The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 19, 1930, Page 4

Published by the Comprod Square. New York City Address and mail al rage Four FOR A MASS REVOLUTIONARY © the Daily S. Cable Square. YOUTH PAPER By GILBERT GREEN. HE sharpening of the class struggles arising out of the present period of world economic crisis, makes not only possible, but historically necessary, the building of a mass Young Com- munist League. A mass Young Communist League can only be built by making a sharp turn towards the young workers, in the shops, among the opponent youth, on the sport fields, and even in the churches. One of the first and foremost tasks in reaching and winning the young workers, is the building of a mass news- paper of the working youth, a Weekly Young Worker. Mass unemployment, speed-up, low wages, and growing militarism, have created deep dis- content among the young workers. In all the struggles of the workers, the young workers have taken an active and often leading part. The bourgeoisie “understanding that the out- come of the impending wars and class strug- gies depends now to a considerable extent on the part which will be played in them by the toiling youth” (YCI resolution), has increased its activity among the young worker: The school, the press, the church, the movies, sports —everything, is used in order to poison the minds of the young workers with the ideology of capitalism. Needed a Mass Youth Paper. The League has lagged behind the young workers, has failed to sufficiently counteract the offensive and increased activity of the capitalist class. One of the reasons for this, has been the failure on the part of the League to develop a mass newspaper as the organized expression, the “collective propagandist, agita- tor and organizer,” of the young workers in their every day struggles. The Young Worker as a weekly mass organ; rooted in the shops and factories, will be one of the first steps towards breaking our isolation from the masses, towards becoming the organizer and leader of the young workers in their every day strug- gles. The work of organizing the unorganized young workers into revolutionary unions and youth sections, of changing the social and na- tional composition of our League and the build- ing of shop nuclei, can only be accomplished through our every day struggle against ration- alization and unemployment, in the shops and factories. This every day factory activity can best be conducted if we have a Weekly Young Worker to help initiate and develop our work. Through workers correspondence, through arti- cles dealing with the life and needs of the young workers, we can place before them our | program, give their struggle an organized character, link up their struggle with the struggles of the young workers and workers | ona national and international scale. A Week- ly Young Worker is organically conecte: h the question of organizing the young workers for a struggle for their every day demands. Without systematic activity in the regular armed forces and in the auxiliary armed forces, there can be no real campaign and revolution- ary struggle against the war danger. The Weekly Young Worker as the organ of the revolutionary youth, must become the main central organizing force in our general anti militarist activities. The Weekly Young Work- er will also expose the war preparations of the bosses and organize a broad struggle against the danger of imperialist war, and for the defense of the Soviet Union. The penetration of the opponent youth or- ganizations, the winning away of the young workers from the bourgeois organizations, plus the development of mass auxilia outh or- ganizations, can also be aided greatly by a Weekly Young Worker. The Weekly Young Worker will be a weapon in our struggle against the influence and ideology of the bour- geoisie in the ranks of the working youth. By May First a Weekly. It is impossible to conceive of making the turn towards mass work, without the develop- ment of real Bolshevik self-criticism from top to bottom, without the development of youth politics, and real control of decisions. These can also be accomplished by a weekly Young Worker which will organize the young workers for struggle, educate our membership in mass work, and develop through its columns tho- rough self-criticism. The weekly Young Worker is the instrument by which the League can make the turn towards mass work. In order to organize the unor- ganized, change the poor social and national composition of the League, build shop nuclei, penetrate the opponent youth organizations, struggle against the danger of imperialist war and for the defense of the Soviet Union, it is essential to have a weekly Young Worker. To- day, no longer is there factional manipulation with the Young Worker. No longer can we tolerate promises that are never fulfilled as in the past. Tojay we mean business in build- ing a Weekly Young Worker. 