The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 7, 1930, Page 4

FF Page Four Square, New York City, N. Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co Inc., Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worke’ ee = @aily; @xcept Sunday, sa 1696-7-8. Cab! 26-28 Union Square, Y. Telephone Stu: New York at 26-28 Unton “DATWORK.” ayeterrses I ‘Baily Se By THE “EXCEPTIONAL LAWS” IN THE UNITED STATES By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL. Si increasing anti-labor attacks of Ameri- can employers and their government now definitely develop into a vicious nation-wide onslaught with the clearly intended object of seeking to crush all ‘labor's class struggle or- ganizations and thus paralyze the resistance and gag the discontent of the whole working class. Thus the boss class, faced with an ever- growing industrial crisis with new millions of unemployed, seeks to outlaw the growing ra- dicalization of the working class, to stifle the demands of the jobless, to mask its war prep- arations and hostile maneuvers against the Soviet Union. The wholesale arrest and imprisonment of workers in Michigan (Pontiac, Flint and De- troit), including Fred Beal, recently released on extortionate bail from the textile mill own- ers’ prison at Charlotte, North Carolina, fol- lowing the anti-working class verdict and brutal sentences in the Gastonia trial, has dramatized before the workers of the whole nation the drastic use that is being made of clearly conceived laws in the drive to illegalize the growing activities of the Communist Party and of the class struggle unions being carried on under the banners of the Trade Union Unity League, to organize the unorganized, es- pecially in the basic industries. The outstanding issues involved in the Gas- tonia persecution, which is the attack on the workers of the.South carried on by the em- ploying class under the leadership of the tex- tile mill millionaires, now face the working class nationally in an ever-sharper form as a result of this ruling class attack, which it seeks to buttress with mass deportations, as one phase of the attack on foreign-born work- ers; wholesale arrests on minor charges as the result of the most elemental activities of work- ers (5,905 arrests in the two-year period, 1928- 1929; 595 arrests during January, 1930); mur- derous police attacks on workers’ , meetings, picket lines and demonstrations (the shooting down of Ella May, Steve Katovis and others), and a new wave of lynchings against Negroes! There are 113 workers in all now facing 1105 years in prison under the anti-sedition laws. The sentencing of the seven Gastonia strik- ers and organizers to 117 years’ imprisonment was a major defeat for the whole American working class. Since these sentences imposing a living death on the convicted textile workers were pronounced (October 21, 1929) in North | Carolina, the employing class has attacked on | numerous fronts (Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michi- gan, Illinois, California, New Jersey), with the criminal syndicalist laws, on the statute books of 35 states, as the chief weapon of the at- tack. These “exception laws” not only attack membership in the Communist Party, but in every other revolutionary organization and reach not only those who advocate but also those who “assemble with” those who advocate 2 new social order. From the steel area of Woodlawn, Pa, a strong hold of the infamous Jones and Laug! Tin Steel Corp., Resetar and Zima, have -been sent to prison for five year terms. One week after the Gas- tonia sentences (October 28, 1929) the United States Supreme Court presided over by Wil- liam Howard Taft, cynically refused to even consider their appeal. One month later, No- vember 28, the same Supreme Court again re- fused to review the case and the three work- ers were caged away in the worst prison hell- hole of Western Pennsylvania. Brutal and bloody “Jones and Laughlin” tyranny still rules at Woodlawn, seeking to profit by the security that the Manville-Jenckes Corpora- tion feels at Gastonia, North Carolina. Three days after the Gastonia verdict and sentence, the trial, conviction and sentence to as high as ten years’ imprisonment, of the five women, including Yetta Stromberg, ar- rested at the Yucaipa, California, Children’s Camp, were rushed through to their inevitable conclusion. “Open Shop” Los Angeles had scored another “triumph.” The Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce and its poisonous mouthpiece, the Times, claimed another victory. The Gastonia persecution ushered in the campaign launched against the Communist Party in Chicago, with the arrest of 8 of its leading officials on sedition charges and im- prisonment on extreme bail. outlaw the Communist Party in the Chicago district of heavy industry is bulwarked by 26 additional warrants for the arrest of other active militant workers on sedition charges. ‘These warrants may be served at any time. The Gastonia verdict was the signal for the capitalist state officialdom in Michigan to re- fuse to make any move for the dismissal of the seven-year old sedition cases growing out of the arrests (August 21, 1922) of numerous delegates attending the Communist Party con- vention at Bridgeman, resulting in the