The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 6, 1930, Page 6

: Publishea by tne Ce Square, New York Address and mail Page Six “NEGLIGIBLES?” By HARRISON GEORGE. ENATOR LA FOLLETT! Wisconsin, pre- tending to defe’ tribute of the capit that “The Communists are a negligible factor” in this country Strange that th suddenly become priest and_politiciz pigeons, of ope cist bureaucr Yet had it not been f who, indeed, would have remembered two-by-four senator from Wisconsin? pretends also should of stool- fas negligible factor” center of attention of senate nd he ‘or th And what LaFollette to offer? Did he do anything while the bosses were cutting wages? Not until the unemployed movement revolutio ary led by the Communists and the Trade Union Unity League had led hundr of thousands into fierce battles, these “negli gibles” taking the brunt of the police clubbings, did the fake “progressive” even mention that wage cuts were taking place along with mass dismissals! Since LaFollette is one of the blue ribbon bulls of the so-called “Farm Bloc,” perhaps the gentleman would inform us how goes thin; with the poor farmers whom he and all other “liberal” and “progressive” tools of ance capital have kidded along with the Hoo- ver program of “cooperatives,” and what has become of the “orderly” marketing of the wheat and cotton crops The bottom has dropped from under the card- board house of the Farm Board, and one of the gravest price falls in history has swept away a thousand million or more of expected income from the farmers already, in their poorer 60 per cent, suffering lives of povert} as hopeless fin- as did the Russian peasantry under the knout of the Czar. s new crisis in agriculture will bring, as sure as tomorrow’s sun, another crash in Wall St and new and deeper echoes in all Amer- ican industry. And the miserable spotlight like LaFollette have no cure for either the agricultural depression or the industrial All they can do is to try to head off the discontented and rebellious masses from following the Communists, the only political Party which has a policy, a correct and there- fore a revolutionary policy, for the misery which capitalism inflicts upon the toiling mass- seekers crisis, es. Therefore the resurrection from the dead and deservedly forgotten limbo of oblivion, of the name of “LaFollette,” Sto the vision of the masses as did his treacherous side with sweet wo! to lure and tricky * prac tical” proposals to betray th masses into a ‘progressive’ or ‘farmer: 1, to again be butchered to make a Wall Street holiday. Therefore to shoo the mass away from the Communists by .terming the Communists’ as “negligibl But these lions, else wh “insignificants h seekin-r to cli abor’ co ‘negligibles” are supported by mil- 1 the hue and ery about these When did ever a robber rul- ing class waste its time with,the mobilization of whole regiments of police armed to the teeth with, all the machinery of mass slaughter, against “negligibles ” Against capi and its fake “progressive” opposition; against all the Hoo- vers, Wolls, Follettes and their police and their palavar, the Communists, we “negligi- bles,” are mobilizing the masses in revolution: ary struggle. The Japanese General Election By S. SAKURAI. HE complete returns of Japan's present par- liamentary election shows a landslide for Minseito P: It the Government arty. is re- ported that Premier Hamaguchi’s “liberal” party obtained 273 seats as against, opposi- tion’s 174. According to a dispatch “even the most ardent of Premier Hamaguchi’s support- ers had not ventured to predict” such an over- whelming victory. As the total number of seats in the lower house is 466, 273 constitutes a clear majorit It is interesting, however, to know that this so-called unexpectedly “big” landslide for the Government Party was not altogether unex- pected by the really class conscious workers and peasants of Japan. As was already dis- elosed in the Daily Worker of several days ago the present Minseito Government re- placed General Tanaka’s cabinet under the direction of Japan’s finance capital—the Mikado himself is one pf the big capitalists of Japan—last July in spite of minority sup- port in the house of representatives. It fol- lows then that in the event of the dissolution of the lower house Japan’s finance capital will exert its utmost economic and ideological in- fluence over the wavering petty-bourgeois in- telligentzia elements to give the government party an overwhelming majority in the general election. The feature of the present election, accord- ing to Hugh Byas, the New York Times’ Tokyo correspondent, is “the defeat of labor leader and the failure of proletarian groups to achieve the success they had confidently expected.” True, in this election only five seats were ob- tained, as compared to 8 in the previous elec- tion, by the Laborites. But how shall we ac- count for this “defeat and failure?” For in the present election the so-called “proletarian” candidates numbered nearly 100 for the first time. According to Hugh Byas the “ruling reason is the disunity (emphasis mine), lack of or- ganization and of solid foundation of labor sentiment in the electorate,” although “over- confidence” and other