2 The present period demands the winning of struggle, demands the building of a mass Young Communist League, based on the shops and factor The every day struggles of the young work demand a mass, organ, a Weekly Young Worker. The realization of this fact by every Party and League member, by every class conscious young and adult worker, will make possible the es- tablishment of a Weekly Young Worker by May First. nt Sunday, at 26-28 Oni DAIWOR New York, “In This City There Are No Jobless at All” Letter from a ship yards worker in the Soviet Union. Dear Comrades: I am working at one of the giant ship y: of the Soviet Union. Here, in the city of N’ laiev are two ship yards. One is called Andre Marty and one is called Number 61. Andre Marty is the name of a French revolutionary who was sent by the French capitalists on a fleet to the Black Sea ports to bombard the Bolsheviks. But when the fleet came to the Black Sea Andre Marty organized all sailors and locked up all officers and refused to bom- bard the Soviet cities. That is why the work- ers and peasants government named this ar- senal Andre Marty. The No. 61 Arsenal is -named so because in front of it 61 Communists were shot by white guards. In the Andre Marty Arsenal 12,000 workers are working, | in the No. 61 Arsenal 3,000 workers. In these arsenals we build plenty of vessels, small and big. up to 12,000 tons. We are also making railroad cars and other things. The program of the Five Year Plan is to build in these arsenals 264 vessels of different sizes. Here is also one heavy factory which is manufactur- ing agricultural machines. In this factory 2,500 workers are working. There is also a government building organization which is building new factories an] homes for the work- ers, Schools and all kinds of buildings which are needed. In this building trade 3,000 work- ers are working. A big grain elevator was built here which is considered the third in the world. Last year a large electric power house was also built. An.American type of apart- ment house, with steam heat and all improve- ments is also being built. In one word, the in- dustry of all lines is building up with a quick tempo and the last perfection of technique. So remember, comrades, that as the first in the world. the workers republic is building its industry as quickly as possible. While the cap- italists of the whole world are throwing work- ers on the streets, our Soviet government is employing more and more workers every day. Here in this city are no jobless at all, we have to get workers from other cities to help us fulfil the program in this city. Workers Conditions in the Soviet Union. Workers who are working in places danger- ews for health are working six or seven hours aday. For instance, firemen, miners, painters working in colored places and many other jobs. Firemen, miners and painters get one month vacation with full pay. Other workers who work in the open air or not dangerous places get two weeks vacation. Workers’ families get | doctor and medicine free in case of sickness. Workers get full pay, free doctor and medicine | against us. Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. , the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. Name .....ccsccssecseescescesccssesccmsens Address .....ccsscscecewecses Uit¥eveccovee Occupation ......sseceseeeseeeees pe! this to the Central Office. Communist , 43 East 125th St., New York, N. Y. Age...... in case of sickness. The workers of the Soviet Union are using all their energy to fulfil the Five Year Plan. Treaties of Socialist Competition have been signed between the workers. Factory with fac- tory and department with department have signed agreements in which they undertake to fulfil the following points: 1—To reduce the cost of production by 13%. To struggle against scrap-making. To struggle against drunkeness and mis- sing days of wor 4—To take care of all material as much as possible, 5—To fulfil all programs 1007. The workers of the Soviet Union undertake to fulfil our Five Year Plan of Socialist Con- struction because we know that in order to fight our enemies, the capitalists of the whole world and to help our comrades, the workers of the whole world, in order to fight capitalism and fascism, we must build up industry and intustrialize agriculture. Many things are still scarce. But we know why. We know that in order to carry gut our plans we have to import machines for heavy industry and we know that the capitalists of the whole world see our peaceful building up of Socialism. That is why they do not want to give us credits and they are trying to break off relations with our workers’ republic. But in spite of that we are getting stronger and stronger every day. We know that the capital- ists of the whole world are preparing war But every worker in the Soviet Union is ready to defend the workers republic | which is the fatherland of the international proletariat. Comrades, American workers, we are appeal- ing to you. If the capitalists pull you into a war against the Soviet Union, your duty will | be to refuse to fight against the workers fatherland, an1 to agitate among the soldiers not to kill their comrades, workers of the So- viet Union, but to fight to