The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 14, 1930, Page 4

Square, New York City, N. Address and mail all checks to the Daily Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Age ‘si y rat Telephone LANGUAGE FRACTIONS | v: By SAM DON. 'T:has been stated time and again that the Right danger is especially great in the lan- guage fractions. This is absolutely so. How- ever, we did not sufficiently analyze the basic réasons for the above statement. Instead of giving the causes we only stated the effects. Namely: that the language fractions are not participating directly in the class struggle and, of course, linked up with it, the non-participa- tidn in Party activities. But why is it so? Is it merely because they are not citizens and cannot speak English? Not at all. While the feeling of strangeness (consciously culti- vated by the American and foreign language petty bourgeois press, which also finds its re- | flection in our own language press) and the | legal and fascist terrorism directed especially against the foreign-born workers are factors which must not be under-estimated (we must not forget, however, that in times of struggles, as.in the textile, steel, oil and needle indus- tries, the foreign born workers fought very militantly and courageou However, the main reason for the non-p icipation of the language fractions directly in the class strug- gle is the poor social composition of the lan- guage fractions. A very large number of the language frac- tion membership is composed of skilled work- ers and in some instances a heavy layer of petty bourgeois elements. We find there skilled building trades workers, skilled me- chanics, store keepers, insurance agents, etc. This, of course, does not reflect the composi- tion of the foreign-born workers in the Amer- ican industries—who are primari and semi-skilled. Due to rationalization and the géneral post factos in American Economy, there is a growing point of contact and fusion between the increasing army of the native un- skilled and semi-skilled and the large army of the foreign-born unskilled and the semi-skilled. Nor do the language fractions, therefore, re- flect sufficiently the powerful process of homo- geneity which is developing at full speed. To sum up: Because of the poor social composi- tion of the language fractions, which does not | reflect the composition of the foreign-born workers in industries and the process towards homogeneity, the language fractions are, there- fore, in many respects, more apt to petty bour- geois nationalistic tendencies, and less to Americanization (from a class viewpoint) than the foreign-born unskilled and semi-skilled | workers outside of the Party. The. poor social composition is further ac- centuated by the fact (it is also a reflection of it) that the leadership of the fractions and and especially the editorial staffs of the lan- guage papers, had received their early training in the social democratic school. In no phase of Party work will we find a cadre of func- tionaries with as a strong social democratic background and tendencies, as in the foreign language fractions and papers. We will bring a few examples of recent ex- periences to substantiate the above-made an- alysis. A few weeks ago, the Jewish Forward in Chicago, called a meeting of the Jewish un- employed workers. (As we are slow, the Chi- cago Federation and other trade union fakers | and liberals are proclaiming their relief schemes.) The line of the strike-breaking so- ¢ial reformists at the meeting was simple and ‘clear. “Depend on charity and not on viol- ence.” The District representative at the Jew- ish language fraction bureau suggested special steps to counteract the meeting of the For- ward and for the development of a mass move- ment amongst the Jewish unemployed workers. An’ “interesting” discussion developed. In the first place—minimizing the step taken by the social reformists as being mainly directed against the Party. Secondly—that especially amongst the Jewish workers one cannot de- velop a mass movement against unemployment. Here are some of the “choice” arguments. “The Jewish worker is ashamed of his poverty so he will not participate in a mass movement against unemployment.” And further: “The Jewish worker is too proud to admit his pover- ty.” Or: “the Jewish worker will not partici- pate in mass demonstrations. You cannot ex- pect him to go to city hall and demonstrate. There is no tradition of struggle amongst the Jewish workers against unemployment,” ete.