The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 26, 1930, Page 4

Publisheo oy tne Comprouany Square, New York City, N. Addr Page Four lephone Stuyvesant . Cable: ning CO. inc., Gatiy, except Sunday, at 26-28 Union 8, “DAIWORK.” and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York. N. ¥ DETROIT LEADING - PHILA: DELPHIA CROWDING NEW YORK FROM SECOND PLACE Membership Quota Filled—Four Districts membership With ETROIT is the victor in the drive, that can already now be seen. 212 per cent of the quota filled, with 228 new Negro members of 1,059 new members it will be very hard to beat the leading district in the drive. New York still holds second place, but Phila too close to allow the New York comrades any peaceful resting on their laurels. Over the Top. South Filled 100 Per cent. This week shows very good results as the beginning of the spurt for the last week of the drive. 608 new members were recruited during the week, of them 121 Negro workers. Cleveland is leading the drive this week with 115 new members, of them’40 Negroes. Next comes Detroit with 115 members, of them 27 Negroes. Seattle is still sleeping since its The original quota for the drive (5,000 new “tremendous” effort during the second week members) is covered completely and 8 per | of the drive, when 52 new members were re- cent added. cruited. New Members New DW subs Shop Nuclei Shop papers Districts Quota Rec % Quota Solictt. Quota Organiz. Quota Inaued Negro Boston ..... 60 300 95 20 14 5 5 New York 140 1000 0 10 5 7 167 Phila. 139 30a 136 5 6 3 158 Buffalo oF 250 10 5 3 2 44 Pittsburgh 31 500 y § 10 2 5 4 13 Cleveland 118 400 31 10 8 10 7 109 Detroit 212 1000 107 16 10 10 10 228 Chicago 86 600 47 10 5 it 2 113 Minnesota 81 300 15 4 7 6 4 4 Kansas C. 22 200 20 5 0 2 0 9 Dakotas 19 100 1 0 Seattle 25 200 10 5 0 2. 0 Calif. 270 We 200 123 6 1 5 2 17 Connecticut 124 62 200 0 Ce 2 3 3 6 South 50 100 50 0 5 1 1 0 t Total 5405 5600 602 125 64 68 49 873 Boston is still leading in numbers of new shop nuclei, and the South buts in this week with its first shop nucleus. But still we have no reports about recruiting of Negro workers into the Party in the South. Are the com- rades down there really incompetent to bring a single colored comrade into our Party? The only district that has filled its quota of new shop nuclei is still Philadelphia. Shop paper quota have been filled by the Boston, Phila., Buffalo, Detroit and Connecticut districts. The percentage of recruited Negro members is now 16 per cent, a slight improvement since last week. Before the drive is finished this figure must be improved. Detroit’s challenge on this field has been met by Phila., but only in percentage. Almost 2,500 of the new members (about half of the new members) have been recruited by two districts: New York and Detroit. Four districts are still below 50 per cent: Pitts- | burgh, Seattle, Kansas City and Dakotas. Cleveland and Buffalo have now definitely beaten Chicago, and Minnesota seems to be the next in turn to do it. Minnesota has now beaten its two rivals: Boston and California. The Daily Worker subscription drive is going slow. Only 600 new subscribers. But some of the districts show a certain improve- ment, which proves that more can be done. Detroit sells 1,500 copies of the Daily Worker every day, Cleveland now reports 76 copies daily, Minnesota 100 copies daily, Boston 125. When Detroit already for one day sold 2,000 copies of the DW every district can do some- thing of the same sort and should have an overhauling of its DW apparatus and see to it that it will be improved immediately. The last week of the drive is nearing its end. Only two days left after the publication of this chart. Every comrade must make the | utmost efforts to better the results for his | district during these two days. Every nucleus in the Party must insist upon a report by every | member at the first nucleus meeting after | March 1: what he or she has done in the re- cruiting drive. All comrades absent from that meeting must send in a written report to this meeting or the next, and the nucleus has to act upon the reports. If any member has failed either to recruit a new member or to solicit a new subscriber for the DW, a definite task during the coming two weeks must be given the member to make good, to show what he can do for the Party in recruiting. After the end of two weeks a report must be given to the nucleus. Let these meetings be the be- ginning of a real healthy self criticism in the nuclei with the aim of bringing up to leading positions the most competent and energetic comrades! Classes for new members must be instituted immediately. Political meetings of the nuclei organized; the new members should be mob- ilized for the most active participation in tle unemployment campaign. Study groups for old and new members should begin to function in closest contact with all practical tasks of the Party. No one to be forced into a study group. ‘Every member in a study group must be there voluntarily. The Agitprops should provide the groups with outline and leadership. A great part of the new members—as well as old.members—are still outside of the trade unions. Steps