the last drop of blood for the workers of the whole world and | to establish a workers government in every country in the world. —B. KUSTERA, Nikolaiev. How Zoergeibel Defends Re- ligious Freedom BERLIN, (By Inprecorr Press Service)—In accordance with the request of the German Na- tionalist and Catholic press, the police again visited the exhibition of proletarian culture in Berlin to-day and confiscated a further series of pictures enumerated by the bourgeois ob- | scurantist press and the papal Nuntius. The social democrat zoergibel as the tool of the religious bigots suppressing free dom of thought is a worthy companion of the may day slaughterer of the Berlin workers, Organizing Negro Workers in Detroit DETROIT, Mich., March 14. (By Mail)—The Negro workers in Detroit have shown thru their activity in the last few months they are in fighting mood. In the Communist Party recruiting campaign over 225 Negro workers joined the Party. They are coming in good numbers into the Trade Union Unity League and the Auto Workers Union. The Negro workers are very active in the Detroit Unem- ployed Council, Negro workers in this city suffer more froni unemployment than any other section of the workers. They are dis- criminated against in addition to having to face the hardships of their white fellow work- ers. The American Negro Labor Congress here is growing end meets every Thursday at the New Worscis ilome 1343 EB, Ferry St. ' newspaper, in real | WEEN | ment among white worker N Central Organ of the “We Demand Our Freedom to ‘Prey’! Com ha Worker i the U.S. A. By Fred Ellis 3999 The Negro Worker and Unemployment By HARRY GANNES. on the job, the Negro worker is the most exploited. When out of work, his | road to starvation is much shorter than that of the white worker. While unemployment hits the white worker with a terrific whack, that blow is intensified for the Negro worker. In every instance where unemployment in- vestigations have been made, the fact tradicted that proportionately more workers are unemployed than white. mncon- Negro More Negroes Unemployed. The New York State Department of Labor says (in accepting these figures, we remember the smooth facility for lying in these matters that the canitalist governments have shown) that when there was 10.8 per cent -unemploy- t the same time 17.7 per cent Negro workers were joblss.. In Philadelphia, with 6.8 per cent of the white workers out of work, 29.2 ner cent Negro work- ers were walking the streets jobl In Phila delphia, there were five times as manu Negro workers hit bu unemeployment as there were white workers! In Buffalo, Chicago, Pittsburgh, Birmine- ham—in fact, in every industrial center in the United States—the pronortion of Neero work- ers unemployed is from 25 to 50 per cent greater than the white jobless. How Many? How many unemployed Negro workers are there in the United States? Onlv one organ- ization has thns far answered this anetion. and that outfit has done it in the style of Hoover—lies and underestimation. Recently the National Urban League, whose object is to create docile. willin-to-be-exploited Negro workers for the American bosses, stated that there were 330,000 jobless “Negroes in the United States. After receiving a soft-soap letter from the worst enemy of the Neero workers in the United States, Herbert Hoover, certainly we wouldn’t expect the Urban League to queer Hoover's game of attempting to fool the masses on the extent of unemployment. On April 1, 1929, Hoover wrote to Evgene Kinckle Jones, executive secretary of the National Urban League approving the policies of that organiza- tion and wishing them “success in this under- taking.” On many other oceasions the Urban League has coonerated with the strikebresker and enemy of all workers, Hoover, and on the question of unemplovment they rush in on their knees and their bellies to underestimate the severity of unemployment of the Negro worker. Well Over 600,000. Let us see what the real state of unemvloy- ment is among the Negro workers. Exclusive of agricultural workers (and these too are hard hit by unemployment) there are about 2,500,000 Negro workers in the U. S. Ac- cording to the A. F. of L., abovt 22 per cent of its members are out of work. It is con- servative to apvly this figure to the entire working class. Also, it is admitted on all hands that the number of Negro workers in the job- | less army is far ereater than white workers. | Hence it is evident that at least 25 per cent of ell Negyo workers In the United States at the present time ts workless. This gives us way over 600,000 unemployed Negro workers. Vote-Catchers, The Chicago World, a petty-bourgeois Negro a vote catching sheet for | the worst type of capitalist, grafting politicians | was forced to declare that the conditions of the Negro unemployed in Chicago were almost beyond description. The number of Negro un- employed evicted for non-payment of rent from their rotten hovels is more than double the white workers. How do the Negro misleaders propose to solve unemployment for the Negro workers? By cringing