— to the point of disgust. Only highly-skilled workers with strong petty-bourgeois tendencies and pure and simple petty-bourgeois elements ean argue in this manner. The above argu- ments are typical petty-bourgeois nationalistic arguments, a direct reflection of the ideology consciously fostered by the bourgeoisie. What is the purpose of this ideology? It is obvious —to keep the foreign born workers from ac- tively participating in the class struggle. Un- der the cloak of “specific nationalist features” to justify and prevent the foreign born work- ers from uniting with the native workers and with each other in the struggle against their common enemy. And here our leading com- rades instead of fighting it fall into the trap of the bourgeoisie! A’ meeting was held recently of the Chicago language fraction bureaus and editorial staffs @@ the language papers appearing in Chicago. At-this meeting a report was made on the Right danger in the language fractions. In this article we will relate a few of the illum- inating facts brought out in the discussion at the above-mentioned meeting. One of the leading members of the editorial staff of the Vilnis stated: “It is not so much Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Ceiamunist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the'undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. Name MARA isn ces ose esecomrsoes UltY.ssoseres Occupation . . Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 Eest 125th St.. New York. N.Y seeeeeee AZCrcceee seeeeeee | that the Lithuanians are 1 | ginnings of the Par | period in many instances the new] ionalistie—th e are somé the clima just clanish.” I suppo: chological” ete. The Lithuanian worker in the stock- yards is a better “mixer” with the other for- eign-speaking workers in the yards and less clanish than some of the skilled and petty- bourgeois elements of the Lithuanian fraction. The belt and conveyor system fuses the work- ers and makes them less clanish. th geogray reasons, White chauvinism is very strong in the lan- guage fractions. the social composition and leadership of the This again is mainly due to fractions. There are numerous examples that could be given. one of the leading Czechoslovakian com: We will this time merely quote Jes. He said: “Comrade X is a v good comrade- he just has a weakness against Negroes.” “Weakness!” Oh, no, it is nothing else but a counter-revolutionary attitude! The very be- y’s concentrated drive and attack against white chauvinism and the very little progress made in that direction has al- ready produced a conciliatory attitude towards white chauvinism. Shame-faced tolerance arf defense of white chauvinism. Such “opposi- tion” to white chauvinism must be uprooted. The textike workers in the South brought under our leadership learn faster to understand the true nature of white chauvinism than some of the members of the language fractions. The main reason for the fact that the southern tex- tile workers under our leadership learn faster than some of the Party comrades lies precisely in the difference of the social p unskilled and semi-skilled workers and skilled and petty-bourgeois elements. Generally speaking, we may say that in this y-recruited workers into the Party will learn faster than some of the old Party members—‘worn out” by the prosperity period. Therefore, no hesita- tion in involving properly the new members into Party work. The recruiting d. on by the language cruiting drive reflects it our foreign language pre: of the material sent by the National Office. The recruiting drive is mentioned as something incidental, and does not appear as the unifying point of all Party campaigns. The real weak- ness lies in the fact that our language papers did not as yet develop specific forms of re- cruiting agitation method: i pective language groups that all these weaknes are due to some serious organizational shortcomings, but the main reason i sa political one, namely—lack of faith in the Party's capacity to recruit. Of course, this lack of faith is not merely a failure to understand the. general theoretical outlines of the third period in the U. S., but especialy the failure to grasp the third period in the concrete terms of the daily activities in the class struggle. As one comrade pointed out at the meeting that some members of the editorial staff of the “Rovnost Ludu” (the Czechoslovak daily appearing in Chicago) are very pessi- mistic as to the possibility of recruiting new members in the Party. This is merely a re- flection of the Right wing line pursued in many instances by the “Rovnost Ludu.” While the main decisive emphasis and orien- tation in the recruiting drive must be the na- tive unskilled and semi-skilled workers in the basic industries, at the same time we must not neglect the foreign-born unskilled and semi- skilled. We must make special efforts to reach the Polish and Italian workers, as their num- bers are negligible in the Party and they oc- cupy a strategic position in a number of the basic industries in the country. We must also make special efforts to reach the Filipino, Por- to Rican and Mexican workers. In the steel mills and stock yards, the Mexican worker occupies a very strategic position. The main “mass” activities of many of our language fractions consists in (a) cooperative restaurants which have no class_ ba: and merely degenerate into “stores” that train some of our comrades in the ways of a ‘petty shop keeper; (b) homes and halls which are “non- partisan” and rent their halls, as in Ham- tramck, to bourgeois parties in the election campaigns or as in the case of a small indus- trial town in Illinois, where: the comrades in charge of the hall refused