The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 21, 1930, Page 4

3 Published by the Cor Square, New York C Page Four odaily N 4 Address and mail,all checks to the Daily Worker. Publishing Co., Inc., Gatls, except Sunda Unten B it Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8. Ca AIWORK al U Union Square. ork, N. ¥ Central Organ of the Comimuiuist | vatiy of the U.S. A. By Mail (in New York.City only? $8.00 a year; By Mall (putside of New.York City SCRIPTION KATES: $6.00.a year; $4.50 six months $2.61 $3.50 six month 0 three months $2.00 three months INTENSIFY RECRUITING OF MEMBERS By LOUIS KOVE HE first day is today and five more are left for an extremely intensified drive for new members. Why do we have to intensify our recruiting work in spite of the fact that we filled 90 per cent of our quota? Because since the es- tablishment of this quota, the crisis of Ameri- can capitalism and of the world capitalism, as a whole, developed swiftly, one might say, almost more rapidly, than it was foreseen by the Tenth Plenum of the Comintern and the October Plenum of our Party. At the time, when the apostles of the “primacy of the outer contradictions” honor with a banquet the com- ing Victorian Era of American capitalism (with the help of the police toastmasters) the American unemployed are storming the City Halls. Imperialist Amer’ is going deeper into the crisis. Our revolutionary program is more and more becoming the point of attrac- tions for the workers. The quota which seemed to be a quite high estimation of our capacity to fulfill it, is not high enough today. We must surpass it. The same reasons which urge us to inten- sify our membership drive in the remaining last few days, at the same time enable us to find the correct direction of our work. The deepening economic crisis, which nec: will be followed by changes in the sup ture, will shake to its roots the old capitalist parties, driving the working class towards the Communist Party. The petty bourgeoisie and some highly skilled workers will move towards social fascism and will hasten even to a greater degree than today a unification of the oppressive forces. Ideological differentiation on class lines will follow. The crisis will bring into motion tremendous masse: for economic- political struggles. It is of decisive impor- tance to gain strength in the great industrial plants and in the basic industries. The Politi- cal Secretariat of the Communist International correctly called the attention of our member- ship for more orientation towards these basic factors in our drive. And there should be a more serious start than hitherto towards re- maining on this path. Did we do everything possible in attaining this? Far from it! Let us take our street nuclei. In many street nuclei we have individual comrades working in large enterprises and, if we take our re- cruiting drive as an example, they discuss the recruiting drive in the unit in a general way. If they get one, or two new party members, they get them from a language club, or the neighborhood. Certainly this is generally so. But this should be only the exception. Many comrades working in the language fractions did excellent work through the fractions. But they did not get new party members from the factory in which they are working. We must see in this that there is quite a difference in the quality of a new member if he is taken into the Party from a sick benefit society or from the shop. First of all, if they are taken into the party directly from the ‘shop, mine, factory, ete., from the field of the class strug- gle, they approach our Party problems more correctly from the start. Secondly, if they are taken into the Party from the place of their work, their main work will be in the factory. Many of those who come into the Party from fraternal organizations remain for a long while almost exclusively in the lan- guage movement. The membership drive must go on through language fractions, too. But our main task is to concentrate our efforts to get new mem- bers from the shops, factories, mines, espe- cially from the basic industries and large enterprises. The Organization of Mass Demonstrations By J. WILLIAMSON. 1 carry thru the political tasks and cam- paigns, necessitated in the present situa- tion, it was necessary that the Perty conscious- ly direct its activities to the shops to win the masses of workers for struggle in support of the political campaigns of the P: Without lessening this activity, it is necessary that the Party, particularly thru rooting itself in the factories, mobilize the workers in open mass demonstrations on the basis of the burning political issues affecting the working class. The very conditions impelling these mass demonstrations, also impel the government to become more vicious in their attacks on us. It is therefore necessary that our Party must (1) learn how successfully on short notice, (2) learn how to organize the Party membership and organiza- tions quickly and effectively and (3) learn how to organize the workers to defend themselves to mobilize the masses most | against the attacks of the police and the extra- legal forces of the state. Although American labor history is rich in struggle and militancy, this has been generally spontaneous, and has lacked organized leader- ship. The Communist Pa itself, as well as the workers during this same period, have had little experience in developing and organizing mass demonstrations. The largest mass dem- onstrations on a national scale were the Sacco- Vanzetti, but these were not under direct Party leadership, but generally of united front com- mittees, with liberals and anarchists in key positions, who, instead of developing and ex- tending them, tried to limit their size and dampen their militancy, The most successful mass demonstrations under the leadership