explanations were ad- vanced, That there was “disunity” among the candidates of various “proletarian” parties is evident. But why was it so? It is simply because growing radicalization of the lower sections of the working class and the peasants necessarily brought abont the developing reac- tionary tendencies among the upper strata of the working class and the petty-bourgeois in- telligentzia elements who pose as “liberal” and as “Social Democratic.” Besides, as the Com- munist Party of Japan had no candidates of its own set up, because of its totally illegal status, as far as the proletariag candidates were concerned the “disunity” m&ant nothing but disunity among the petty bourgeois in- telligentzia elements. The lack of “organization,” too, is correct. However, who could hope for a strong “or- ganization” for the “petty bourgeoisie’? They gather and split like floating sea-weeds. There is no particular “class” interests for them. They waver. As to the “lack of solid founda- tion of labor sentiment in the electorate” we could first say that there was such for the class party of the workers and peasants, the Communist Party of Japan, but the party could not have its own candidates this time. In the present moment the Minseito gov- ernment which poses as “liberal,” outbids ‘‘so- cial democrats” in attracting the eyes of the petty bourgeois voters. This particularly ac- counts for the failure of Isoo Abe, ex-professor and president of the Social Democratic Party, Bunji Suzuki, president of the reactionary Japan Federation of Labor, to be re-elected, and rejection of Komakichi Matsuoka, general secretary of the same reactionary Federation of Labor, and Toyohiko Kagawa, a Princeton- jan and notorious “Christian Socialist.” These ‘laborites” are so “yellowish” as well as “pink- ish” that to most of the wavering voters it is hard to distinguish them from the “liberal” | Minseito candidates. Hence the typical petty bourgeois philosophy “better to vote for gov- ernment candidates than for a small ‘third’ party candidate.” One more thing has to be mentioned. That is the election of renegade Ikuo Oyama of the Labor-Farmer Party. According to the Times dispatch his election is the “one redeeming | feature from the labor viewpoint.” Nothing is farther from the truth, be “redeeming” to the “left” social democrats, but not to the really class conscious workers and peasants of Japan. We only need to note the fact that when this same Oyama ran and was defeated in the previous general election in 1928—that was before he degenerated into | compared with 610 applicants in January, 1930. | while admitting that for the same number of available jobs -in Jan- His election might | | class is here shown to be not a mere fiction of White Collar Slaves Hit By Crisis 50 of New York’s 400,000 cr around 200,000, jerks, stenographers VER per cent “white collar” wor! including office wor and techn ed to be out of work by commercial employment agencies in statements made here a few days ago. According to James Gray of the National Employment Exchange, 30 Church St., the de- mand for men was 60 per cent less this Jan- y than last, while the demand for women dropped 50 per cent. In January, 1929, Gray said, there were 299 men for every 100 jobs to be had as compared with 657 male applicants ua: ever: y, 1930. Women applicants totaled 167 for 100 available jobs in January, 1929 as Another agency reported a 50 per cent drop in order for office workers in the past year, “the tendency has been for wages to drop.” The same story is told by practically all of the agencies reporting. The head of the Pace Agency at 225 Broadway stated that the “New York city employers are seeking to keep their heads above water by curtailing expenses. Not only are many discharging employees but they are cancelling projects which had been planned for the new year. Occasionally we hear of drastic salary cuts, such as the man with a $13,000 job who was asked to work for $3,500.” The Hamilton Employment Service at 50 Church estimated that office workers’ wages have been cut 8 per cent since the stoch exchange erash. Other agencies pointed out that the period of unemployment was increas- ing as compared with previous year. Instead of being “above” the working class, the “white collar” workers are experiencing what all skilled labor is experiencing in Amer- ica, the levelling and displacement process of capitalist rationalization. “Labor saving” ma- chinery, which only saves the bosses from pay- ing wages, is throwing whole armies of office workers out of work, and rendering their skill useless. Low wages, and even starvation wages for thousands upon thousands of girls, deaden- ing speed-up with a mummifying routine, as well as drastic wage cuts are bringing these workers down to the rest of industrial working class. The economic crisis burst the bubble of “pros- perity and overexpansion in commercial and in- dustrial enterprises, and, together with the millions of factory workers, also hurled thou- sands of the “white collar” slaves into the street, forcing them to realize the real mean- ing of capitalism for the working class. The proletarianization of vast sections of the middle the brain, but a very palpable