The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 4, 1930, Page 4

Page Four New York C nd mail all c Square Add ASCIST TERROR AGAINST Central Organ of the Comm THE WORKERS BY THE CHICAGO POLICE — Statement by the Communist Party U. S.A, 1 are enriching themselves by the graft and cor- } "District Eight. ruption existing in the City Hall, reducing the oat taxes for the big real estate men and the Insull ing the fas- | Dublic utility interests, they have no wages for c ni, tonight raided tho | the underpaid city employees and not a cent Needle Trades Workers Industrial | for the relief of the unemployed. The build- I. Feingold. | ing of revolutionary trade unions and the broken up the aided and broke up the me d workers held last Wed- arrested over three hundred, ine Kjar, the organizer of the y All this was done under 1 of Commissioner Stege, rutally beaten >gro organ- Communist Party on, organizer. loyed Council, Jackson, Negro or- anizer of Young Communist League, and Alex- organizer of the Workers International )v taken to the hospital in a very conditior cist police especially out ‘o and foreign-born work- r th 1 in; Without charges they have been d degree methods ar ners,” orc ) cells having the slighte: sanitary conditions and practica oners have been forced to stand for lack of room. Nor i r the women “prisoner employed workers were ar- pices of the Chicago Coun- ployed, affiliated to the Trade Workers’ Militancy Not Broken. Bill Thompson, and his fascist gang, erate and wild in failing to break cy of the unemployed workers, 30 that he does not even permit the of the Russian picture “Ivan the Ter- Meetings of workers are broken up by the police with slugging that can well com pete with Mussolini’s fascist blackshirts. A!I this is done in the hope of terrorizing the work- ers, of preventing the workers from participat- ing in the big international demonstration of the unemployed to be held before the City Hall at noon on March 6 The complete violation by the Thompson ma- chine of the right of the workers to meet and di and means to fight against un- is done on the direct orders of s, whose loyal servant Mr. Thompson x propaganda about prosperity, d in its purpose to prevent the workers from fighting. With the sharpening crisis, with unemployment, wage cuts and the speed up steadily increasing, the bosses resort to open fase’ ods to put the burden of the crisis . on the shoulders of the working class and pre- ; them from taking the counter-offensive the capitalists. In the United States there are at least 7 million men and women unemployed and many more will be thrown out of factories and mines as the crisis deepens. In Chicago alone, there are 300,000 unemployed workers. Just the othe by decision of the court, 400 work- ve d ers were evicted from their houses because they were out of work and unable to | pay r The answer of the bosses to the demand of the workers for work or wages is fascist bru- tality. While Mayor Thompson and his gang aS his long prison record. The work- | | ship and guidance to the worke formation of councils of unemployed, to compel the bosses to give immediate relief to the un- employed, arouses the fear and despair of the capital: causes their resort to fascist methods in attempting to outlaw all working class organizations, A, F. of L.—Strikebreaker. The Chicago Federation of Labor, headed by itzpatrick, and Nelsor is an open strike- bréaking agency of the bosses, and part and parcel of the Thompson machine. Durkin, the ice-president of the building trades council, the police to club the unemployed work- er This advice is part of Green’s pledge to Hoover to break the strikes of the workers against wage cuts and for wage increases and to prevent the unemployed workers from unit- ing with the employed, building their unem- ployed councils, compelling the bosses to give them either work or wages. The Communist Party, the only political or ganization of the working class, gives leader- in their grow- ing struggles against rationalization, intensi- fied -by the present sharpening crisis in this country which is part of the general crisis of world capitalism. No wonder then, that the triplé alliance of the bosses, the government and the social trade union fascists have all united to defeat and attempt to outlaw the Communist Party. The brutal fascist attacks on our Party will be answered by thousands of workers who will respond to the leadership of the Party and join it. In this struegle the Communist Party will be strengthened. The unemployment situation in this country is part of the growing unemployment thruout the world. Thete are over seventeen million unemployed workers in the world. March 6, is the day on which the working class, under the leadership of the Communist International will demonstrate their determination to defeat the growing bosses’ attack. Soviet Union Marches Forward. The growing rivalries between the capitalist powers and especially between England and the United States arising from the crisis are sharp- ening their war preparations. Growing unem- ployment in the capitalist countries, the 10-12 