of our Party, were International Red Day and ! May 1 of last year. Even these did not mobil- ize sufficient masses direct from the factorics as well as many other shortcomings. For More Successful Demonstrations. In recent y there have been organized under Party auspices, or through the influence of the Communists working within non-Party mass organizations, numerous small demons‘ tions on various political issues (Chi bs ragua, Porter, Rakosi, Cuba, etc.). While con- mending the holding of such demonstrations, today we must also examine their weaknesses, so that we will be able to organize mass poli- tical demonstrations more successfully. These latter type of demonstrations were usually: arranged with the knowledge of only the membership of the Party or sometimes only the leadership. Suddenly, a few hundred Par- ty members would appear at noon time, before the White House, National City Bank or some eonsulate, and picket back and forth, thus “demonstrating” before the office workers and few laborers in the vicinity, instead of mobiliz- ing the workers in the factories thru system- atic agitation to participate in a mass demon- | stration on the basis of the political issue in- volved. Too often the “success” of this type of demonstratoin was measured by the amount of publicity and pictures printed in the morn- ing scandal sheets. In fact, we paid more attention to mobilizing the photographers and newspaper reporters than the masses of work- ers, Recognizing these shortcomings of the past. our Party has recently called for an abrupt turn in our methods of organizing mass dem- onstrations. Instead of demonstrating before shop committees, auxiliary organ- izations, clubs, fraternal, ete., to respond and participate in the demonstration. We must always work for, if time permits, the en- dorsing of the demonstration, by unions, the T.U.U.L., relief and defense organizations, clubs, ete. The calling of mass demonstrations does not mean that the Party has not got to prepare well in advance. On the contrary, the Party must plan the entire demonstration. First, the location is of importance. This varies accord- ing to situations. Sometimes open squares, or government buildings may be vantage points, but much more must we organize our mass demonstrations in working class sections of the cities. Adequate study of the location, approach, defense, the question of retreat or advance as well as the time of dispersal, must be given by the leading Party Committee. Thruout the demonstration the Party members must form the backbone of the demonstration. Dealing with this question, the Comintern at its Third Congress, in its Organizational Resolution, states, “The backbone of the demonstration must be formed by a well instructed and ex- perienced group of diligent active Party mem- bers, mingling among the masses from the moment of departure from the factories, up to the time of dispersal of the demonstration.” In all circumstances, the demonstration must not end our campaign and activity. The mass demonstration must be the means of broadening and deepening our campaigns. the unions, Marx On Religion TT! religious world is but the reflex of the real world. And for a society based upon the production of commodities, in which the producers in general enter into social relations with one another by treating their products as commodities and values, whereby they re- duce their individual private labor to the stand- ard of homogeneous human labor—for such a society, Christianity with its cultus of abstract man, more especially in its bourgeois develop- ments, Protestantism, Deism, etc., is the most fitting form of religion. In the ancient Asiatic and other ancient modes of production, we find that the conversion of products into commodi- ties, and therefore the conversion of men into producers of commodities, hold a subordinate place, which, however, increases in importance as the primitive conimunities approach nearer and nearer to their dissolution. Trading na- tions properly so called, exist in the ancient world only in its interstices, like gods of Epic- urus* in the Intermundia,** or like the Jews in the pores of Polish society. Those ancient | organisms of production are, as compared with ‘the workers, we must openly call upon the | workers to demonstrate under the political | leadership of the Communist Party, on the given politieal issue. In addition to issuing an open call, it is necessary that the Party ‘conduct the necessary mobilization work in the factories, unions and mass organizations. With the rising tide of miltancy amongst the. work- ers, we must have confidence in the responsive- ness of the masses. The first application of this line, such as in the New York Haiti and the Katovis demonstrations, proved the cor- rectness of this change in policy. Mobilization Necessary. The carrying thru of successful demonstra- | tions, necessitates the complete mobilization of the entire Party and its machinery. The ment- bership must be mobilized thru the nuclei, to arouse the workers in the factories, thru leaf- lets, pamphlets, Daily Workers, personal agita- tion, factory gate meetings, shop papers, etc., to respond to the call of the Party for the particular demonstration. Similarly every de- partment of the Party must be put into sim- ultancous motion, to mobilize thef workers in bourgeois society, extremely simple and trans- parent. But they are founded either on the immature developments of man individually, who has not yet severed the umbilical cord that units him with his fellow men in a primitive tribal community, or upon direct relations of subjection. They can arise and exist only when the development of the productive power of labor has not risen beyond a low stage and when, therefore, the social relations within the sphere of material life, between man and