must be taken—especially dur- ing the unemployment campaign—to draw all members of the Party into the trade unions, into the most lively activity in the TUUL, Into the factories! Every factory a Commu- nist stronghold! Fill the quota for shop nuclei in every district! Keep the new members! active member! Every new member a reader of the Daily Worker! Bring the nuclei closer to the masses in all fields of activity! Every nucleus a political leader for the masses! Forward to a mass party of action! Org. Dept. of the C.C. Every member an A Communist Speaks in a Capitalist Parliament “We are learning from the Russian Bol- sheviks how to break your neck. We will deal with you in the same manner as the Russian Bolsheviks have dealt with the Czar, the bourgeoisie and Kerensky.” From the speech of the Czechoslovakian deputy Gott- wald in Parliament. a4 | ES organ of the Czechoslovakian Communist | Party “Rude Pravo,” describes in the fol- | lowing words the parliamentary scene in which comrade Gottwald made his speech: “With faces distorted by hatred and fear the bourgeois and social-fascist deputies listened to the speech of the Communist deputy. ‘Idiot, fool, you don’t understand anything, you are | good for nothing, go back to the factory,’ such | were their ‘arguments, The “Socialist” wom- an deputy, Mrs. Mishanova, madly attacked | Comrade Chistomskow and began to choke her, evidently attempting by these means to con- ince her of the correctness of the social-fi ist policy. This madness expressed itself with | particular force during Comrade Gottwald’s | speech, and there is nothing to wonder about, 1s his speech was a declaration of war against the rotten bourgeois regime and its social-fas- cist supporters. Comrade Gottwald’s speech: We shall not retreat a single step, but are leading the masses into battle. We shall over- surn and destroy this state. We are taking all measures to mobilize the broadest masses of the proletariat and to lead them into a concerted advance against hunger, fascism and imperialist war, against the soci fascists, for the revolutionary slogans and aims of the Communist Party. i The revolutionary workers who are in the Yommunist fraction of the parliament will prove themselves in this struggle worthy of, | chat great representative of revolutionary par- jamentarism, Karl Liebknecht, of the Bolshev- st fraction in the Duma of the Czar, and of | sheir heroic comrades in the Polish Sejm. vue ot the bourgeois deputies shouted to our comrades ‘go back to the factories.’ Yes, the jeputies from the factories and mines will re- carn to their comrades in the factories, they vill return in order to lead them into battle. The time will come when the parliament and the government will tremble before the factory workers. The new government and the new parliament ave begun their work with characteristic meas- tres. First of all, they have put over upon the working masses the taxes in the amount of 215 nillion crowns. Secondly, as their answer to the Commu- nist proposals for assistance to the unemployed they have thrown out of the parliament the entire Communist fraction. Thirdly, they have arranged bloodbaths for the unemployed, who demonstrated in Bruenn, Prague, Merovian Ostrow and other cities for the Communist proposals. They have subjected the unemployed to beatings and mass arrests, and in addition, the National-Socialist Senator Chassnow, has called the unemployed bums and | vagabonds. And finally, in the field of foreign politics, | the activity of the new government was marked by the fact that through the mouth of its for- eign minister it dared to make the most in- ,solent threats against the Soviet Union. It joined the interventionist note of America and England in defense of the Chinese counter- revolutionists, and in Prague Mr. Benesch car- ried on negotiations with the Roumanian min- ister in regard to intervention and surrounding of the Soviet Union. You Put the Consequences ‘of the Capitalist Crisis on the Workng Masses. In its declaration the new government says that it considers as its basic task the finding of means for the overcoming of the economic crisis. About what kind of means does it speak? The government proposes to increase the direct and indirect taxes, to abolish the last remnants of protection for the tenants and to increase the rents, to increase the tariff on agricultural products and bring about a new wave of increasing cost of living, to throw into the streets more tens of thousands of workers and put them to death with hunger, and finally to strengthen the capitalist rationalization, and speed up. By means of the lengthening of the working day, the reduction of wages, the increasing of the speed-up and the planting of fascism in the shops, the bourgeoisie intends to squeeze the last drop of blood from the workers who remain in the factories. Taxes, tariff, sale of their property at auction for debts, will under- mine the existence of new tens of: thousands of poor peasants, You are putting into jail Communist deputies, You deprive hundreds and thousands of honest active working class fighters of freedom. At the time when, here in this hall murder- ers are sitting