indict- ment of 75 individuals. The court still holds the $7,500 bail provided for C. E. Ruthenberg, although he has been dead for nearly three years. Ruthenberg was under a 10 year prison sentence when he died. Thus the court seeks its revenge. These seven-year-old charges may be brought into court for trial at any moment. same anti-sedition law is again being used in Michigan to send workers to prison for long terms. It is the weapon of the auto- mobile profiteers against the rising discontent of the slaves of their assembly lines. One month after the Gastonia verdict the prosecutors doing the bidding of steel mill and coal mine owners of Belmont County, Ohio, were ready to go*through the farce of a trial that resulted in the conviction and sentence to ten years imprisonment of Charles Guynn, of the National Miners’ Union, Tom Johnson, Trade Union Unity League organizer and Lil Andrews, district organizer of the Young Com- munist League. The stacked jury “deliter- ated” five minutes before bringing in this out- rageous verdict. The “crime” had consisted of distributing leaflets and speaking at the mill gates. Similar charges against other workers are still pending. In Newark, New Jersey; nine workers were arrested when police raided the local head- quarters of the Communist Party, where an unemployed meeting was in progress, They are all charged with sedition, eight of the workers being held under $10,000 bail each and the other under $16,000. Sedition cases are pending in Philadelphia against workers some of whom are merely with distributing “Vote Communist” - deaflets in the election campaign. The worker, ee ‘ This effort to | the three workers Muselin, | | growth. Lazar, in the second week after the Gastonia verdict, was arrested while speaking at an open air meeting on the eve of the November election, and charged with sedition. In the Pennsylvania czardom of Charles M. Schwab, the head of the Bethlehem Steel Cor- poration that was exposed as leading in the propaganda campaign for more and larger battleships, the workers, Murdoch, Burlak and Brown, facing sedition charges, were liberated only after a bitter struggle. In the great industrial area centered about Chester, Pennsylvania, including a Ford auto plant, the workers, Pelz and Holmes, were charged with sedition for distributing leaflets. In the Farrell, Pennsylvania, steel district sedition charges still stand against the work- ers Kovacovich, Radas, Marich and Sarich. The stezl, auto, coal, textile barons, through their courts and prosecutors in seeking vic- tims among the militant workers in the mills, factories and mines that they control, are not compelled to prove the advocacy of any pro- hibited crime. It is not even necess to prove membership in the Communist Party or any other prescribed organization. In the Michigan case (raid on Communist Party Con- vention), the mere fact ‘that revolutionary workers were “assembling with” each other became sufficient basis for the sedition charges and the imposition of the ten year sentence on Ruthenberg. Here is a method of Jegal oppression, carry. ing extreme penalties, that has been declared tutional” by the United States Supreme The period of the court struggle, which mass protest against Court. has accompanied the these viciously anti-labor laws, seeking to de- clare them ended. Mass protest by ever broader sections of the working class is being exerted to cripple and defeat this growing drive to jam the prisons with the most militant fighters of the working class doomed to long terms of years in capi- talism’s bastilles. It is precisely in the present growing radical- ization of the oppressed masses, the rapidly in- tensifying mass unemployment and the speed- ing of war preparations accompanied with new aggressions against the Soviet Union that these “emergency” war laws are again being revived. Against this front of the capitalist offensive the working class organizes and strengthens its counter-offensive. unconstitutional, is definitely Questions and Answers (The following is the last of a short series of Questions and Answers on the World Economic Crisis, Unemployment and the Tasks of the Revolutionary Trade Unions, issued by the Red International of Labor Unions.—Editor.) se * Question 6: What must be the tasks of the revolutionary trade union movement if we take it that the Unemployed Workers’ Move- ment is bound to grow and develop? We see that the unemployed workers’ move- ment evinces a tendency towards further We also see that the danger of fas- cism was much in “evidence and that efforts would be made to divide the movement. It is these considerations that determine the basic tasks of the revolutionary vanguard of the proletariat for the immediate future. The basic task is to preserve, strengthen and develop working class unity in the struggle against capitalism. The efforts’ of the bour- geoisie and social-fascism to divide the ranks of the working class and set the unemployed at those in employment, must be countered by the revolutionary elements by setting up unity between the unemployed and those in employment at the factories, and by promot- ing international working class solidarity be- tween all sections of the working class. The outcome of the maturing economic struggles as well