hour day, the murderous speed up and continu- ous wage sldshings on the one hand, and grow- ing socialist prosperity in the Soviet Union, the 7-hour day, decreased unemployment, social in- surance for all workers, arouses the fear and despair of the entire capitalist world, and therefore, now, they under the cloak of the religous issue howl for war against the Soviet Union. The working class under the leadership of the Communist Party, will fight against these efforts to deprive workers their right of free assembly. The workers will defend their right to hold meetings and demonstrations from the fascist attack of the police, supported by the social fascists of the American Federation of Labor and socialist party and the fascist under- world allies of the Thompson machine. Issued by the Communist Party, U. S. A., * District Eight. Workers Break With Lovestone| Counter-Revolutionary Group Upon recommendation of the District Control Commission of District 2, New York, the Cen- tral Cor sion has reinstated into the Party on six months’ probation Bertha Lituchy | and B, I r, two workers who have come to the rez of the counter-revolutionary character of the Lovestone group and who have. completely ken with this group and recog- nized their error in ever having associated themselves with it. The statements of these two workers follow: Statement of Bertha Lituchy. Dear: Comrades: With regard to my expulsion from the Party on account of affiliation with the Lovestan«i+> I wsh to state that the Party was correct n expelling all the Loveston for their cour revolution vitie T realize I have committed the biggest error in my life in associating myself with these enemies of the working class. As a proletarian member of the Party for many years, I com- pletely disassociate myself from the renegade Lovestoneites, and denounce them as counter- revolutionists who have completely gone to the camp of the enemy zest the Party to take me back into its - I stand 100 per cent with the Party ubmit unconditionally to the correct Len- inist line of the Executive Committee of the Communist International and to the Communist of the U.S.A. I pledge to carry all | ions of the Party and fight against all its enemies, so as to enable it to proceed with the task of leading the American working class to its final victory and the proletarian dictator- ship. Comradely yours, BERTHA LITUCHY. Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- Send me more information. nist Party. Name . Occupation ... Party, 43 East 125th St., New York. N. Y Mail this to the Central Office, Communist iD Statement of B.’ Reider. Dear Comrades: I appeal to you to take me back into the Party. For a number of weeks I have felt like appealing to the Party for reinstatement. It began ‘vith the leaflet issued by the so- called “opposition of Section No. 1” in which they have tried to create the impression that the leadershin of the Party and the Section No. 1 is incapable, and that the best proletarian elements were expelled. Among others, they also mention my name, although some time ago I stated that I disagree with their attacks against the Party and the formation of an op- position Party, and I therefore withdraw from the group and from giving any support to the group. I am convinced that they are conducting a system of double bookkeeping. They claim that they are conducting a struggle for a correct line, but in reality they are minimizing every struggle of the workers led by the Communist Party. They are demoralizing active elements, they are discouraging members from doing work for the Party and auxiliary organizations an dare undermining the prestige of the Party in mass organization. One who is very close to the chiefs of the opposition told me that “we must not even stop before smashing the Party and the quicker the better.” This statement was too much for me. I am a rank and file worker, who has been in the revolutionary movement since boyhood and therefore I feel guilty of supporting an opposition which is trying to wreck the Party. I recognize that not only did I make a political error but that T | am also guilty of injuring the Party by par- ticipating in the opposition. I want to assure the comrades that my ex- pulsion from the Party for a number of months and that pains that I had out of it is the greatest punishment for my crime. I am not the only one, I think that it is high time for all the proletarian elements who were misled by the opposition to come back to the ranks of the revolutionary Communist Party. It is not yet too late. I am now convinced that the struggle of the opposition is not a struggle for a correct political line but a struggle of un- principled careerists for power. T hope that you will admit me back into the Party. Comradely yours, B. ROIDER. The Central Control Commission is ready to take back into the Party all honest workers 4 who, having been misled by Lovestone’s lying campaigns, realize now the counter-revolution- ary nature of Lovestone’s group, recognize the big error committed by them, and who, eom- pletely disassociate themselves from any con- nection with