in session, you lock up a worker who steals a piece of bread, yet all of the government bloc consists of capitalists who stole many millions from the state, who have profited madly on military loans, sale of alco- hol and taxes and many, many other things. This is your “justice!” With the help of the laye about the compul- Cis “Come hither,” shouts the Barker, to the men in denim clad. “We have a show inside this tent that really is too bad. “There are some acts here, gentlemen, that T'll declare are hot. “Step up and buy your tickets; money on the spot.” put Baily [2: Worker * Central Organ of the Communist Vary of the U. S. A. SOCIAL FASCISM AND THE NEGRO WORKERS your By Mall (ia BY Mall (outside of New. Su! New York alg, Oy Ng 8.00 ‘or! $2.50 three months $2.00 three months The men walk up, their cash in hand, and then they hesitate. A canny premonition warns them of a lurking fate. “Thanks for the invitation, scoffs one skeptic Moor, “But what about that crowd of thugs that wait inside the door?” —From Pittsburgh Courier. From Pope to Cannon INTERNATIONAL capital is at present work- ing overtime in the preparations of counter revolutionary war against the Soviet Union. The Five-Year Plan of the Soviets as a meas- ure of building socialism is truly a phenomenal success. Capitalism, on the other hand, in spite of all social-democratic advertisemen cannot conceal the equally phenomenal crisis of its existence. The millions of proletarian victims of this crisis of capitalism, the starv- | This latter gentleman, an employe of the eminent capitalist daily, the New York Herald Tribune, is himself a publisher of a week- | ly sheet, the carrier of his counter-revolution- ing unemployed and the underpaid and ex- | tremely exploited employed masses of workers are more and more eagerly castine their hope- ful eyes upon the Soviet Union, willing to learn how a proletarian dictatorship can liquidate hateful capitalism. No wonder, therefore, that world capitalism is considering the Soviet Union as a major objective of its feverish war preparations of today. These war preparations have now taken the form of ideological mobilization of the prospec- | tive army of the counter revolution. end, religious prejudices and superstitions are played upon. The masses are called upon to save their “heaven” by defending the earth for capitalism. The opium of religion is injected wholesale in order to make the masses forget the miseries of the capitalist present. For this mobilization capitalism produces its most complete united front: From Hoover to MacDonald; from the pope to James P. Cannon. sory carrying out of the so-called “collective agreements” you want to deprive the workers of every defense, you want to stop strikes and to put the proletarians -at the mercy of the employers. You want to destroy entirely the working class press. You want to crush every expression of discontent by means of bayonets and jails. In its declaration the government says that it will consider with full attention the question of the defense of the state and the bringing up of the army into fighting pre- paredness. We know well what your care of the army means, what your hypocritical words about “defense of ‘the state” mean. You in- tend to’ throw new billions into the jaws of militarism. You need more soldiers than you have at present. You~want to enlarge the military industry and transform all industry into the production of ammunition. You want to militarize the entire nation, to introduce military preparedness of the youth, already prior to conscription and put them un- der the command of your officers for the “de- fense” of swollen money-bags and exploiters. In the Soviet Union they teach the proletarians to shoot the capitalists. There they errect gal- lows, there they build tanks against you, cap- italists. This is the basic difference between your “democratic” republic and the land of the proletarian dictatorship. You wish to hasten the attack against the Soviet Union. And when here you speak about recognition of the Soviet Union, it is only a maneuver to hide the clearly expressed policy of imperialist intervention against the Soviet Union. (Noise on the benches of the bourgeois and social- To this | fascist deputies.) You are protesting, but why | does not Benesh make clear the contents of the secret agreements with Roumania and Pol- and? Why did your master, director of the Ivnostyensk Bank, not explain to you why the Roumanian army is getting Czechish arms, and why the Skoda works are erecting arsenals and organizing depots of arms in Poland, Lithuania, Roumania and Jugoslavia? (Deputy Gnisalik from his seat: “Against the Rel Army!”) a Yes, against the Soviet Union. All of your government’ declaration, and the governmental measures which illustrate it, are a distinct pic- ture of the direction of your policy of hunger, fascist dictatorship and war. (To be Continued) ary propaganda. To prove beyond any pos- sibility of doubt on which side of the barri- eades he is fighting, Cannon, in his “mili- tancy,” adds his voice to the howls of all the other capitalist wolves. The French bourgeoisie yelps: Stalin do with General Koutiepoff? The