as the class struggle itself will depend in great measure on the organization of the unemployed and the place they will take on the general revolutionary working class front. The chief method of struggle must be the organization of mass revolutionary demonstra- tions of all the workers, both employed and unemployed. The RILU Executive Bureau has therefore resolved to appeal to all affiliated* RILU organizations to announce March 6 as an International Day to struggle against un- employment, arranging mass demonstrations of the unemployed workers on this day get- ting the workers in,employment to leave the factories before the conclusion of work to take part in these demonstrations. The chief demand to be urged at these dem- onstrations should be: Seven-hour day, more pay, capitalist state to give full relief to un- employed. At the same time the revolutionary vanguard of the working class movement must tackle the problem of organizing the unemployed workers and leading them in the struggle. To this end broad agitational activities must be started among all the workers, both unem- ployed and employed, explaining the meaning and the character of present day unemploy- ment, showing that it is rooted in the present world crisis, urging that the unemployed be given work by reducing the working day to seven and six hours, by fighting the introduc- tion of overtime, that the unemployed be guar- anteed state relief at expense of employers and that unemployment relief should be in- creased to equal the average wages obtaining. The struggle to get full relief for the un- employed, as well as the struggle against un- employment itself, should be a political strug- gle, that is, should raise the issue of political power, and should be shouldered by the work- ing class as a whole. Besides the agitational and propaganda work, Unemployed Workers’ Committees should be organized having representatives of the workers in the unions as well as the un- organized workers. These committees should be elected at General Meetings of the unem- ployed and should be permanent organs for the movement. The immediate tasks of the Committee are: To prepare the ground for conferences of dele- gates from the unemployed in the various-dis- tricts and branches of industry, to organize demonstrations of the unemployed and those in employment, to organize marches to the capi- tals or district centers from the most depressed areas, publishing leaflets, bulletins and papers for the unemployed workers. The revolutionary unions and the revolution- <2: Worker ~ Central Organ of the Comimuusr varry of the U.S. A. By Mail (outside of New York City Ni i : 4.50 six months; . $2.50 three months By Mall (in New yond city amet $6.00 8 year: 43.60 six months; #2,00 three months — By CHOUTKA. A RESULT of the sharpening economic cri- sis in Czecho-Slovakia, which has af- fected all branches of industry, is the uninter- 1 rupted dissmissals, the closing down of shops and curtailment of output. During the prosperous years in Czecho- Slovakia there were 30,000 workers squeezed out of industry, permanently for a more or less prolonged time. This unemployment was the consequence of nationalization, which, however, had not yet achieved its complete development, Now, however, with the crisis growing sharper from day to day, unemployment is steadily increasing, and it may be stated with complete confidence (there are no official data on unemployment) ‘that the number of unem- ployed has reached the 250,000 mark, and will uninterruptedly go on increasing. If we take into consideration, also the work- s employed on short time in the mining, glass, metallurgical and other industries, we see that not less than a million workers have been affected by the crisis at the present time. It goes without saying that unemployment is most rife in the industrial centers of north- ern, western, eastern and middle Bohemia. Meetings, conferences and demonstrations have alreadye been organized by the unemployed workers in the towns of these districts. At these meetings they presented their demands, and also the demands of the red trade unions and the Czecho-Slovakian Communist Party. They will continue the organized struggle for the achievement of their demands, under the leadership of the revolutionary trade unions and the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia. The unemployed demonstrations were of a determined and militant character, made still more sharp in view of the critical situation and the discontent of the workers. In the big industrial towns, in Prague, Reich- enberg, Moravska Ostrawa, Auszig and other of action, to which employed workers are also sending their representatives, to support and strengthen the connections with the unem- ployed for the impending struggle against ra- tionalization and social-fascism. In many towns and districts, thanks to their fearless actions, the workers have »achieved some successes. They made the local author- ities in some places assign sums of money for unemployment benefits, and politically they succeeded én still further exposing the criminal betrayal of the workers’ interests by the social- fascists, who spoke in the local self-government bodies against benefits being given to the un- employed. The threat of unemployed