industrial plants —presumably those ownel by the very Phila- delphia capitalists who support the Wharton School—are characterized “not only by exces- sive hours of work, but also by very fatiguing conditions of labor Instead of strength and skill, machinery demands an alertness and a dexterous rapidity which youth alone can give.” Which means that men are fired at 40 or 50. “Speed, noise, smoke, monotony and other characteristics of modern methods of produc- tion are responsible for the strain of modern iniustry which makes for excessive fatigue and eventual superannuation,” says Patterson. “The nervous strain of industry has been greatly increased, and fatigue is mental as well as physical, Some of the chief reasons for the fatiguing character of modern industry are its intense speed, its dull monotony, and its incessant noise. : “Constant attention, continuous alertness, THE MARCH By LEO FISHER. ARCH 6TH saw a bloody fight between the workers and the capitalist police of Mil- waukee in the big demonstration of the un- employed and the employed workers. Hun- dreds of policemen in uniforms and plain clothes, on motorcycles, on horses, with eight machine guns, were mobilized by the capi- talist class and their socialist flunkies in the City Hall to break up the demonstration. This was the fourth demonstration of the unemployed, led by the Communist Party and the Trade Union Unity League, within a month. Four demonstrations in rapid sueces- sion, each one about twice as large the pre- vious, struck terror into the hearts of the bosses and their “socialist” servants, and they thought that the time had come to “put a stop to it,” as they said. The first demonstration took place on the 5th of February, where about 2,000 workers participated. A week later another one was organized, with some 8,000 to 10,000 workers. On the 26th the demonstration reached a ma: proportion of between 12,000 to 15,000 wor ers; while the demonstration of the 6th had nothing less than 25,000 workers, both em- ployed and unemployed, Negro workers, wom- en, children, Americans, foreign-born, and even some American Indians. This was undoubtedly the biggest demon- stration of workers that Milwaukee has seen in years. The capitalist press reports that the struggle with the police was the “worst riot since 1917.” The enthusiasm and militancy of the masses reached a high level in the dem- onstration. The crowd first marched from Haymarket Square to the City Hall, which is restricted, or forbidden territory for workers to gather in; nevertheless, the workers invaded this ter- ritory and held the demonstration there. When the huge mass of people reached the City Hall, there was about ten minutes of cheering be- fore the speakers could make themselves heard. The square in front of the city hall was jammed with people; traffic was blockaded; the crowd filled in every available space. Speeches were made and revolutionary songs were sung; the Soviet Union and the Commu- nist International cheered; Mayor Hoan, the socialist party and the capitalist class de- nounced, with all the employees and officials of the city hall looking on from the windows. Meanwhile, a committee of the Unemployed Council went in to press the demands to the mayor and the Common Council. From the City Hall the demonstration proceeded to march through the factory district and back to the square from which it started. There speeches were made, and just about the time the demonstration was ready to disperse, the police, both in uniforms and in plain clothes, as well as on horses, attackel the assemblage in full force. The mounted police—cossacks—rode . into the crowd, clubbing men, women, and children indiscriminately. The uniformed police and the detectives—hundreds of them—drew their clubs and began to club the workers. Whoever they grabbed they beat into insensibility, lay- ing him out on the ground, and then pro- ceeded to drag him to the patrol wagon, kick- ing and beating him on the way. So badly were some of the comrades beaten. up after they were taken into the hands of the police, that they had to be sent to the emergency hospital. However, the crowd did not take the beat- ing from the police without putting up a re- sistance. The workers fought back ener- getically when they were attacked. So val- iantly did the workers fight back that clubs were wrested from the police, and the police were allowed to feel the effects of their own clubs on their heads. ‘Four policemen were laid out and sent to the hospital. Even the Pioneers—working class children—were most brutally attacked and clubbed; they too fought back energetically. 58 workers were arrested. For hours after the demonstration was broken up, the police and plain clothesmen circled around the streets, driving the workers on, clubbing and arresting them. The Party headquarters were raided and completely demolished by these hooligans. chairs, benches, pictures, desks, and book-cases were broken up. A radio set was smashed. The literature that was found was hauled away, and whatever cash was left was stolen by these “guardians of law and property.” The arrested comrades were charged with in- and physiological adjustment to an automatic rhythm are as tiring as great muscular exer- tion. The frequent menace of physical danger and the constant compulsion of the machine or the foreman increases this nervous ten- sion ... By the use of machinery it is possible to speed the worker to his greatest possible exertion by forcing the human eyes and fingers to keep pace with those of electricity and steel.” Fool workers will be interested to know that the professor recognizes their plight when he adds: “In canneries and biscuit factories, automatic conveyors can be geared deliberately to that rate of speed which corresponds to that of the fastest laborers. ° Workers, new or old, who cannot maintain ‘the pace that kills’ are forced to quit.” And this is true of practically every industry today. He also mentions the contribution of speed up to piece work, pace setting, and gang driv- ing, and concludes that “the speed and strain of modern industry, accompanied by many dangers and disagreeable features, are res- ponsible for the physical fatigue and nervous exhaustion of the workers which finally re- sults in a general superannuation or in some specific occupational disease.” The book deals briefly and in a general way with such topics as income and standards of living, poverty and “prosperity,” social insur- 6 BATTLE IN MILWAUKEE } ance and unemployment, unions and employ- | ers’ welfare schemes. The final sections on socialism an] syndicalism reflect the usual pro-capitalist view point of the goose-step