process experi- enced by hundreds of thousands in their own “vile bodies.” é the camp of Social Democrats—he ran from Kagawa prefecture supported by the “poorest and most militant” sections of peasants in Japan. He was defeated because the govern- ment ‘interference was indeseribably great. This time he is electel, but not by peasants but by petty bourgeois voters as a social demo- erat. He ran from precinct 5 of Tokyo dis- trict in the present election. It is necessary to remember thgt the Com- ist Party of Japan, though strictly illegal with 825 of its leading members in jail, not idle, for the radicalizing workers and was peasants of Japan wanted to fight and are fighting. The Communist Party of Japan leads the working class of Japan and the Commu- nist International is the guiding spirit of the Communist Party of Japan. Workers and peasants will fight for the overthrow of capi- talism not only nationally, but “nternationally. It is the utmost task of the Japanese prole- tariat at this particular moment first to ruth- lessly fight against he present Minseito Gov- ernment’s “economizing policy” which through capitalist rationalization and through other means bitterly attacks the living standard of the Japanese working class, and, secondly, to fight the renegale Oyama’s legal Labor-Farm- er Party. To do this the Japanese working class must strengthen and build up strong mass Communist Party in spite of all difficulties, Fight the Pieht Danger. A Hundred Proletarians for Every Petty Bourgeois Rene- gade! | Baily - All Out! On to the Streets! = Worker Central Organ of the Commuuist bu... .f the U.S. A. By Drive the Unemployment Struggle Along Revolutionary Channels By LEON PLATT merican Imperialism and its agent, the so- ist party and the A. F. of L. become alarmed at the extent of the unemployed in the United States and the determination of the masses to fight for work or wages. In spite of the repeated’reports of the U. S. Department of Labor and the government as a whole, the number of the unemployed in the United States is continuously increasing. Even the capitalist press cannot fail to recognize that the trend of unemployment in the first two months of this year is downward. Even the capitalist press cannot fail to see the com- plete breakdown of President Hoover’s scheme to solve the present economic crisis. The true situation shows that the crisis becomes more accentuated and more deepened, particularly at the present time, with the sharp decline of the wholesale price of commodities, particular- ly agricultural products, most glaringly shows the sharp contradiction within American and ‘world capitalism. ° In this present situation the struggle of the seven million unemployed workers is assuming such wide proportions that the American bour- geoisie and its agents become greatly alarmed. The outstanding feature in the present unem- ployment struggle is that the revolutionary trade unions and the Communist Party are lead- ing the struggle of the seven million unemploy- ed. This is due to the fact that because of its revolutionary program and militant policy, the Trade Union Unity League and the Communist Party are the only ones capable of directing the struggle of the unemployed. The struggle of the unemployed, however, is not only a struggle for certain immediate eco- nomic demands. To limit the struggle of the unemployed merely to the stritggle for work or wages would be a great revolutionagy un- derestimation and an incorrect thing to do. The struggle of the unemployed must be driven along revolutionary channels, otherwise the’ struggle will not be effective. The Communist Party and the revolutionary trade uniong, hold capitalism directly responsible for pa Ans ment. The Communist Party and the revolu- tionary trade unions openly and definitely state to the American employed and unemploy- ed workers that the true solution of the unem- ployment question is the overthrow of tle en- tire capitalist system, which breeds unemploy- ment . “In their struggle, the seven million American Ulem,.vyea Wo.xsers must definitely see the role of the A. F. of L., the socialist party, as agents within the ranks of the workers, serv- ing only the interests of ,the bosses. The workers must see that the renegades from Communism, Lovestone and Cannon, do not be- lieve in the vitality and determination,of the workers to fight not only for the unemploy- ment demands, but against the capitalist sys- tem, The workers must see that Lovestone considers their struggle against unemployment and capitalism on March, 6th as a “Putch,” as an adventure organized and precipitated by the revolutionary trade unions and the Communist Parjy. The workers must also learn, and it is the duty of every Communist and every class- ‘ew “o moke clear to the workers in the shops, mines and mills that side by side Vise cae Seuggie of the unemployed for work or wages, they must actively engage in the organization of militant industrial trade unions under the leadership of the Trade Union Unity League. Unless the unemployed struggle takes this form, we will not achieve what should be achieved in, the present situation. Why the Bourgeoisie Is Scared The capitalist clasg of the United