the renegades, should apply to the respective District Control Commissions for reinstatement. CENTRAL COMMUNI CONTROL COMMISSION, | PARTY, U.S. A, THE BOSSES’ GEM Baily 2Qz Worker By Mail (tn New York City onl By Mail (outside of New York SUBSCRIPTION RATES: 'y): $8.00 a year; City): $6.00 a year; $4.50 six months; $3.50 six months; $2. $2.50 three months 1.00 three months uatot Casy of the U.S, A. I HAVE recently had an interesting conversa- tion with an American woman, a_ social worker studying industrial problems. She has just returned to Moscow after a prolonged trip throughout the industrial areas of the Soviet Union. Her views and conclusions and en- | thusiasm for all she has seen is now becoming | quite typical for all those—whether tourist or technician—whose observations are frank, ob- jective and unbiased. “T have had the opportunity,” she informed me, “of going everywhere, of seeing everything and I have made the utmost of it. I was asked to be candid and to criticise unsparingly. I found that my criticism was accepted gladly, and any suggestions I made listened to with keen intelligence. I visited stgel and iron works—“The Sor- moya” at Nijni-Novgorod with 22,000 workers, the “Red October” at Stalingrad with 6,000 workers. I found a number of American en- gineers at Stalingrad and Rostov actively par- | ticipating in the building of two new plants for agricultural machinery — “Tractorstroi” and | “Selmash-Stroi.” Both these plants were be- | ginning to go into operation when I left’ The American engineers whom I met at these works were unstinted in their praise at the energy and willingness of the Russian workers. The socialist competition, “shock” | industrial (udarni) troops that had been ; adopted by the workers some time since had | By I. AMDUR' (Moscow). | resulted in an almost doubling of the building | tempo and, in other factories of production, Enthusiasm ran high with the formation of “adarni” troops and these engineers who had been accustomed to “high pressure production” | at home were startled, to say the least, at the tempo unloosed by these “easy, slow-going, backward Russian workers”; a tempo attained not by slave-driving rationalistic methols as in the United States, but by the unharnessing of the long-dormant creative energy of the mass.” And the Russians certainly have an aim, something to look forward to. They, are building a new life. I visited also the “Rosa Luxembourg” to- bacco factory and some wood-working mills. Also various textile factories. The new fac- tories that I saw being built are modern well- built structures, equipped with the most up- to-date appliances and machinery. The old factories and works, I noted, are being re- modeled, new equipment installed and condi- tions of work (ventilation, a bar, hot meals, regular rest-periods, ete.) placed, as far as Questions and Answers ‘ (The following is the fifth of a series of questions and answers on the world economic crisis, unemployment, and the tasks of the revolutionary trade unions, issued “by the Red International of Labor Unions.—Editor) + * «# Question 5. What prospects does the un- employed movement hold out for us? Is there any reason, to believe that the movement, will grow and become more intensive or will there be a gradual dying down of the movement? The reply to this question is closely bound up with the answer to the second question on the development of the economic crisis. We | came to the conclusion that the crisis was only | beginning and that it would become deeper | still and more widespread. We havé every reason to believe that the unemployed workers’ movement will develop on the same lines. As the economic crisis extends throughout the’ world, the army of unemployed will inevitably - grow, for increasingly larger sections of the workers will be thrown idle to swell its ranks. The unemployed movement is not only sig- nificant, socially and politically, but in the * present stage of the capitalist crisis, it raises the question of the very existence of the capi- talist system. It {s becoming clear even to the most backward sections of the workers that a secial system that dooms millions upon millions of people to starvation—essential for + 3 Enlightened circumstances permit, on a level with that in new factories. Speaking of the constructional work our American friend was particularly delighted with the workers’ homes. These, she said, are springing up with amazing rapidity around the larger plants and works. To use her own words: “Charmingly built dwellings and tene- ment homes are springing up in every city and around the factories—veritable model towns for workers.” These contain single rooms for one person and flats of two and three rooms; airy, supplied with steam-heat- ing, electricity and bath room. There is a communal kitchen. The larger houses with more than 100 fam- ilies has its club consisting of Lenin Corner, reading room, games-room (ping-pong, etc.) and Conference Hall. Our observer was handed a list of meetings that had been held here (for the workets and their families) during the last three months of 1929 and during