to rent the hall to the W.LR. at a reduced rate. The answer to the request for a reduced rate was “Priest or W.LR., it makes no difference, the price is $50 and that is all there is to it.” (This attitude is in complete harmony with the statement of a leading Czechoslovakian comrade: “I am try- ing.to be a Communist in a business way.” Great!) One more case. In the Massachusetts District, a Party member, the manager of a hall, under the pressure of the police refused to grant the hall to the T.U.U.L. at the time of Comrade Foster’s recent tour for the T.U. U.L. (c) The various schools for the children which are based on a “worldly humanitarian liberal basis” and not on a class basis. The “mass” cultural activities of the lan- guage clubs under the leadership of the lan- guage fractions is confined to singing and dramaties. It is very difficult to induce our comrades to arrange lectures in the clubs on the recruiting drive, on the Lenin campaign. Generally—to mobilize the clubs and the vari- ous mass language organizations to participate in the mass campaigns of the Party. Now more than ever before the various lan- guage organizations must be developed into real mass organizations and involved more di- rectly in the class struggle. Our comrades, therefore, must now more so than before ap- pear as Communists and not merely as “‘effi- cient practical workers” without a class basis, or for that matter appear as “Communists in a business way.” There is no doubt that since the arrival of the Open Address and especially since the October Plenum,’ the good beginnings of the general progress in the Party reflects itself also in the language fraction work, But pre- cisely the beginnings of the progress made brought out clearly all the shortcomings of our language fractions. In order to improve the situation we must place the emphasis on our weaknesses and self-criticism (which is especially lacking in the language fractions) must become one of the main methods in finding our weaknesses and removing and remedying them. n between | 28 Cnt “DALWOT New York, N By Mall (in New York City niet $8.00 By Mall (outside of New York City): $6. SURSCRIPTION RATES: 00 ay $4.50 six months; $3.50 six months; $2.50. three months $2.00 three months Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. Who Are the Pay-Triots? Since all the fascist elements, aroused by the outpouring of the American workers on March 6 to demonstrate against capitalism with arvation and war, are flying into rage h patriotism and threat- we might examine what these gentry represent. 2 from a bool: entitled “Professional Patr .” edited by Norman Hapgood and published by the permission of the publishers, Albert and Charles Boni.— Editor. its mis ening the work nte all following is tak * * + S for the American Legion we have certain evidence on the character of its backers in a letter written on the letterhead of Swift and Company, December 26, 1919, and addressed to cer n corporations: “At a meeting held on December 23, 1919, presided over by Mr. Thomas E. Wilson. there were present representatives of the different stock yard interests and it was voted that they contribute $10,000 towards a campaign for funds for the American Legion. A- national drive is*being made for the Legion :and the amount asked from Illinois is $100.000, Mr, James B. Forgan, chairman of the First Na- tional Bank, being treasurer of the fund for Milinois. .. . We are all interested in the Legion, the results it will obtain and the ultimate ef- fect in helping to offset radicalism. It is im- portant that we assist this worthy work and at the meeting I w ked by the chairman to write to the different stock yard interests for their contribution. In pro-rating the amount, it was suggested that we use an arbitrary percentage as a basis and the amount you are asked to contribute is $100.” In much the same manner the new Amer- ican Citi: ip Foundation is supported by substantial Chicago capitalists. Taking the whole group of, patriotic societies, both the national and local, the general and the employers’, it is clear that they are sup- ported mainly by business interests. The con- nections of their directing committee members makes that evident. In addition, there are of course many members paying small amounts who genuinely believe in the disinterestedness of the organization. The officers who run the organizations are clearly one of two types—either promoters out for a good job which gives them also the grati- fication of public attention—and a salary— or sincere enthusiasts thoroughly alarmed at the menace of radical ideas to property, inter- ests and what they conceive to be our “form of government.” Financial Appeals. Despite the fact that most of the income of these professionally patriotic bodies comes from business men, corporations, and wealthy givers in fairly large amounts, public appeals for membership and funds are made by most of them. What proportion is so raised by circu- lars and leaflets is impossible to estimate, but the character of the literature of appeal throws light on the type of patriotism they are