demonstrations,, the nature of which grows steadily more inten- sified, the further organization of the struggle, the increase in the unemployed army—all this forces the bourgeoisie and the social-fascist government, which has already applied strin- ary T.U. oppositions must take the initiative in forming Unemployed Workers’ Committees and at the same time they must systematically expose the inactivity and sabotage of the re- formists in the efforts made to help the unem- ployed. Representatives from the women workers, both employed and unemployed should be seated on the Unemployed Workers Committees. The International Day to Struggle Against Unem- ployment must be utilized to mobilize all the young workers whether in or out of employ- ment, All attempts to utilize the unemployed. as scabs during economic struggles must be def- initely frustrated. - towns, the unemployed have set up committees _ MARCH SIXTH WAS A PRELUDE TO THE FINAL DESTRUCTION OF CAPITALISM | Unemployed in Czecho-Slovakia in Struggle gent measures against the unemployed move- ments, to take a number of “social” measures, by organizing “social assistance” to prove that they have the workers’ interests “at heart.” The German social-fascist, Coch, the Minis- ter for Social Insurance, proposed in parlia- ment a draft amendment, to the law on the Ghent system. In accordance with this draft, government additional payments to the unem- ployment benefits paid out by the trade unions are to be prolonged for several weeks more. Of course, this additional payment will only be paid out if the trade unions likewise prolong the term for which they pay benefits. Furthermore, the textile workers, who are most affected by the crisis, and thousands of whom have already been crossed off the list of workers entitled to benefits, as an exception are given six-weeks’ benefits to be paid out by ! the state. The social-fascist government intends to in- troduce unemployment insurance, follbwing the’ German example. All these measures taken by the social-fas- cist government in their struggle against unem- ployment will not be able to save the rotten and decading capitalist system. The workers, liberating themselves from social-fascist de- ceit, will follow the path of the revolutionary class struggle for the overthrow of the capital- ist economic¢ system and the social-fascist gov- ernment. Farm Population Is Still Decreasing CONTINUED decrease in the total farm population but accompanied by a decrease in the movement from farms to cities and from cities to farms in 1929 was reported last Fri- day by the Department of Agriculture. According to the Bureau of Agricultural Economics, the total farm population on Jan. 1, 1930, amounted to 27,222,000 which repre- sents a decrease of 269,000 from the estimate of 27,491,000 on Jan. 1, 1929. On the other hand, figures of the Bureau show that only 1,876,000 persons moved from farms to cities last year as compared with 1,- 923,000 in 1928; 1,978,000 in 1927, and 2,155,- 000 in 1926. There was a similar decreasing trend in the city-to-farm movement with 1,- 257,000 persons in 1929 as compared with 1,- 347,000 in 1928 and 1,374,000 in 1927, The supply of farm labor was about 15 per cent greater than the demand en Jan. 1, result- ing in a lowering of farm wages in all parts of the country. These figures reflect not only the acute agri- cultural crisis but also the enormous unem- ployment in the cities. Superfluous on the farms, the agricultural population has been finding that it is also superfluous in the cities and ‘that there are no jobs to be had. The same holds true for the movement from the cities to the farms. With nothing doing on the farms, workers are more and more forced to stay in the cities. Hundreds of thousands are thus caught between the frying pan and the fire. Meanwhile the revolutionary energy of the masses is accumulating and becoming more marked in town and country. Fight the Right Danger. A Hundred Proletarians for Every Petty Bourgeois Rene- gade! THE ECONOMIC CRISIS IN LATIN AMERICA — By M. KOGAN. HE economic crisis in the Latin-American countries commenced long before the crisis in the United States and has its specific causes, which are mainly to be found in the world over- production of colonial goods. The Latin- American countries supply about 90 per cent | of the world production and coffee, about 50 per cent of the world production of cane sugar, a considerable portion of the world pro- duction of cocoa, ete. For a number of years there has existed a chronic overproduction ,of colonial goods, that is to say, on this section of world econmy there is revealed most sharply the contradiction be- tween the growth of productive forces and the narrowing of the sales market. ‘At the end of 1929 there took place a com- plete collapse of the world production of sugar, especially of cane sugar, as well as a complete collapse of the “Institute for the Protection of Coffee Production” in Brazil, which artificially regulated the production, the reserves and the export of coffee from Brazil—which constitutes three-quarters of the world production. Naturally the economic crisis in the United States, which country is one of the most im- portant markets for the colonial products of Latin-America, aggrevates