before their white masters; by accepting charity without a murmur; by stand- ing on the bread-line; by cooperating with Hoover and the A. F. of L. fakers. The Chicago World went so far as to crit- | icize the Daily Worker for calling upon’ Negro and white workers to unite in the struggle for the demand of Work or Wages becvuse this might injure “peace and prosperity!” What prosperity? What peace? Does the World | mean the “peaceful” lynching of Negro work- ers in the South by the bosses’ mobs? Fight Shoulder to Shoulder. However, the Negro workers have amply | demonstrated the fact that they will not stand by and starve but will unite with their white brothers in the fight for Work or Wages; in the organization of Unemployed Councils, under the leadership of the Communist Party and the Trade Union Unity League. On March 6, hundreds of conerete instances were given of the firm unity of Negro and white workers in the struggle for the unem- ployed demands of the T.U.U.L. In Chicago, a Negro workers rushed to the defense of a white worker severely beaten by the cops at’the unemployed demonstration sev- eral weeks before March 6. In Milwaukee, the white jobless workers had to be restrained from storming a building from which several petty-bourgeois students had insulted a Negro unemployed speaker. In the South, Negro and white workers stood shoulder to shoulder in the jobless demonstra- tions. The fighting spirit of the Negro workers, together with their white fellow-workers, on March 6, is an inspiration to all workers and a blow to the bosses’ attempts to disunite the workers on color lines. By cringing to the bosses, the Urban League may get other Judas-kiss letters from Hoover, Davis or any other of the enemies of the But only by fighting as a class to- workers. i gether with the white workers, will the Negro unemployed be able to force the bosses to dis- courage some of their profits in the form of unemployment insurance paid by the capitalist state. Death Toll of Capitalist Industry - : Nearly 15,000 workers are killed or maimed for iife by industrial accidents in New York City every year “for no good reason” asserts the greater New York safety contest com- mittee. The cost of these accidents is esti- | mated at $60,000,000 annually. Fieht the Right Danger. A Hundred Proletarians for Every Petty Bourgeois Rene- gade! By Mail (in New York City only’ By Mail (outside of New York City SURSCRIPTION RATES: $8.00 a year; : $6.00 a year; $4.50 six months; $3.50 six months; $2.50 three mouths $2.00 three months By W. BURKE. y hak Prague Congress of the Lucerne (So- cialist) Sport International (LSI) held in the middle of last October showed the com- plete capitulation of the LSI to the bour- geois sports movement an the bourgeoisie. This Congress also showed to the interna- tional working class that the LSI is not a workers’ sports organization but a political tool of the second (yellow) international. The congress proved to the international working class sports movement that the leaders of the Lucerne follow the road of joining hands with the international bourgeoisie in the prepar: tions for an attack against the Soviet Union. The Lucerne Sports International is the sport international of the social-fascist party—the Second International. This Congress of the Lucerne, to which the delegates were hand-picked, met in a period of intense class struggles—a period when the bourgeoisie, in order to compete in the inter- national market, has begun and is continuing to carry out an attack against the interests of the working class on all fronts. In these attacks of the capitalists, the brunt of the burden is centered upon the millions of young workers, many of them sportsmen, who be- cause of their youth and good physical con- dition are ‘more fiercely exploited than the adult workers. This Congress met in a per- jiod of capitalist rationalization, which results in millions of workers being thrown into per- manent unemployment. Above all, this Con- gress met in a period of preparation of an open attack against the Soviet Union by the international bourgeoisie. Social Fascist Leaders. To these burning questions of the day for the international working class and the work- er sportsmen, the Congress gave no answer. It did not take note of them even in the old social-democratic way by passing resolutions. It maintained complete silence, because the Congress was not the congress of the worker sportsmen within the Lucerne, but the con- gress of the social-fascist leaders of the Lu- cerne. The congress confirmed the policy of the executive committee of the Lucerne by break- ing off all sport relations with the worker sportsmen of the Soviet Union. It further confirmed the mass expulsion policy of the Lucerne as carrie] out by the executive com- mittee. It also decided to break off all sport relations with the Red Sports International. On the other hand, it endorsed the joint com- petition of worker sportsmen with the bour- geois sport organizations. The whole line of the congress was to isolate the worker sports- men from