States, see- ing that the struggle against unemployment is assuming a revolutionary character, therefore become alarmed and are now trying by all means to destroy that struggle, to disarm the workers of their determination and vitality by means of organized fascist attack upon the workers, by means of frame-ups and provoca- tion. This explains why in the Senate, the fake progressives, Borah, Wheeler and others, | haye today raised the question of unemploy- ment. Every worker, however, mtist see that the American Senate, another agent of the Government, cannot solve their problems, They have raised this question in order to stifle it, in order to mislead the workers, in order to prevent the unemployment struggle from being directed along revolutionary channels. The servants of the bosses in Congress and in the Senate know that in the coming Congressional elections this Fall, they will no longer be able to speak to the masses of workers of prosperity and the full dinner pail. They know that as a result of the bitter experience of the American workers themselves, the workers know that capitalism is responsible for unemployment, and the agents of capitalism, no matter what mask they wear, will not be able to solve the unem- ployment question. — Strike-Breaking Role of the A. F. of L. The role of the A. F. of L. as an agent of the bosseé, as a strike breaker, came most glaring- ly to the forefront in the present unemployment struggle of the workers and the statement of Matthew .Woll and William Green, Vice-Pres- ident and President respectively of the A. F. of L. The A. F. of L., seeing that it lost com- plete hold of the workers, particularly the un- organized, the A. F. of L., seeing that in spite of the Hoover-Green agreement wages ar cut and lay offs are taking place. The A. F, of L. has over a quarter of its membership un+ employed, and in most of its industries over half of its membership unemployed. The A*. F. of L., seeing that the unemployment struggle under the leadership of the Trade Union Unity Léagué is being driven along revolutionary channels, therefore appeal to no ‘others than 500 leading organizations of the bosses and to the bosses’ government to take repressive ac- tions against the Communist Party and the revolutionary trade unions who lead the strug- gle of the unemployed, This act, however, will show not only to the mass of the unorganized workers, but to the rank and file of the A. F. of L. who were equally betrayed by the A. F. of 1. bureaucracy, what the A. F. of L. is, As the only solution of thé unemployment question the A. F. of L. proposes to suppress the Communists and the militant labor: organi- zations. The A. F. of L. does not think that a worker is’ a productive element in society, that society owes hima living and when this society cannot provide him with a living, it is therefore bankrupt, has outlived itself and must be replaced by a new social system, What the A, F. of L. proposes is that the unemploy- ed workers shall ask for charity in order to support themselves and their starving families. The A. F. of L.. would reduce the seven mil- lion unemployed workers, who together with their families make up twenty million human beings, to beggars who can only exist: on the good will and the crumbs that the bosses will be ready to give them. This strike break- ing role of the A. F. of L, reactionary leader- ship must convince every rank and file worker of the Federation that their duty is to organize the rank and file workers against the reaction- By Mall (In New York City only): $ By Mall (outside of New York City): SUBSCRIPTION RATIOS: 0, a year; $6.00 a year; $3 $4.50 six months; 50 six months; $2.50 three months $2.00 three months sh ere, Fred Hs REVOLUTIONARY UPSURGE IN GERMANY H ee aggravation of class antagonisms has | been proceeding in Germany during last few weeks at a rate far surpassing all expecta- tions. Unemployment figures which today al- ready exceed the figures of last year, are in- creasing from week to week. The total num- ber of unemployed amounts already to over 8 million, so that, including the dependent al- most 10 million people are experiencing the miseries of unemployment. Thanks to the Young Plan and the fi efforts of the American crisis, mass dismissals are taking place in all branches of industry, so that in the near fu- ture a continued increase of unemployment is to be expected. American finance capital and its agent in Germany, Reichsbank President Schacht, who are barring the eredits to Ger- many, are simultaneously paralyzing all con- structional activity and thereby still further aggravating the crisis. At the same time a great wave of high prices has set in as a result of the artificially en- hanced customs and taxation policy of the coalition government and of the intervention of Schacht. The era of the Young Plan is ‘characterized by a brutal offensive against the toiling masses. The standard of living of the German working class is being systematically depressed. Parallel with the starvation offensive of the bourgeoisie and the development of the economic crisis there is proceeding the develop- ment of the masses to the Left. To the extent to which the Young Plan no longer appears to the