the crisis, and ac- celerates the fall in the prices of colonial prod- ucts as was particularly to be seen in Novem- ber and December. The price movement of colonial products in the whole of 1929 shows an uninterrupted re- cession. The rubber market has shown an un- interrupted sinking of prices, especially in the last few months, as a result of the falling de- mand for rubber by the automobile industry of the United States, and this is having an adverse effect on the rubber production in Brazil, Bolivia and Guiana, The developing crisis in coffee production is affecting the economy not only of the Central American republic (Guatemala, Salvador, Costa Rica), but also of Brazil, in which over 500,000- 000 American dollars are invested. The danger of a crisis as a result of overproduction of coffee has existed ever since 1928. The high level of prices has the whole time been only artificially maintained by the “Institute for the Protection of Coffee Production” in Brazil. The world overproduction of coffee caused by ~ the increased production in Brazil and a num- ber of Central American Republics and Colom- bia, was expressed in the growth of the world’s stocks from 19,660,000 sacks on October 1, 1928, to 21,137,000 sacks on October 1, 1929. The current calculations of the balance of the world’s coffee trade for 1929-30 are likewise ex- tremely unfavorable. The world supply amounts to 45,256,000 sacks, the world demand to 23,- 000,000 sacks. The loans recently concluded by the Brazilian government with the banking houses of Schroder, Rothschild and others in London, cannot, of course, avert the develop- ing crisis. The crisis in the national economy of Brazil is still further aggravated by the depression in a number of other branches of industry as, for instance, the textile industry, especially. in the province of Sao Paulo, where it constitutes the most important branch of industry. The crisis in the Brazilian textile industry, whick consists in overproduction and limited sale pow- sibilities, is mainly due to the unfavorable posi- tion of agricultural production, i.e. the low prices of agricultural produce and the increased cost of living. The world crisis in the sugar industry, and especially the cane stgar industry, means a severe blow to th» economic life of Cuba. With the existing world prices of sugar the Cuban sugar industry is suffering constant losses. Thus, for example, the prime cost of sugar amounts in Cuba to 2% cents a pound, whilst the world-trade price is 2.25 cents a pound. Finally the prolonged drought had a very bad effect on the agriculture of a number of South American countries. This eppiies espe- cially to Argentina, where the harvest yield of the most important products showed a fall- ing off of 40 and even 54 per cent, as compared with last year. On December 17 the government forbade the changing of bank notes for gold within the country, but at the same time secured to the banks the right to export gold. As a result the Argentine currency immediately declined in value by five per cent. In view of the economic crisis which em- braces the majority of the Latin-American countries, the visit of the d’Abernon Commis- sion to the chief economic countries of South America — Argentine, Brazil and Uruguay —is very significant. The agreement which the governments ofa number of South American republics have signed with d’Abernon shows that. England is not disposed to give up its positions to United States imperialjsm. Thus, for instance, under the agreement arrived at with d’Abernon, Argentine undertakes to buy English goods to the value of 8,000,000 pounds sterling in the next two years (chiefly for railway and public works) in return for which England undertakes to import Argentine goods, chiefly food, to the same amount. The economic crisis of the United States will undoubtedly lead to an increased export of capital goods in particular to Central and South America, But the crisis in a number of Cen- tral American Republics, such as Cuba, Gua- temala, Salvador, Costa Rico, the crisis in Bra- zil, the signs of crisis in Argentine agriculture and the permanent depression in a number of smaller South American Republics, such as Co- lombia, Bolivia are a natural barrier to the expansion of “American foreign trade. Hence, there is to be expected an intensive growth of capital export from the United States to South America, in particular, to Brazil and Argentina. As a result the enhanced competition between. the United States and England in Central and South America will in the next few months assume sharper forms and bring about a further growth of antagonisms between the two great- est imperialist powers of the world. But simultaneously the class-consciousness and the fighting capacity of the Latin-Ameri- can proletariat and of the impoverished peas- antry will also grow. Why a Southern Communist Weekly © By S. GERSON A Communist newspaper for the South is of the greatest importance at the present time. Why? some will ask. Why is not the Daily Worker sufficient? For a number of reasons our national paper is not enough. The South has been undergoing—and still is— a process of change from a farm country to a land of great mills, factories, shops and mines. As a matter of fact, certain sections