the revolutionary movement and from the class struggle. K As a manifestation of the pressure of the rank and file membership within the Lucerne, the vote on the breaking off of sport rela- tions with the Soviet Union was 26 in favor and 25 against, with two abstentions. Those voting agairist the motion were not the better | but the worst part of the congress, represent- ing the “left” Austrian social-democracy. They voted against this decision not because they are against breaking off rélations with the Soviet Union but because they did not wish to see the Lucerne unmask itself before the masses of the working sportsmen. These ele- ments must be fought against more than the open social-fascist leaders of the * since, while standing on the same platform with the other leaders, they, with tiuw *: phrases, ten] to deceive the worker spor’ men. The hesitation of several of the leaders only goes to show that the masses of the worker sportsmen, united by the L. S. I., con- tinue to stand on the platform of revolution- ary sports, a platform of the RSI, which will unite in the near future all the worker sports- men into one working class sport international, an instrument of irreconcilable class struggle against the bourgeoisie. Following the decisions of this social-fasci congress, the officials of the Workers’ Gym- nastic & Sport Alliance, (WGSA), an Amer- ican section of the Lucerne, have also begun a campaign of terrorism and expulsion of those members of this organization who stand on the platform of real class sports, on a platform which, was originally the platform upon which the Lucerne was organized but which it has abandoned. Due to the previous isolation of the mem- bership of the WGSA from the general revo- lutionary working class movement, the lead- ers of this organization, with the help of ly- ing and slanderous bulletins of the Lucerne, were able to keep the membership in ignor- ance of the real conditions in the international working class movement. However, with the intensification of the class struggle and with the Lucerne following a more and more anti- working class line, the workers in this organ- ization began to demand a more militant line from their leaders. They demanded that the organization participate in the every day struggles of the workers. They demanded closer relations with the Labor Sports Union of America, which is a sectioW of the Red Sports International. The leaders answered these demands with contempt and silence. However, not until the January 18th Con- gress of the WGSA did the officials begin to openly carry out the line of the Lucerne and the Prague congress. To this congress, these social-fascist leaders invited Mr. R. G. Palm, secretary of the “Labor Sports Union of the United States,” to speak on the WGSA join- ing their ranks, The Right Wing in the U. S. Before we go further, let us see who this R. G. Palm is and what his L. S. U. of U. S. represents. R. G. Palm was a member of the National Executive Board of the Labor Sports Union of America (note difference in name), now a section of the Red Sports International, for about six months until he was suspended in March, 1928, for his disruptive tactics and his attempt to split the L. S. U. of A. At the following congress of the L. S..U., held in August, 1928, Palm, along with several other anti-working class elements, were unanimous- ly expelled. R.G. Palm was not only expelled because of his splitting tactics and his refusal to carry out the decisions of the National Executive Board but because he was a petty- boss, employing scab labor in his paint shop, Palm, with Urttamo, after their suspension, continued to call themselves the “Labor Sports Union gf the United States” in an effort to ’ SOCIALFASCIST SPORTS INTERNATIONAL AND ITS LACKEYS IN THE US.A. | the delegates, after calling for several points fool some worker sportsmen into joining them. They were successful to the extent of three clubs, which were composed mostly of petty- bourgeois elements. The same year, in com- petition with the National Meet of the L. Ss. U. of A., which was held in New York City, they organized a meet in Chicago under the patronage and sanction of the Amateur Ath- letic Union—definitely affiliating themselves to the bourgeois sports movement and allow- ing the A. A. U. members to participate. The A. A. U. athletes were the majority pres- ent at this meet. The working class athletes, knowing the role of these social-democrats, boycotted this meet. Undaunted by their fail- ure, these renegades continued to call them- selves the L. S. U. of U. S, and to act as the agents of the A. A. U. in the ranks of the working class. With the leftward swing of the masses in the last six months, the socialist party of \ America, carrying out its historic role as the } servant of the bourgeoisie, took this gang of J renegades under its wing, formed a new “pro- visional committee for the organization of the Labor Sports Union of United States,” and appointed Clarence Senior its national secretary as the political head of this organ- ization. This