pope yaps: What is Stalin doing with Jesus Christ. And James P. Cannon croaks: Stalin done with Blumkin? Just at this moment the whole capitalist pack of wolves howls about a new “reign of terror” of the Soviet Union. James P. Cannon, hear- ing his capitalist master’s voice, adds his bark to that of the pack. After frothing at the mouth about the killing of Blumkin, Mr, Can- non laments with a most heart-rendering vi- bration in his voice about the Communists who don’t dare to take public responsibility for this “act of Stalin.” We are ready to answer, although we do not know whether Blumkin was shot. But we do know that the capitalist class and the capitalist order lose their base in Russia because of the rapid progress of collective agriculture; we do know that socialism is being built in the Soviet Union; we do know that the classes are going to be Iquidated in the Soviet Union; we do know that the revolution is marching toward its final victory; and knowing this, when we hear a ham on the stage of capitalist counter- revolutionary propaganda heeding his capital- ist prompter, croak about the shooting of Blum- kin, we base our judgment on this knowledge. Was Blumkin shot? We are sure he was if he deserved it. We know the revolution. Let us try to get a knowledge of Blumkin. The employee of the “New York Herald-Tribune,” Mr. Cannon What did What has of Washington Heights, cannonizes Blumkin | and calls him “an irreproachable revolutionist.” Let us see if we cannot pierce this armor of irreproachability. Bumkin, at the time of the November revo- ution, was a member of the social revolution- aries. This was the party of the peasantry. Mr. Victor Chernoff was (and is) its leader. A “left” wing of this Party saw in the revo- lution a chance to enhance the land holdings for its peasant constituents by the division of the big estates. Consequently for a few months they supported the revolution. However, the revolution rapidly unified all of its enemies, It was threaten-d from all sides. Its rule heeame confined to Moscow, Petrograd and a few gubernias. But the bolsheviks fought with sunreme courage, with their backs against the wall. At this moment not only the bayo- nets of counter revolution threatened the So- viet rule, but also an extreme famine in the cities. And this moment the well-to-do neas- antry selected as the favorable onportunity. to extract from the famine-tortured proletariat of the cities whatever they could for their foods. The bolsheviks answered this counter- revolutionary endeavor with the formation of the “committees of the poor peasants” for the collection of erain from the rich. The “left” social revolutionaries considered this extention of the class struggle to the village as a crime, They raved about the tactic of setting the poor peasant against the rich. They preferred a counter-revolutionary well-to-do’ peasantry fighting against the proletarian revolution to the establishment of a revolutionary front of the proletariat and the poor peasants against the rich peasants, Therefore the social revo- lutionaries decided to stop their support of the Soviets. More than that. The social revolu- tionaries prepared armed insurrection against the bolshevik regime led by Lenij. This in- STARVE OR FIGHT! A Challenge to the Unembloyed By GRACE M. BURNHAM, Labor: Research Association. (Continued) Amalgamated Clothing Workers. HE most.pretentious scheme still in existence was undertaken by the Amalgamated Cloth- ing Workers Union in agreement with the em- ployers of that industry in 1923. The agreement originally covered 30,000 workers in the Chicago market and was later extended to Rochester and New York. As origi- nally planned the employers and the union each.contributed 1% per cent’ of the total pay- roll. In 1928 the union asked for ‘a reduction in hours of work from 44 to 40,a week. The employers refused to reduce the working hours. Instead they offered to increase their payments to the insurance fund from 1% to 3 per cent. The union leaders accepted this compromise. The fund is not-a large one, allowing payments of:no-more than $60:to $70 a year per worker. | The average weekly wage is $40. This sum is’ supposed to compensate union clothing work- ers ‘for ‘an average amount of unemployment of 12° weeks avyear.. And the union member himself has’ contributed one-third of this amount. ' : Im addition the: union officials hve forced upon the membership an efficiency “production standards” scheme by which the number of workers regularly employed in Chicago has al- ready been reduced 25 per cent in five years, while output per man-hour has increased, in one instance to, as: much as 40 per cent in three years. In anothef instance the installa- tion of cutting machines reduced the working force from 600 to*250, with an increased out- put-of 50 per cent. Some 200 cutters volun- tarily- quit; receiving no unemployment insur- surrection was organized and planned for the whole territory under the control of the So- viets. + 5 On. July 6,.1918, the signal for. this insur- rection was given in Moscow. Two social revo- lutionaries, Alexandrofsky and Blumkin, killed the German plenipotentiary, Count