are still almost wholly agricultural. This process has been effecting deep changes in the lives of the Southern toiling population. The invasion of Northern capital in the last tea years speeded up this process of change so that the changes that have taken place in the South in the last ten years are equal to those that took place in the North in the fifty years preceding. Hund- reds of thousands have been lured off the bar- ren mountain farms to the mills in the valleys below; thousands of framers have been pauper- ized by the cotton speculators and the so-called tobacco trust (really Wall Street finance cap- ital) and forced to go to the mills, Negro and white workers have been brought together to slave side by side in huge factories. A “new working class” has been created. A working class of native-American workers, both Ne- gro and white, the whites of old Anglo-Saxon stock. Off the mountains they came, their individualistic habits still strong, knowing more of hunting and trapping than of spindles and looms. Cities and small mill villages sprung up, like Topsy,—just growed.” Intense speed- up and stretchout came, increased—and could be borne no longer. Fierce class struggles took place—Gastonia, Marion, dozens of places wit- nessed clashes between the workers on the one hand and the bosses and the bosses’ city and state government on the other, All this is having its effect on the whole in- dustrial and political life of the South. Splits in the democratic party; invasion of the repub- lican party; overnight changes by capitalist senators and congressmen on the question of tariff, etc., etc. And all the time the organi- zation of the workers going on under the lead- ership of the Communist Party and the TUUL against the most bitter opposition of the cap- italist class, the capitalist government, the A. F. of L. and their Muste wing in the U.T.W. In short, everything in the South bears the stamp of the phenomenally rapid process of change from an agrarian to an industrial sec- tion—with the added new and active factor of the presence of the Communist Party and the T.UULL. To interpret all these changes minutely is not an easy task for our national Daily. It must, by its very nature, be a national organ of our Party, to interpret to the workers of. the whole country their tasks in a Communist light. To demand, then, of the central organ of our Party that it accomplishes what is the task of a sectional organ is wrong. It is with this in mind that our Central Committee cor- rectly decided upon a .Southern Communist Weekly. ~ 9 It will be the duty of the Southern weekly to interpret all these changes to the workers of Pog < Aa the South from a class viewpoint; to point out the tasks and needs of the workers that flow from this process. of change; to be the collective organizer and agitator of the Southern work- ers in their widely extended struggles; to carry on more sharply than ever before the struggle against racial oppression and for the unity of Negro and white workers; to help interna- tionalize the struggles of the Southern work- ers; to carry on the fight against imperialist war and for the defense of the Soviet Union. Our Southern weekly will carry on some of the best traditions of the revolutionary lit- erature in the United States and other coun- tries. In some ways it will resemble e “Iskra.”* Just as the “Iskra” was taboo in Russia of the ezars, so our Southern Communist weekly will be banned by the bosses from the mill villages of the Carolinas and the steel towns of Alabama. But it will get to the work- ers. It will reach the textile workers of the Carolinas, the Negro stevedores of New Orleans, the steel workers of Birmingham. It wilt penetrate to the bayous and lumber camps of Louisiana. It will eome to the tobacco, cotton, and sugar plantations. It will reach America’s “dark masses” in plain, simple, working class language. é The establishment of the Southern weekly will definitely mark the emergence of the Southern workers as an active political force in the revolutionary movement of the whole world and as such, the establishment of the Southern Worker, has not only a native but an international significance, Certainly the “Southern Worker” must be given the fullest support of the class-conscious workers of the U.S. Especially must the for- eign-born workers, any of whom have gone thru the school of revolutionary training in the countries of their birth, see the necessity for creating and helping a weekly of this sort, one that will lead the Southern masses of Ameri- can workers and farmers, both white and Ne- gro, along the path to power and freedom. * “Iskra” means “Spark.” Tt was the paper of the Russian Bolsheviks at the be; 20th Century. “It was at then tien ited Oy ete er tciant ects factor in the build- nt Russian which led the workers of Russie: to vtere aan freedom aver the ca ot November, 1917 Dita’ fe) in the revolution Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U.S. A. 48 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join th > nist Party. Send me more Ff edb Naga Name ........ se enneeee Address sae] s Usa euies LeaN Une AR ck Occupation Tee eeeeeeweteceseeeees Age, Mail this to the’ Central Office, unist Party, 43 East 125th St, New York, NY Bie lh ies