most eager to serve. And it shows what they think will bring the money. The National Security League, which ap- peals widely for dollar memberships (and over) heads its appeal: For an American America and law and or- der,” or “For a better, safer, and more prosperous America.” > It pledges that the money will be used to increase “respect for constitutional government and in opposing socialism, Communism, and Bolshevism.” In one letter it asks: “Are you willing to help match, for Amer-L} ican Propaganda what the Communists are spending for anti-American propaganda?” as- serting that, “if the Bolsheviki are spending over $90,000 a month in England, it can be safely assumed that they are spending over $1,000,000 a year here.” Another Security League appeal offeys mem- bership at a chance to save America’s soul. It reads: “Help save America! America is in danger of losing her soul. The National Security League offers you the means of putting forth your individual force to help save it. Will you do this by giving us,” ete. ‘The “Young Worker” and the Toiling Youth THERE are millions of young workers and ung farmers in the United States. The working youth constitutes one-fourth of the whole working class in the United States, The youth are found everywhere, in the mines of and Illinois, in the steel mills of Ohio and Indiana, in the textile mills of New Jersey and the South, on the plantations in California and on the farms of the North West Those young boys and girls are working un- der the most vicious system of speed-up. The average wage of young workers is far from satisfactory (from $10 to $15 a week). The bosses take advantage of the youth and make them work for lower wages and at a greater speed. The youth is used to take the places of the adult workers when the latter cannot work fast, enough for the bosses. But the hard labor in the factories is not the only burden shouldered upon the young workers. The American youth is now play- ing a most advantageous role in the capital- i inst their fellow workers. ers, among them over 2,000,000 bung wor! are walking the streets, in search for a job, the bosses of this country are snending millions of dollars for armaments and for war preparations. s drive for the National Guard, Citizens Military Training Camps, Boy Scouts, Girl Scouts, ete., ete. surpasses all previous campaigns. The unemploved and starving youth is being lured into these militarist or- ganizations, where they are being trained as canton fodder. and as strike breakers against the workers in strikes. Everywhere we see the bosses sharpening their attack against the wor The police is used to club the work- ers and to arrest the workers, the courts are utilized to jail them, the American Legion, and gangsters are used to club and kill the militant strikers and unemployed work-rs. The whole capitalist machine is now openly chal- lenging the working class. On the other hand, the American workers are waking up, are be- inning to fight and to demand their rights. Recent strikes in the mining field, in the tex- tile fields. in the auto industry, ete., the large masses of workers that participated in the unemployment demonstration on March 6, all these have shown that the American workers are beginning to fight and struggle mighty hard against unemployment, against wage cuts and for the 7-hour day, five-day week, for un- employment insurance, etc. 7,000,000 wor The young workers (undergoine the worst exploitation) are among the hest fighters and among the leaders of the working class. Thou- sands and tens of thousands of young workers have demonstrated against the bosses’ police terror, and against the bosses wars. Hundreds of young workers (and members of the Young Communist League) were clubbed and arrest- ed in the March 6 demonstrations. for work or wages, throughout the country. Everywhere the young workers are showing their determin- ation to fight back against starvation and against sveed-up, against capitalist wars and against the intensified bosses’ terror. In order to stimulate the fighting spirit of the youth, in order to extend the organiza- tional work and to teach them more of the class struggle, we must have a fiehting youth paper, that apnears regularly, and that serves as a guide for the fighting youth. The “Young Worker” the official organ of the Young Com- munist League is the only fighting youth naner in the countrv. It is a paper which fights and defends the interests of the broad masses of the working class vouth in the factory, on the farm, in the armed forces, etc. At this time the Young Communist League {s carrying on a campaign to raise 2,000 subscriptions and three thousand dollars by June 1, in order to establish a Weekly Young Worker. All young workers and young farmers, all sym- pathizers and class. conscious working men and women must give their support to the drive for a fighting “Weekly” for the youth. The first issue of the “Weekly” will appear on May 1, 1930. Mayor Walker and the Unemployed By JOHN LUCUS. FORE the March 6 demonstration of the unemploved, when the press announced the intention of the unemployed