man, and between man and nature, are cor- respondingly narrow. This narrowness is re- flected in the ancient worship of nature, and in the other elements of the popular religions The religious reflex of the real world can, in any case, only then finally vanish, when the practical relations of everyday life offer to man none but the perfectly intelligible and reasonable relations with regard to his fellow men and to nature. The life-process of society, Which is based on the process of material recall does not strip off its mystical veil until is treated as production by freely associated men, and is consciously regulated by them in accordance with a settled plan. This, however, demands for society a certain material ground-work or set of conditions of existence which in their turn are the spontaneous product of a long and painful process of development. * Eniourvs was a Greek philosopher who lived from 341 He was the founder of the But real happiness, curus maintained, could only be had in self- B uated between worlds.—Kd. Fight the Right’ Danger. A Hundred Proletarians for Every Petty Bourgeois Rene- gade! “WE'LL The Relation ot the Workers Party to Religion NOTE—This is the second installment of Lenin’s article on Marxism and religion. At 2 time when the imperialists are seeking to split the working class along religious lines, when they are using religion for an ideolog- ical campaign preparatory to an armed at- tack against the first workers and peasants republic, it is especially important to make the position of the Communist Party clear to every worker. : By V. I. LENIN. ~ Whoever has not thought out fully the fund- amental principles of dialectical materialism— that is, of the philosophy of Marx and Engels —can misunderstand this basic principle, or at least not understand it at once. How is this? Shall the propaganda of the spirit, the propagation of certain ideas, the fight against the thousands-of-years-old enemy of culture and progress—that is, the fight against religion—be subordinated to the class struggle —that is, to the fight for definite practical aims in economies and politics. An objection of this character belongs to those customary objections to Marxism which rise from a complete ignorance of Marxist dialectic. The contradiction which troubles those who argue thus is the living contradic- tion.of living life, i.e., a dialectical not a verbal or artificial contradiction. To place an abso- lute unbridgable barrier between the theoretical propaganda of atheism—that is, the annihila- igious belief in certain sections of the proletariat—and the success, progress and conditions of the class struggle of these ele- ments means not to argue dialectically, but to turn what is a movable relative barrier into an absolute barrier, to separate forcibly what in living reality is inseparably bound. Let us take an example. The proletariat ofa given place and industry is divided, let us suppose, the progressive section of conscious Social Democrats, who are naturally atheists, and backward workers, who are still bound to the village and peasant traditions, who believe in god, go to church or are at any rate still under | the influence of the local priest, who has, let | us suppose, formed a Christian trade union. The Marxist must unconditionally place in the foreground the success of the strike movement, must resolutely in this struggle work against | any division of the workers into atheists and Christians and actively expose any such divi- sion. In such circumstances atheist “propa- ganda can be seen to be both superfluous and harmful, not from the point of view of the philistine whe does not want to frighten off the backward sections, or to forfeit an electoral seat, but from the standpoint of the real prog- ress of the class struggle, which under the con- ditions of modern capitalist society will bring the Christian workers over to Social Democ- racy and atheism a hundred times better than bare atheist propaganda. The preacher of athe- ism would at such a moment and in such con- ditions only be playing into the hands of the priests, who would wish nothing better than a division of the workers, not according to their participation in the strike, but according to their belief in gol. The Anarchist, who preaches war on god at any price, would in reality only be helping the priests and the bour- geoisie (just as the Anarchists in their action already helped the bourgeoisie). The Marxist must be a materialist—that is, an enemy of religion—but a dialectical materialist—that is, one who takes up the fight against religion, not abstractly, not on the basis of an abstract, purely theoretical, unchangeable preaching, but correctly, on the basis of the class struggle, who practically accomplishes — his object and teaches the masses most widely and best. The Marxist must be able to take into consideration the whole conerete situation, must know how to find the border !ine between anarchism and opportunism (this border line is relative, mov- able, changeable; nevertheless it exists); he must neither fall into’ abstract phrase-making empty “revolutionarism” of the anarchist nor into the philistinism and opportunism of the small bourgeois or liberal intellectual, who shrinks from the ight against religion, for- gets this task of his, reconciles himself. with the belief in god, and lets himself be led, not by the interests of the class struggle, but by petty, miserable considerations—to cause pain to no one, to drive away no one, to frighten no one—who guides himself by the wise rule,” “Live and let live,” ete. From this standpoint also must be deter- mined the special questions which bear on the attitude of social democracy to religion. . The question is, for example, asked whether a min- ister of religion can be a member of the Social Democratic Party, and this