is the L. S. U. of U. S. and the history of Mr. R. C. Palm in the labor sports movement. Mr. R. C. Palm’s presence at this congress of the WG&SA is no accident. He was there under the instructions of the socialist party and the invitation extended him was directed from the same source. With the swing of the working class to the left, all the reformists are uniting their ranks in the struggle against the revolutionary working class movement. Their role is to arrest this process of radical- ization of the workers and turn it into harm- less channels. The worker sportsmen of the W. G. & S. A, have been demanding closer connections with the L. S, U. of A., so the officials thought that by affiliating the organ- ization to Palm & Urttamo, they would be able to deceive the membership. Neverthe- less, they did not succeed in doing so. The Labor Sports Union of America was aware of the proposed treachery of the offi- cials of the WG&SA and it therefore sent a representative to this congress. But for the protests of the rank and file delegates, the of- ficials would have refused admittance to the representative of the L. S. U. of A. Rank and File Protest. Palm was given the floor to speak on their affiliation to the L. S. U. of the U. S. but the whole line of his ta as a tirade against the real L. S. U. Abont half wav in hie talk of order, ly raised their voice im piv. to these slanders and demanded of the chai man that the L. S. U. of A. representative, I. Sapirstein, be given the floor. This the leaders refused to do and upon a motion of Theodore Weisenstein, a former president of the W. G. & S. A., both representatives were asked to leave the congr In order to fur- ther placade the delegates, Theodore Weisen- stein made another motion “that another con- vention be calle in the near future to which both I. S. Us be given the opportunity to present their views. In the meantime, both organizations should present written material to the W. G. & S. A. for discussion. Mr. Theodore Weisenstein is no more in fa- vor of the real L. S. U. which is a section of the R. S. I., than the other social-democratic leaders of the Alliance. Weisenstein is the “left” of the American Section of the Lucerne. His role is that of maneuvering and deceiving the membership and turning them from the road of class struggle. The revolutionary worker sportsmen remember well the role of Mr. Weisenstein when he was the head of the W.G.&S.A. The worker sportsmen and espe- cially the soccer players, remember the split- ting role of Weisenstein in connection with the New Jersey Workers Soccer League. They remember his refusal to have the W. S. & G. A. send fraternal delegates to the Labor Sports Union conventions. Mr. Weisenstein, like those of the Prague Congress who voted against the motion to break off sport rela- tions with the Soviet Union, is no better, but the worst part, of the leadership of the Al- liance. He would like to keep the mask on. the face of the officialdom of the Alliance, in spite of their willingness to ‘unmask them- selves. He would also like, with the support of the fast growing opposition (40 per cent of the congress) to place himself back into the leadership. But the membership has: passed the stage where they are willing to listen to the prattle of these leaders, both right and “left.” The membership, over the heads of the officials, is having sports com- petition with the members of the L. S. U. Since this congress of the WG&SA, the of- ficialdom of the Alliance has embarked on an open splitting policy. Because of the fact that one of their members, a member of the executive committee of the Manhattan Club of the Alliance, was helping out the L. S. U. Eastern District Physical, Instructor’s School by acting as one of the instructors, the of- ficialdom of this club has, without the con- sent and over the protests of the membership, removed him from the executive committee and threatened to expel him from the club if he refused to stop teaching for the L. S. U. of A. The officialdom has gone further and attempted to expel him from the National Executive Committee of the Alliance. The reasons for these terrorist methods are that this member, along with many others, stands on the line of unity with the revolutionary workers Sports movement and for a revolu- tionary line in sports. In the near future, we can expect more expulsions and removals of real honest revolutionary worker sportsmen. We call upon all workers within the ranks of the Alliance to fight against this social- fascist line of the leadership of the Alliance. To fight for the line of the Red Sports In-, ternational in sports. ‘fo fight against the splitting tactics of the Lucerne and their lack- eys in the Alliance. To fight against the ad- mittance of the renegades from the Labor Sports Union of A. to: the coming convention of the W.G.&S.A. and. to demand the convoca- tion of this convention in the nearest future and fight for the affiliation of the W.G.&S.A. to the only Labor Sports Union, which is section of the Revolutionary Red Sports In; ternational.