proletarian and the petty bourgeois masses as a hazy picture of a plan for extracting tribute, but with all the harsh and. palpable brutality of an every day fact; no longer in the form of the million figures of the “annuities,” but the 5 Pfening increase for every journey on the street cars or motor- bus, gas and electricity bill and the house rent, to the same extent the nationalist demagogy of the alleged “opposition” of the fascists to the Young Plan loses its effect. The fight against*the Young Plan is recog- nized by the masses as a class question, as a social problem. Hence there is bound to be an increase in the influence of the only Party which raised the question of the revolutionary class struggle and shows the way out of pov- erty and the crisis: i. e., the most obstinate de- fense of the proletarian class interests until the present order is overthrown; the Party which advocates the struggle for socialism. The Communist Party of Germany is able to continue its struggle for the decisive sections of the proletariat much more successfully and determinedly. There can no longer be any doubt: Germany is actually approaching a “new 1923.” The German bourgeoisie and social dem- ocracy are aware of this development. The bourgeoisie itself speaks today of “Germany’s Kerensky period” and thereby recognizes how soon it expects the advent of the Red October of the German proletariat. The social democracy, which already during the course of the last year was severely de- feated in the most important industrial dis- tricts by the Communist Party of Germany, realizes that a decisive stage has begun in the struggle between the Communist Party and social fascism for the majority of the working class, Bourgeoisie ahd social democracy can see only one way out: the application of the most brutal measures of terror to suppress the rev- olutionary working class. Hence social dem- ocracy is pressing for the passing of the law for the protection of the republic, drafted by its Minister for the Interior, Severing, by means of which the Communist Party is to be | and the police terror. “forbidden.” Grzesinski, the Prussian social democratic minister for the interior, last week delivered a speech in which he bluntly announced the suppression of the Communist Party, of Ger- many and openly declared that he was only waiting for the passing of the law for the protection of the republic. At the same time this social fascist police minister ed a decree prohibiting all dem- onstrations in the whole of Prussia, and appeal- ing quite openty to the police, to suppress all demonstrations by bloody force. In view of all these measures the Communist Party is quite right in pointing out that the social fas- cists are once again intending to provoke the revolutionary proletariat to premature armed collisions in order to avert the revolutionary danger by means of a blood letting of the working class. And in fact workers’ blood has been shed in the last few days. Near Chemnitz, striking workers who arranged a demonstration, were shot down, in Worms the police fired on a demonstration of unemployed. Everywhere there are killed and wounded. In Berlin, Pol- ice President Zoergiebel makes an abortive at- tempt to confiscate two editions of the “Rote Fahne,” an attempt which ended with an in- crease of the number of subscribers to the “Rote Fahne.” In the whole of Germany there has now set in such a powerful protest action of the broad- est proletarian masses, that the ruling social fascists and the bourgeoisie are beginning to quake. The prohibition of demonstrations by Grzesinski is replied to with numerous huge demonstrations of the workers in al] districts of Germany. In the Ruhr district there took. place the district congress of the revolutionary trade union opposition, participated in by more thart 1,000 workers from all pits and smelting fac- tories of the Ruhr districts, among them being many christian, non-party and social democra- tie delegates. The congress was inspired by enthusjastic proletarian sglidarity with the Party of the German proletariat, the Communist Party of Germany, whose leader, Comrade Thaelmann, was loudly cheered by the congress delegates. The congress greeted the “Rote Fahne” on the oceasion of its confiscation by Zoergiebel as the ,Bolshevist central organ of the German working class. During and after the congress the~proleta- rians assembled in all the towns of the Ruhr district and captured and maintained the streets against the police. At the same time the workers in South Germany, in East Prussia, in Central Germany, in the waterside district, in Berlin are demonstrating in ‘the streets. Fastory meetings are tating place in which the workers are adopting energetic resolutions against the attacks on the Communist Party. The Communist Party itself declares in its press and in the meetings, that it cannot be in the least diverted from its revolutionary policy by the social fascist-bourgeois threats There can be no retreat and no provocation for the Communist Party. The revolutionary party of the German pro- letariat is concentrating its work on the fac- tories, by carrying on a mass agitation for the increase of economic struggles against the Young