Jan- uary, as follows: (1) The Eastern Chinese Railway Conflict; (2) Economie Crisis in .the United States and its repercussions in Europe; (8) Control Figures for 1929-30; and a report by the Society “Down with Illiteracy” of * its work among the illiterate workers of this house. My inquiry about the rents brought forth another stream of amazement and wonder- ment. “How incredibly low”; “rents must in- deed be almost the least of the charges that the Russian worker must meet from his wages,” and so on. She attempted a compari- son with what the American workers have to pay but quickly gave it up. It worked out to about four and even five times more. “It is beyond me,” she said, “how the government is able to cover the cost and futther upkeep of these houses.” She has learned, however, that rents. are fixed in accordance with the earnings. After regaling my accustomed ears with other of her observations—social insurance, free medical attendance, workers evening uni- versities, rabfacs, “Down with Illiteracy” cir- cles, travelling libraries that are brought direct to the home, and so on, she left me a much enlightened and yet still much puzzled woman as to how so much had been accomplished, so much done for the welfare of the workers, how it had been possible to carry out all this tremendous reconstructive work in a technical- ly backward country like this, with such a vast elementary ignorant population—and all in 12 years. And what about the position of the country and the working class in 1932-83? oO the very continuation of the system—must be overthrown. . It is becoming more and more plain to the workers at large that only a social revolution can solve the problem of unemployment. And this brings the workers inevitably face to face with the problem of everthrowing the bour- geoisie and seizing the power. If the question is raised in this fashion, it is plain that the present movement among the unemployed menaces the very existence of the bourgeoisie. And the bourgeoisie well under- stand that for them it is a question of life and death as to who is going to control the move- ment. . If the movement is controlled by the revolu- tionary: elements, then bourgeois domination will be overthrown for good and all and the | workers will take over the power. If, on the other hand, the bourgeoisie are able to divide the unempoye1 workers’ movement, deprive it of a revoutionary ideology and extend their own influence over the movement, then the capitalist system will continue for some while longer. By tity Well realising their class interests, the bour- geoisie, are consequently doing their best to get control of the unemployed workers’ move- ment. In various parts of the world we see the fascist organizations today guiding the dissatisfaction of the unemployed in the chan- néls of fascism and bourgeois reaction, All steps are being taken nowadays to line up a part of the unemployed in the scab and fascist organizations, the aim being to use By LEO FISHER. HE undertone of Communism is getting ever louder in the agitation for relief among the unemployed, screamed one of the Mil- waukee daily capitalist sheets in commenting on the two demonstrations 6f the unemployed held on February 5th and 13th respectively. The agitation and organization among the unemployed in Milwaukee has attained mass proportions. In the first demonstration staged on February 5th, about two thousand workers participated, while a week later the number rose to about ten thousand. The party played the leading and organizing role in this movement, spreading its influence among wide sections of the workers that were never reached by the Party before. The thick crust of “socialist” domination over the workers, keeping them from effective struggles against the bosses, is beginning to crack by the action of the masses themselves. For years this “socialist” domination was a dead weight on the masses, choking every ef- fort for struggle on the part of the working masses. The deception of the working masses by the S. P. and Trade Union Bureaucracy made the growth of the Communist movement very difficult in the past. Our.party was, stagnating, with little or no progress for years. The Party membership was not bound up with the struggles of the masses, it was not even a propaganda organization in the genuine sense of that word. The “socialist” caste ruled su- preme over the activites of the working masses, The “Socialists” Exposed. -But, through the action of the unemployed workers, staging two big, impressive demon- strations, the socialist party received blows such as it never received before. The demon- strations, from the very outset, took on a de- cidedly anti-“socialist” character. The “so- cialists” recognized that, and from the very beginning they were thrown into consterna- tion, and undertook a whole series of man- euvers and fake measures to offset the effects of the demonstrations. Mayor Hoan and the Milwaukee Leader, a “socialist” sheet, hardly got through boasting that the unemployment situation in Milwaukee was not nearly as bad as it was in other cities, at least there are no bread