question is com- monly answered, with any reserve, in the af- firmative, by a reference to the experience of the West European Social Democratic parties. This experience, however, is not a simplé prod- uct of the application of Marxist doctrine to the labor movement, but is a consequence of particular historical conditions in West Europe, which are absent in Russia, so that an uncon- ditional affirmative answer to this question is here incorrect. for all conditions that ministers of religion cannot be members of the Social Democratic Party, but neither can the opposite rule be laid down. If the minister comes to us to common political work, and fulfills his party work with understanding, without. bringing himself into opposition to the party program, then we can receive him in the ranks of social democracy, since the opposition between the spirit and fundamental principles of our pro- gram and his religious convictions can only concern him and remain his personal contradic- tion; a political organization cannot examine its members as to whether there is not a con- tradiction between their conceptions and pro- gram of the Party. But an instance of this type could naturally only be a rare exception even in Western Europe, and: in Russia it is still more improbable. If a minister should enter in- to a social-democratic party and then wish. to take up his principal and almost his only work an active religious propaganda in the party, the party would undoubtedly have to expel him. With regard to groups of workers who have still retained ther belief in god, we must not only admit them into the party, but should energetically draw them in; we are absolutely against the slightest injuring of their religious | feelings, but we win them in order to be trained in the spirit of our program and not: in order ot take up an active fight against it. We al- low inside the party freedom of opinion, but only within certain limits, which are “deter- mined by the.freedom of the formation of groups; we are not obliged to go hand’in hand with those who actively propagate points of view which are rejected by the majority of the party. Another example... Should one under all cir- cumstances condemn a member of the Social Democratic Party for the declaration, “So- cialism is my religion,” as one would for the propagation of points of view which corre- spond to that declaration? Oh, no. A devia- tion from Marxism and therefore from Social- ism is very definitely here, but the meaning of this deviation, its specific gravity, as it were, can vary in different situations. It. is one thing when an agitator oF someone coming before the masses speaks in this way, in order to be, better understood, to draw interest into his subject-matter, to exptess his point of view more vividly in forms which are ;more ac- cessible to the undeveloped mass;, it is. quite another thing when a writer begins to propa- gate some god-construction or “god-construct- ing” socialism (for example, in the" spirit’ of- our Lunacharsky and his associates). Just as in the first case, censure would.only be captious cavilling or an uncaMed-for limitation of the freedom of the agitator, the’ freedom of the teacher’s methods of work, so in: the second case censure by the party is neéessary and obligatory. The maxim, “Socialism ‘is my religion,” is for the one a form. of transition from religion to Socialism, but for the other —from Socialism to religion. ne (To be Continued.) One cannot say absolutely and | STARVE OR FIGHT! A Challenge to the Unembloyed By GRACE M. BURNHAM, Labor Research Association. (Continued) y The Senate Investigation of 1928-1929. PPOINTED in May, 1928, “to investigate the causes of’unemployment and recommend such legislation as:seems advisable,” the Senate Committee on Education and Labor, sidestep- ped every proposal: which could be of any real value to the workers. The Committee took no evidence on the ques- tion of speed-up and the countless efficiency methods directly responsible for the increasing accumulation of the unemployed.’ And it dis- missed the fundamental problem: of shorten- ing hours in these words: “The printed evi- dence—submitted to the committee—contains suggestions of the shortened work day and the reduced working week. . . . However, in the time your ¢ommittee had for this subject no opportunity presented itself for the considera- tion of legislation on the subject and your committee has nothing to suggest at this time.” Regarding crises, which throw additional mil- lions: of workers on the streets, the committee left to private industry. “recognition of its re- sponsibility to, stabilize employment within the industry.”’ Its recommendation for taking a census of the unemployed in 1930 is in line with the proposals of Secretary of Labor Davis’ Accident: Prevention Confererice in 1926, which, while admitting that industrial deaths in the United ‘States totalled at least 25,000 annually —and non-fatal accidents well-over 2,500,000— voted for ‘the keeping of better accident sta- tistics! 