to march on the City Hall in order to protest against their plight, Mayor Walker in a statement to the press said, that his administration is not re- sponsible for the present unemployment situa- tion. Evidently the mayor thinks he can wash his hands off responsibility with innocent sounding statements. Nevertheless: the facts speak out differently. The mad rationalization process (speeding up of workers, introduction of efficiency meth- ods) which has been taking place in the United States in the last few years, was aided and abated by Mayor Walker in New York, in which his “good natured” police force tried to force the protesting workers into submission. ‘We can recall strike after strike, which were called to improve working’ conditions, combat speeding up of the workérs and long working hours which were broken up openly and flag- rantly by the police clubs of Mayor Jimmy Walker. How the struggle of the cafeteria workers, who were fighting against 10-12 hours work- ing day, was broken up by police clubbing and long prison terms handed out to them by the Tammany judges, is well remembered by every worker. Mayor Walker and his beauti- ful chief of police Whalen forced long hours and miserable working conditions upon the New York workers, thereby increasing unemploy- mer.t in the city. Today in New York, besides the fake union sweat shops, there are hundreds of open shops, in which women and girls work long hours and sweat out their energy for a few dollars a week. This situation has been made possible by the police clubs of Mr. Jimmy Walker. The strike of shoe workers is, being broken up by the police of elegant Jimmy Walker, with brutality unique in the history of New York workers. With his help the bosses are lengthening hours and cutting wages. Let Mr. Walker deny his own responsibility in the pres- ent unemployment situation against these facts. It was only a short time ago that the strike of the structural iron workers, truckmen and others, deserted and betrayed by the traitors jn the American Federation of Labor, was broken up in a regular Tammany police style. The city of New York is a heaven for open shoppers, which has been made possible by the administration of Walker and crooked Tam- many politicians, whose crookedness is con- densed by the Wall Stréet money barons as their co-workers, in the general robbery and ex- ploitation of the American workers. Today in the city of New York, it is next to impossible to attempt the organization of any trade or industry, without ‘facing the police clubs ‘of Tammany Hall, or the injunctions by corrupt capitalist judges. And it is this same Walker who evades responsibility in the unem- ployment situation. Not pleased with oppressive apparatus or the crooked Tammany Hall political machine, the Wall Street bankers are calling upon their aux- jliary fascist organizations, such as the Amer- ican Legion, Veterans of Foreign Wars, and others, to ‘break up the workers resistance against starvation and hardship, in. other words, to do the bosses’ dirty work. In behalf of thousands of ex-soldiers, who are not members of the Veterans andthe Amer- ican Legion and who would never join it we say the following: These organizations do not represent the ex-servicemen, because: outside of few beguiled workers in the tanks, it is composed of fornfer army officers, hand shakers and the like, who are now as before in the service of bosses and exploiters, against the real ex-servicemen, the workers. The Communist’ Party—the political Party of the working class fights for the real inter- ests of the working class ex-servicemen. Fight the Right Danger. A Hundred Proletarians for Every Petty Bourgeois Rene- gade! CHICAGO BOSSES MAKE USE OF THE CHURCH TO FOOL UNEMPLOYED WORKERS By LYDIA OKEN jee situation of the unemployed is becoming increasingly worse. Larger numbers of workers are being thrown out of work, and | their misery spurs them on to participate ac- tively and militantly in the work of the Coun- cil of Unemployed, affiliated with the T. U. U. L. As the workers begin to fight, the bosses find it necessary to change their tac- tics of speaking and acting “prosperity attempting to close the eyes 6f the workers to their misery. Now they are finding it neces- sary to attempt in words, to show the work- ers that they recognize their rotten position, and pretend that they are trying to do some- thing to alleviate it. To this end, the Chicago Church Federation issued a report, on the heels of the unem- ployed demonstration, demanding work or wages before the City Hall, Friday, February 21st, advocating a permanent committee, com- posed of representatives from the Chicago Council of Social Agencies, Chicago Church Federation, Chicago Commons, the Urban League, and in general to quote the report “economists, social workers, representatives of the religious and secular press, labor leaders, and employers.” It is very significant that the purpose of this committee is “this committee concerns it- self not merely with immediate steps to alle- viate the present acute unemployment situa- tion, but also plan for ultimate