lines in Milwaukee, they claimed, when the workers answered with a demonstration of 2,000 jobless, and another one in a week’s time with ten thousaind. Thus the workers, through their own action, an- swered the lies of the “socialists.” The next move of the “socialists” was an at- tempt to split the movement of the unem- ployed by creating dissention in ‘the unem- ployed council. They actually tried to play off the “home” workers against the “out- siders,” that is, those workers that at one time or another came to Milwaukee from some other town. The “socialist” alderman, glohn Fleissner, made a statement in the common council, wide- ly published by the capitalist press, that he is going to introduce a resolution to ask local firms to give preference to the “home” work- ers in employing labor. And this “socialist” faker. profésses to adhere to Marx’ slogan: “Workers of the World, Unite!” The purpose of this move was two-fold: First, to split the movement into “home” workers and “outsid- ers,” and second, to create the illusion that whatever unemployment may be in Milwaukee is not so much due*to the slowing down of the industries, but to the influx of “out- siders.” 5 Attempt to Split Workers’ Unity. It is not the fault of the capitalist system which has entered into a deep going crisis that is the cause of unemployment, but the “outside workers” are to be blamed. This, in substance, is the meaning of the “socialist” crusade against the “outsiders.” This also means that the workers should not fight the bosses, but fight among themselves. The yel- low socialists remain true to their role of flunkies to the bosses! But in this movement of the unemployed every'trick of the “socialists” is being exposed so successfully that the crowd during the sec- ond march booed and hissed the “socialist” leader while the parade was passing the head- quarters of the socialist party. The S. P. chiefs got scared and made a decision in the Centrad Trades Qouncil to “investigate” the Communists, in other words they officially de- cided to become stoolpigeons for the bosses. They openly admitted that their unions (A. F. of L.) were losing members to the Commu- nistic unions. The assertion of the “socialists” that Mil- waukee, as far as its home industries are con- cerned, is not effected by the general crisis of American and .world capitalism, is a bare- faced lie. Their theory in regard to Milwaukee as an exceptional town is similar to the famous Lovestone theory of American exceptionalism.® But a glance at the “home” industries in Mil- waukee, most of them slowed down to the limit, or shut down completely, only proves to what extent the yellow flunkies of the bosses have prostituted themselves to capital- ism in their over-anxiousness to serve the cap- italist_ master. No Exception to General Crisis. The Seaman Body plant normally employs about 6,000 workers, now hardly a thousand are working. Abopt 3,000 workers have been laid off in the International Harvester Co.; about 2,000 in A. 0. Smith; the Eline factories are completely shut down; the Nash plant is practically shut down; Norberg laid off the entire night shift, about a thousand men are out of work; the Railroad Shops have laid off a thousand.men; the Chain and Belt likewise, this seetion of the unemployed to counter all the other unemployed workers and all in em- ployment. " In the meantime all the fascists, no matter what their color, are setting the workers in employment against the unemployed, the un- employe! against those in employment, en- deavoring to divide the ranks of: the working class, to sow dissension and differences among the working class, keeping the workers scat- tered and divided. © . The danger of fascism developing.in certain sectidns of the unemployed workers’ movement ” is very serious and we must reckon with this possibility. Hence it is vital that we struggle with every means4in our power against fas- cism and its attempts to get control of the un- employed movement and to use it as a ‘weapon to further its own policy. 1, ‘by Fred Eis! “PETE UNEMPLOYED ON THE “MARCH IN MILWAUKEE has close to two thousand workers. off. It is estimated that there are between, 45,000 and 50,000 unemployed workers in Milwaukee, These facts, together with the. poverty. and destitution of the masses, cannot be concealed by the liés of the “socialists,” The effect of the two demonstrations was such that it electrified the workers, Each time the demonstrations took place they were the “talk of the town,” as the workers put it. They dramatized and emphasized the fact that there is a deep going crisis of capitalism which throws millions of workers throughout the land into actual starvation. _ Large sections of workers with whom we never had any contact before were involved in the movement. The capitalist press admitt that about ten per cent of the demonstratvie were women, with a large portion of Negro workers. The Negro workers not only took an active part in the demonstration, but ac- tually participated in the leadership of the movement. The race prejudice, inculeated by the bosses melted away like snow under