academician. The author makes no claim for. originality “except perhaps for the hazardous attempt to cover so large a field in one vol- It carries an unusually generous list of col- lateral readings and references at the end of each chapter. . Howard Patterson, Social Aspects dustry, a survey of Labor Problems and of Industrial Unrest. McGraw Hill Book C citing to riot and rioting. ‘After the demonstration, Mayor Hoan, the i rushed into print, praising the po- ice for their brutality, stating that he is glad that the demonstration was broken up and that this is the “end of Communist demon- strations in Milwaukee.” The capitalist press unanimously applauded Mayor Hoan’s stand. - The trade union bureaucrats were jubilant over the fact that workers were clubbed by the Jes S. Thurber, president of the Mil- kee Building Trades Council, issued the following statement after the demonstration: “We are glad it is over and that the organ- ization has been broken up and its hall closed. I have watched the activities of these people very closely for the last two months, and have seen their gatherings growing from just a handful to thousands. (Our emphasis.) The Milwaukee police department has been very patient with them. They started it and the Milwaukee police department made a good job finishing it. From an office directly across the street, I was in a position to observe everything that took place at 6th St. and Jun- eau Ave. We witnessed the four horsemen | come down the sidewalk, dispersing the crowd right and left. We saw hundreds of uni- formed police keep a curious crowd on the move; we saw two dozens of motorcycle police surrounding the entire neighborhood. There were also many squads of plain clothesmen who mingled with the crowd, ani would o casionally arrest someone jeering the activ ties of the uniformed police. Again I say. the police department, with one exception, gave this crowd very fair treatment. The exception I refer to was an over anxious plain clothes- man who went out of his way to rap the heads of several persons, who in my opinion, were just curious and standing by.” All the incidents and facts, both in the dem- onstration and prior to the demonstration, proved that the attack was no “accident,” but the execution of a well prepared plan. First of all, they tried to cripple the demonstration by ai ting 12 comrades that were distribut- ing leaflets. On Saturday, prior to the demonstration, they attacked the Pioneers’ demonstration and arrested four League members. On the 26th they used Scarborough, who has been exposed since as a stool pigeon of the bosses, in an att®mpt to discredit the whole movement and thereby lay the basis for attacking it. The newspapers have been whooping up a war spirit against the demonstration ever since the 26th. Stool pigeons were being sent into the Council every day; they were being bounced out at the rate of two and three a da; First, a stool pigeon who wore the button of the American Legion, drew a knife to stab a Negro comrade. He was at once grabbed by the neck and thrown out of the crowd. When the demonstration began to march, a truck driver deliberately drove into the crowd of workers. It is now rumored that this truck driver was a-detective. The fact that no one was injured was only due to the timely action of the workers, who handled him effectively by stopping his truck, pulling him out, and giving him a proletarian lesson as to how to behave in face of working class demonstra- tions. The open role of social fascism is shown to work in perfect unison and harmony with the police and capitalist stool pigeons. But the great upsurge of the masses, rapid drift to the left. the ro4 workers is creating a rift in the ranks of the socialist party. A part of the socialist machine, which thinks that it can more effectively fool the workers by posing as their friends, by assuming a “left” role, seemingly expressed its dissatis- faction with the methods of the police. They assumed this role in order to direct the strug- gle of the masses into social reformist and, therefore, to the capitalist class not dangerous, channels. They are now demanding an “investigation” of the “causes of the riot,” as if it was not as clear as daylight what the causes are; that is, the open role of fascism is assumed by the state and the social-democratic machine. They come forward with the opinion that the cos- sacks should not have been used, and the right of assemblage should not have been vio- lated. They are trying to make it appear that the fight with the police was provoked by newspaper reporters who wanted some excite- ment in order to get a good story, and not by the police themselves. While Mayor Hoan and the gang of social fas s have been completely exposed as ene- mies of the working class, these so-called “left” socialists must be mercilessly shoved aside because they are a part of the S. P, ma- chine and the capitalist class, only with a dif- ferent appearance in order to fool the workers. The Party’s prestige through these strug- gles, and especially through the police attack has been raised to an unprecedented level. For instance, in the railroad shops, where we have no organized Communists, when the superin- tendent called the workers together before the demonstration, warned them against partici- pating in it, and asked how many workers were Communists, about forty hands went up, knowing fully well that they were facing dis- charge by doing so. Money and support has been coming in from all sides, The workers, both white and Negro, are giving their en- couragement, their expression of support daily. So instead of having suppressed the Communist Party, the attack, together with the oncoming trial, raised the struggle of the workers led by the Party to its highest poli- tical level—the struggle against the whole capitalist class and their state machinery. ‘The trial itself will be used as a further of- fensive by the Party against the capitalist class and all its hangers-on. The slogan of the _the Party is, for every jailed Communist, ten ‘new members. This is meeting a big response. Intensive preparations are made by the Partygfor strikes and a demonstration on May 1. The Party is turning its face to the fac- tories in order to set up shop nuclei and en- trench itself among the workers. During all these struggles, the ‘Party played the leading and unifying role; its leadership Was accepted undisputedly. Perfect coopera- tion—political, organization, and financial— existed both in the preparation for the dem- onstration and in the execution of the demon- stration between the Communist Party, the Young Communist League and the Young Pioneers.