solution.” The whole basis of their work is one that shows itself to be based, not on any sort of a desire to force immediate relief for the 300,000 un- employed in Chicago, but based on their neces- sity, as a bosses’ agency, of fooling the suf- fering unemployed and employed workers that they are attempting to get them relief, and that unemployment, under capitalism, can be solved. They plan to work, as their “immediate plans” show, by appealing to the employers “to divide their work as equally as possible among all the employed, and as additional em- ployees are taken on, give preference to worl:- ers with dependants.” What sort of relief is this for the 300,000 unemployed workers in Chicago—who in the first place have no “work to be equally divided” among, and no possi- bility of being taken on as “additional em- ployees”—dependants or no dependants? The main point, however, is that appeal after appeal may be launched at the bosses; they may be urged time after time to aid the unemployed by these stupid little shop schemes, but this will mean nothing, since un- employment is a result of the basic contradi: tions of capitalism, resulting in overproduc- tion, inability of finding markets for their goods, and consequent unemployment for the workers—all caused by the bosses in the zeal- ous and wild race for profits. Dividing up the work at this stage of permanent unemploy- ment means forcing the workers as a class to accept a lower standard of living. Among other “immediate steps” is an appeal to the general public to find and create odd jobs for the unemployed to “help them over until regular work comes” (as it surely will— according to the implications of the report!). This find of odd jobs will certainly aid 300,000 unemployed of Chicago! No doubt all of the 300,000 will be absorbed into the odd jobs! And still another step recommended is the compilation of a “bibliography on Unemploy- ment!” These are the immediate steps. It is made clear by the report that the real reason for this unemployment committee, sponsored by the church, social workers, fake labor leaders and employers (a holy group, indeed) is one: to turn the unemployed and suffering workers away from militant action, away from demonstrations, away from unified fighting for Work or Wages, away from the leadership of a real revolutionary center, as the Trade Union Unity League, to patient waiting until their holy committees see to it that the bibliography is written and the work- ers starve. In the face of this brazen attempt on the part of the churches and employers and the treacherous A. F, of L. officials, to hold back the unemployed, from militant struggle, the answer of the Council of Unemployed must be with intensified work to mobilize the great numbers of unemployed around the central slogan “Work or Wages,” show the workers that either they must starve or fight, and March 6th showed clearly to all that the: un- employed workers are no longer content to listen to phrases from the fakers but demand militant, fighting revolutionary action. Work or Wages! Greeting to the Working « Women-of the U.S. A. THE. following radiogranis wers recéived hy the Trade Union Unity League, 2 W. 15th St., for transmission to the working worren of America: “The Profintern (the Red International of Labor Unions) Women Workers Committee sends heartiest comradely greetings to the working women of America on International Women’s Day. A . “Join hands, women workers of all countries, to struggle against capitalist :ationalization, unemployment, and imperialism, and for de- fense of the Soviet Union. Organize the first. international working wonien’s conference , in July, in Moscow... ; : “Long live the world dictatorship of the pro- letariat!” wh Another radiogram was received from women workers in a factory in th? Un‘.n of Socialist Soviet Republics, as follows: . “Women workers in the Hammer end Sickle metal factory in Moscow send warmest greet- ings to the American working women on Inter- national Women’s Day. In the struggle against American imperialism, we Russian women workers are building Socialism with the Five- Year Plan. Forward, together, to a World October!” (Editor’s Note.—October, old style, was the month of the Bolshevik revolution). In reply to the above radiograms the above message was sent by the International’Women’s Day meeting in New York: Warmest revolutionary greetings from working women of New York assembled in mass International;-Women’s Day. On March 6, the women workers U.S.A, joined hands with the men workers in one of the greatest demonstrations since the 1800’s against capi- talism. “On March 8, the working women of New York join the women of the world in the struggle against unemployment and all evils of capitalism. We are fighting against the imperialist war preparations, for the defense of the Soviet Union, for the. revolutionary solidarity of the world’s working class.” Rejects Boss Religious Bunk Dear Friends: My husband is Lithuanian and takes the Daily Laisve. I. always read the Young Pioneer Corner when it appears in this paper (I do not read Lithuanian). I