Plan and the capitalist rationalization, for the seven-hout day and for increased wages, for the demands of the millions of unemployed, for the drawing of the working women and the young workers into the revolutionary front. The Party is trying to develop these struggles into political mass strikes as the most impor- tant weapon of the revolutionary class strug- gle in the present situation. The growing economic crisis in the United States, which is.part of the world crisis of capitalism, hits women workers as well as men workers. Out of over six million unemployed about two million are women, and many more thousands are working only part time. The women workers suffer from all the wage cuts, “speed-up, etc., which is part of the employers’ program of throwing the burden of the crisis onto the shoulders of the workers. The in- tolerable exploitation in industry, the police brutality against workers, and the betrayal by the social fascists of the A. F. of L. and So- cialist Party are producing a profound resent- ment and fighting spirit among the workers everywhere. In the United States, as in all other countries, the workers are. demonstrat- ing by strikes and other mass movements, that they increasingly struggle against the tyranny “of the employers and their government. Wo- men workers are joining with the men and supporting the demands of the working class in the economic and political struggles. To solidify the ranks of the workers of all countries for the growing struggle, the Red ary leadership who betrayed them in order to build a new revolutionary labor center, the | Trade Union Unity League. The A. F. of L. membership must, over the heads of their reactionary leadership, join the struggle of the unemployed; they must support the unemploy- ed councils and expose the A. F. of L. fakers as, enemies of the organized and unorganized workers. This present struggle calls forth not only for more energetic campaigns to organize the unor- ganized, to. build the T. U. U. L., but also for more intensive work within the A. F. of L. unions, to win away the rank and file member- ship from the reactionary membérship and for the T. U. U. L. The present struggle will only be successful if it is being driven along revo- lutionary channels, if the struggle of the un- employed is connected with the . struggle against imperialist’ war, and against imperi- alism as a whole, if the struggle of the unem-, ployed is utilized for the building of the revo- lutionary trade unions, the Communist Party, ‘and the defense of the Soviet Union. Only then will we say ‘that the unemployed struggle of the workers is successful. It is precisely these results that the American bourgeoisie fears most, but it is these results that will give to the American workers the most from. the present struggle, i { Working Women Join the March 6th and 8th Demonstrations International of Labor Unions has called upon all its affiliated sections to mobilize the masses of working women to participate with the men workers in the great international demonstrations initiated by the Communist In- ternational, for March 6th and March 8th. March 6th is to be a world-wide strike and demonstration of the employed and unemployed workers against capitalism and the _ terrible evil of unemployment. The second, March 8th, International Women’s Day, is to be a great solidarity demonstration of all workers to in- tensify the organization and revolutionary edu- cation of women workers, and their mobiliza- tion for the class struggle. The Trade Union Unity League, American Section of the R.LL.U., endorses these calls, and calls upon all its affiliated unions and leagues to throw their full force in’ making both March 6th and March 8th, gigantic prole- tarian demonstrations. In connection with the March 6th strike and demonstration against unemployment, the women’s committees of T.U.U.L: organization must work with the local unemployment coun- cils for the mobilization. of the greatest pos- sible number of women workers. This imust be done through factory gate meetings, dis- tribution of literature, holding of women’s delegate conferences, etc, The employed wom- en workers will strike and participate in the demonstrations at the time and place set by the local T,U.U.L. and unemployed couneils on March 6th, i The celebration of International y Day, March 8th, which shall be Festal gang factory gate, mass meetings, ‘demonstrations, conferences, ete.—preparations for which must be linked together with the great unemploy- ment demonstration of March 6th. Both dem- onstrations .must serve for: the organization of women workers into the .U.U.L. unions and into the unemployed councils and then thru building of women’s committees in these papood It nat lead to a great strengthening of the revolutionary w i ema ‘y women’s movement in all _ Working women, demonstrate your. - ty with the working class of in pakiae Piet against unemployment, the speed-up and wage cuts. Demand equal pay for sa work. Fight for unemployment, insurance and the 7. hour day 5-day: week. Fight against the im- perialist war. Defend the Soviet Union, Join ae T.U.U.L. Demonstrate on March 6th and National Executive Board, Trade Union Unity League,