the sun’s rays by the spirit of solidarity that per- meated the whole movement. Fight for Negro Equality. This spirit of solidarity received its highest expression when the crowd of- white workers drowned out the attempt of bourgeois students to inject race strife into the movement. Com- rade Hays, a Negro worker was speaking in the courthouse square, after the committee was turned down by the authorities. Hays was on the committee to see the authorities. As soon as he started to speak the students of an engineering college across the street be- gan to shout insulting remarks, demanding that he get down from the platform. This cowardly attempt of the sons of the bourgeoisie to incite race hatred was met by the unanimous solidarity of almost ten thousand workers, black and white, who challenged these bour- geois rats to come down for a showdown. The Negro workers saw the development of class solidarity between the white and black workers, under the leadership of the Commu- nist Party, and next day four Negro workers walked into the Party headquarters and made application to join the Communist Party. The Negro workers saw that here is an organiza- tion that not only preaches équality, but ac- tually fights for their rights. The party’s prestige is tncreased tremendously among the Negro workers, 2 All Types, Yes—of Workers. $ The Wisconsin News reported’ that all types of workers could be found in the demonstration. In fact it had a headline across the whole page saying: “Reds, ‘vags,’ cripples, join big parade of jobless.” The unemployed workers are thus insulted as vagrants. As to the “cripples,” this yellow sheet has nothing but contempt for the boys that “went across to fight for dem- ocracy,” got crippled and are now walking the » streets, with insults heaped upon them by those that were instrumental in sehding them to the human slaughter house. More than one ex-serviceman mounted the platform to tell how he fought. for the bosses in the War, got maimed or crippled, and-is now starving. The fact that “all types of workers” were represented in the parade, as'the yellow sheet puts it, only testifies to the depth and breath, the genuiness of the movement, and yet this same paper referred to the.marchers as “‘os- tensibly” unemployed. In other, words, these men were not really unemployed, they only “posed” as unemployed, to give the Commu- nists a chance to demonstrate against capital- ism. Even the Milwaukee Leader had to admit that the demonstration was. genuine, but added it was also a “Communist trick” to discredit the socialists throughout the country. Workers Fight Back Against Attacks, The first demonstration was brutally: at- tacked by the police in an attempt to break it up. The masses fought valiantly and with such determination that the police did not suc- ceed in breaking up the demonstration. The motoreycles on which the cops rode into the crowd were turned over, and even the captain was pushed into the fountain on the square. The second demonstration was so big that the cops did not dare to attack it, although a whole squad, both uniformed and in plain clothes, was sent to méet the workers. How- ever, since they could not attack the demon- stration, they “took it out” on an unemployed worker whom they found sleeping in the em- ployment office: and nearly mauled him to death. Some of the “gentlemen” in their auto- mobiles got too impatient when they had to wait too long for the parade to pass, and tried to run through the crowd. But the resistance and determination s the masses was so great that these gentlemen on their expensive limou- sines were driven back at every attempt. The cwunty officials at first refused to. see the committee of the Council of the, Unem- ployed, but when they saw what they termed “the ugly mood (ugly for the bosses, in reality a militant mood) of the crowd,” they gave in and allowed the committee to come into’ the courthouse only to evade an answer to the:de- mands of the council, og The working masses are looking forward to the March 6 demonstration. . The crowd ‘is sUn- questionably accepting the leadership of the Party.. In this campaign the Party and the T.U.U.L, ‘must be built. ‘The best fighters in the demonstration: have already been taken into the Party. It is significant to observe that it te:the new members, taken in mostly durin, E re- cruiting drive, that are the iat anita bod enthusiastic in this work, learning few days than some of the “old” learned in years. , The developing struggle leaves no room for pessimism. Some of the old members that see nothing but “difficulties,” “impossibilities” and the backwardness ‘of the American workers” will have to rapidly adjust themseives to the new situation or get out of the way. ‘ : The traditional “backwardness” of the Amer- ican workers is rapidly mélting away under the impact, of the economic crisis, most of the new members taken into the Party are young Americans that make the best fighters. Out of this struggle a mass Communist Party must emerge. Fight the Right Danger. A Hundred Proletarjans ‘for ‘Every Petty Bourgeois Rene gade! more in a — members