am American-born, of Scotch ancestry, and before my marriage was, what was called, a good christian and church worker. And in the church all the injustice to workers is not mentioned, so I never really understood the situation of the working class, my own class, until after my marriage. Now I am a confirmed ‘atheist and an earnest be- liever in Communism. So I would like to join the Communist Party and get more reading matter on this subject. As I can’t read Lithu- |. anian I would: like to have a workers’ paper written in English. Please let me know how much to send for subscription. This is an awfully religious town, mostly catholic, with a population of 25,000. The work- ing conditions here are terrible. Over 2,500 men are out of work. Many men came here on the promise of work from a steel company, but when the factory opened it only hired about 300 men:and that’s about all it ever will hire, so all those poor people who sold their small holdings very cheap to come up here are all down on the poorest side of town, living together like cockroaches and starving to death. The-little children are all getting diseases and. dying like flies. The stores will not give them credit and the rich people of this town don’t care and don’t help. The few people who are employed are poor themselves and can’t help much, but they do the best they can. The only thing the rich people put their ill-gotten gains into are the churches, . 1 The Bankruptcy of the Conciliators BERLIN, (By Inprecorr Press Service).— Comrade Arthur Ewert, the leader of the Ger- man conciliants group has sent the following declaration to the Central Committee of the German Communist Party: “The acute political situation in Germany and the fact that a united front of all the forces of the reaction, including the Social Democratic Party, is forming against the Communist Party, and the growing danger of war against the Soviet Union make it neces- sary for all members to take up a clear atti- tude towards the policy of the Communist In- ternational, and of the German Communist Party. As I was of a different opinion to that of the Central Committee of the Party in a number of questions and even where im- portant decisions of the C. I. were concerned, up to the time of the Wedding Party Congress I would like to register the following: “T declare the position adopted by me and rejected by the Party at the Wedding Party Congress to be false. The estimation of the situation put forward by me has proved to be wrong. The crisis in the U. S. A, and the intensification of the situation, particularly in Germany, have proved the correctness of the estimation put forward by the C. I. and the German C, P. The same is true of the tactical questions in which I disagreed with the Party (trade union question, shop councils question, social fascism, etc.). “IT undertake to carry out actively all the ty, and recognize the im- permissibility of all forms of fractionalism. “T am completely in agreement with the general policy and tactics of the C. P. of the Soviet Union and reject in particular the standpoint adopted by Comrade Bucharin. “I undertake under the leadership of the C. C. of the German C. P. to carry on a ste gle against all opportunist deviations in the Party and against the right wing enemis vi the Party, the Brandler organization, and against any tendency to conciliate with this group. “My recognition of the decisions of the C. I. and of the German C. P. and my pledge to assist in their carrying out applies also to the decision of the C, I. in the Wittorf affair.” Commenting on this statement, the “Rote Fahne” declares that it represents the declara- tion of bankruptey of the conciliants group, after facts had long ago shown that the bank- ruptey of the group was an accomplished fact. Experience had shown that such declarations could not be taken at their face value, as they were only too often political maneuvers, ‘such as the conciliants group had made on a num- ber of previous occasions, ’ A simple ‘declaration from a comrade who had made such serious mistakes and done the Party so much damage should be treated with mistrust by ‘the Party until such. time as ac- tual proof had been offered. ‘ The admission that the Bolshevist leadership of the Party hid been right with regard to all questions, and that it had saved the Party from the severe crisis into’ which the con- ciliants would have led it, was a sign of the internal bolshevist. consolidation of the Party and a warning to the bourgeoisie and social democracy not to speculate on interna! differ- ences in tie Farty, TS . Believe me, it makes me feel like going, out and fighting against these: conditions. I have three small children, 4ages 4% years. down to 1% years, one boy and two girls. And when they grow up, they will be real Pioneers and they won’t know a church from a butcher shop. But I shall do my best to train them to be leaders in the cause of the working people. I will.close and give my pledge of allegiance to the Communist Party of the World: Down with capitalist governments and long live the Soviet Union! 5 rR bs I | | §