Mierbach. This was-an: outright provocation endeavoring to set the.armies of imperialist Germany into motion against the Soviets. Both Alexandrof- sky,and Blumkin:were members of the Cheka. As.their part-in the counter revolutionary plot of . the. social. revolutionaries, they arrested Dzershinsky, the head of the Cheka, forged his signature to a.letter, and by the aid of this Jetter gained admission to Mierbach’s presence and shot him.. At the same time, armed de- tachments of-the “left” social revolutionaries took. possession of, the post office and other strategic points in Moscow. They started a bombardment of the Kremlin and directed an armed struggle. against the Soviets throughout the city.. A: provisional “S. R. Government” sent out a.eall to arms against the bolsheviks over the. country. lowed. The Red Army detachments in Moscow, how- | ever, -were bolshevik. The Red Army on the front also contiuued its revolutionary duty of fighting against. Krasnoff, against Kolchak, against the Czechoslovakian legions on the Volga; against.the American-British invasions in Murmansk, ete. It refused to join the coun- ter revolution of the Social Revolutionaries. The , counter-revolutionary insurrection was therefore speedily defeated. . This insurrection. of the Social Revolution- aries was the signal for the Revolutionary Workers Government to take drastic measures against counter revolution. Despite the heart- rending attempts of James P..Cannon to con- trast. Lenin with Stalin, picturing Lenin as a petty bourgeois sob-sister and Stalin as a heart monster, we.must emphasize that Lenin, like Stalin, was a revolutionist and not a sen- timental petty bourgeois. Therefore the revo- lutionary leadership of the Soviets under Lenin dealt with the counter-revolutionaries of 1918 as the revolutionary leadership of the Soviets under Stalin with the counter-revolu- tionaries in 1930. Alexandrofsky was stood up againet-a wall and shot. “The “irreproachable evolutionist” Blumkin, however, escaped exe- cution by the Soviets under Lenin only through flight. ant f A numtter of years, later Blumkin re-appeared ostensibly recognizing the counter-revolution- ary character of his action in July, 1918, and on the basis of this recognition seeking ad- mission-into the Bolshevik Party. Unlike Cannon's, our unbounded confidence is with the Russian Revolution and not with Blumkin. If this revolution adjudged Blumkin guilty of treachery and shot him, we not only unhesitatingly -share. responsibility with the leadership, of: ‘the Russian Revolution, but we even proclaim: More, power to the Russian Revolution so that it can prepare a like fate to all its active enemies, Cannon's character- ization of Blumkin as an ‘‘irreproachable rev- olutionist” only characterizes Cannon’s own degeneracy. According to Cannon’s own state- ment, Blumkin who could be a member of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union only if he pledged himself to fight against Trotsky- ism, ‘was an-agent of Trotsky. According to Cannon’s own statement, Blumkin who could be a member of G.P.U. only by pledging him- self to protect the Soviets against its enemies, acted as an agent of these enemies. These “qualities” of Blumkin, inseparable from a traitor and renegade, inspire Cannon to call Blumkin an “irreproachable revolutionist.” Our opinion is that. Blumkin’s political degeneracy as pictured by Cannon, is only surpassed by that of James P. Cannon himself. Cannon's Blumkin is another ghost cited by the international capitalist counter-revolution to testify ist’ the Russian Revolution. Blumkin is a fit companion of General Koutie- poff and-Jesus Christ. And James P. Cannon is a fit companion of MacDonald, Tardieu, Pope Pius and Hoover. ‘These ghorts cited at tnis moment ‘by international capital are called upon to substantiate a new campaign against the “red terror.” But the revolutionary work- ers of the world ‘are suffering so much from General’ uprisings every- | where: of the “left”. social revolutionaries fol- | white terror that these ghosts cannot inspire them with horror. What really inspires them is that the Russidn Revolution is still living, in spite of its enemies, that it is struggling, still building, still marching on and laughing at. its capitalist Cannons, if need be, ready to march on, over their dead bodies, to final vic- tory. : fe ance, 150 were bought off—paid $500 a plece —one-half this sum being contributed by. the remaining employees who forfeited their un- employment insurdnce for that purpose. . ¢ “This unemployment insurance,” frankly states Prof. Commons, who was: the first chair- man of the insurance fund, “is directed toward bringing about on the part of the wage earn- ers a favorable attitude towards increasing ef- | ficiency . . . The union has lost its ginger, its | pep, and is turning to try to help the manufac- turers make profits . . . and the interesting thing about it is that the union points to the financial statements of the company as a justi- fication for their participation in these various increases in efficiency.” Legislative Defeats. Fifteen bills dealing with unemployment in- surance to be administered by the, various states have been introduced in six legislative bodies since 1915. None of. these measures passed. AJl were grossly inadequate. The Hu- ber Bill, drafted by Prof. Commons himself and the model for most of the other bills, was admittedly a half-way measure, “the benefits so small, a dollar a day, they barely pay the rent, the idea being that the employers, who operate under the system would then develop co-operative schemes and get contributions from labor or, increase their contributions.” What can be expected from the employers is indicated in the private schemes discussed above, It is a fact worth noting that the New York bill which was introduced by Assemblyman Orr, socialist, places one-third of the financial burden of the insurance fund on the workers, All other insurance measures. proposed provide that the funds be paid entirely by the employ- ers. The general features of the bills are: A maximum weekly payment of $9~ $1.50 a day—limited to 13 weeks a year. A waiting period of from three to six days before payments begin. Certain exempted persons and -occupa- tions, for instance, farm laborers, casual workers and domestics. Certain exempted employers, those, for example, employing less than three work- ers. No payments of benefits during: strikes and lockouts. Administration by dependents of labor or industrial commissions. There has been little agitation for national legislation on unemployment. - A resolution was introduced into the House of Representatives by Meyer London following the unemployment crisis of 1921, and a bill introduced by Victor Berger following the unemployment crisis of 1927-28. Both failed to pass. Although the Berger bill was the usual sdcial reformist gesture, the A. F. of L. strenuously opposed the measure.’ Berger relied solely on the liberals for the support of his bill, which was certainly a liberal and not a workers’ measure. While admitting that “the earnings of American workers are insufficient to enable them to save enough from their earnings dur- ing periods of employment to tide them and their dependents over periods of unemployment ovd economic depression.” Berger recommended that these meagre earnings be further reduced by assessing thé workers for one-third of the cost of the insurance. The bill provided a sal- ary of $10,000 a year for the proposed Director of the Bureau of Unemployment. Insurance, but unemployed workers were to receive no payments during the first two weeks of unem- ployment, and only one-half of their. average weekly wages for a maximum of six months’ unemployment. The administration of the act was left to the politically corrupt and anti- quated United States Employment Service. No provision was made for workers’ control. Such are the schemes for unemployment in surance legislation proposed by the liberals and socialists. .According to Prof. Commons these bills are “as dead as anything could be.” Dead or alive, they were never meant to give real help to the unemployed. They would have penalized workers on strike and assisted em- ployers during lock outs. They debar millions of farm laborers, domestic workers and casual workers from receiving benefits. They. give special privileges to employers of child labor by reducing the rate of payment to 50 cents a day—for workers 17 years old or younger. The maximum benefits proposed—$9 a week—are so far below the amount required for a worker to live, that they leave no alternative for the unemployed but charity or starvation. (To Be Continued) Significance of the National Training School . ~ By JACK KARSON (Student N.°T: S.) + Face day to day we are faced with new de- velooments leading to sharp struggles be- tween the workers and the bosses, between the capitalist. world on one hand and: the: Soviet Union on the other. ‘ a Unemployment on an international scale is growing from day to day. In the U. S. we are approaching the sum of 7,000,000 unemployed. The bosses are waging an attack upon tl standard of living of the yet employed work- ers. The capitalists are after the very blood of the exploited masses in an attempt to solve the economic cri: : We are witnessing an international mobil tion’ of religion, reaction and military forces for war against the Soviet Union. Another imperialist world war .for the redivision of markets is hanging over our heads, The bosses’ agents within the working class, the lahor bureaucracy under the flag of yellow socialism, are leading this onslaught on. the masses of the workers.’ At the same time the resistance of the workers which in many places already takes the offensive side in the battle is also growing from day to day. ‘ The national training school of the -Commu- nist Party is one of the methods of approach- ing our tasks. Thirty-five young workers are at present training themselves, in Marxian and Leninist theory, learning from the past, exper- ience of class struggle. Coming to the school from the very heart of the American indus- try; coal, steel, marine, textile, ete.’ Most of them have already participated:in late strikes, have already gained confidence of the masses. Support the National Taining School! . Support and Bolshevize our Commi arty. Rh fl