3 Regarding: the United States Employment Service, the committee hesitated to go further than to recommend its reorganization “as com- pletely detached. from the operation of ex- changes throughout the states as it is. possible to be.” With no proposals for federal appro- priations, trained staff or workers’ control, this continues to leave the worker at the mercy of the corporation employment departments and. the ‘unscrupulous private employment sharks. “The government. should. adopt legislation without- delay,” is the sole constructive pro- posal of the committee, “which would provide a system of planning public works, so that they would’ form. a reserve agaist unemployment in times of:depression.” We have already seen the real purpose of this utter inadequacy. Unemployment: insurance, the most essential and immediate measure for the assistance of the unemployed, is dismissed as follows: “Government ‘interference in the establish- ment -and direction’ of ‘unemployment: insur- ance is not necessary and not advisable at this: time.” “Private employers should adopt ‘a system of unemployment insurance and should be permitted and encouraged to adopt the sys- tem: whichis best suited to the particular . industry.” “If any public insurance scheme is ‘con- sidered, it shouldbe left to the state legis- lation to study that problem.” (Italics mine): These conclusions on unemployment instr- ance, which virtually amount ‘to instruction’ to employers’ lobbies and politicians to oppose all. measures for’ staté or federal legislation were no accident, nor were they wholly the result of’ evidence heard by ‘the Senate Com- mittee.» They were definite orders from Presi- dent Hoover who is always on the alert to pro- tect the interests and promote the profits of private business: Speaking before a meeting of managers of the Metropolitan Life. Insur- ance Company while he was still Secretary of Commerce, Mr. Hoover said: “Unemployment insurance in the hands of a great institution such as yours is not socialism. Insurance in the hands of the government is the encroach- ment of bureaucrary into the daily life of our people, and we do commend to your officers that here remains the one great field in which insurance can be employed scientifically, found- ed.on a basis of actual savings, contributed to by the employer, and in which you-can pro- vide one of the greatest safeguards to our social seability.”' (Italics. mine). It is not in the increased profits to the life insurance companies, that we are here so much concerned although that is of great.importance in fighting these companies who are powerful opponents df’ social insurance. (The legal re- serve life insurance compahies of the United States commanded'in 1929, assets of seventeen billion dollars for investment purposes.) It is in the implication ‘that unemployment insur- ance in private hands can “provide one of the greatest safeguards to our social stability”— i.e. to the status quo. > The Metropolitan Life Insurance Company was not slow to grasp these implications in the Hoover address. “If permission is given by the: State legislatures,” declared that mem- oranda submitted to the Senate, Committee, “this challenge’ will we accepted.” And then adds significantly: ““Might it not be one solu- stion of the problem to have life insurance com- panies undertake’ for employers the trustee- ship of industrial ‘depression -Tegerve, or un- employment premiums, and agree to pay cere tain amounts ‘to certuin employers under pre- scribed éonditions? .°. / Such contract. might welt provide that-no employee shouJd be cov- ered until at | six months’ employment had been rendered; that: for the purpose of the contract unethployment ‘would be defined as time lost through the inability of the employer to provide work, and that, voluntary resigna- tion or dismissals on account of inefficiency were risks not’ insured against, Under such a contract the real purpose of. unemployment in- surance might be accomplished, while the drones, wanderers, those who have.a lack of toral fibre; inadequate mental, or physical equipment, lack of ‘judgment, adverse fortunes, ete.,, would bi left to their own Ferourcen. > (Italics. minsy, * ° ) Clear eriough. ae; ‘any: worker to see. The goverment intends to mobilize the powerful life insurance interests to support the produc- tion drives of the employers, Any militant worker who. sttikes, any unfortunate worker, who! cannot keep” up’ the, pace, any “agitator” whovis fired for “lack of judgment,” could be victimized: under ‘such ‘a ' private insurance agreement by being left to ‘starve, or, to put it more subtly, “left’'to his own resources.” And any employer’ who rashly makes agreements with the left ‘wing unions‘ would find himself opegating outside of the “prescribed condi- tions.” Already.'the United States Department of img 2 has: sharp evidence of its in- 1 tentions to interfere along similar: lines. by reason why the fight for national and state unemployment insurance becomes the para- mount issue in a real workers’ program for the warning Brooklyn employers against agree- ments with the Independent Shoe Workers Union, a left wing organization. This is the meaning of the Senate Commit- relief of the unemployed. tee’s report on unemployment. This is. the (To Be Continued) Questions and Answers on Unemployment Below we give the first of a short series of “Questions and Answers” on the world crisis, unemployment and the tasks of the revolutionary trade unions, issued by the Red International of Labor Unions.—Editor). PI oa Question 1, What is the meaning of the pre- sent economic crisis and what is its scale?- During the post-war period the leading capi- talist country was the U.S.A. While capital- ism in England and on the European continent was showing signs of decay and decline, in America the industry and the productive forces were, relatively speaking, developing rapidly. Between 1922 and the autumn of 1929 we saw, what can only be qualified as an incredible inerease of production in this country, an in- creasing trade, a growth of the load turnover and an extension of the export trade, etc. Especially rapid was the development of the engineering and machine manufacturing in- dustry, the production of automobiles, as well as the chemical and electrical industries. This prompted the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois economists to assert that there were no signs of a crisis in the U.S.A., that the capitalist system had been organized so well in the U.S.A. that all crisis or stoppages in produc- tion could be avoided, and that organized eapi- talism in the U.S.A. guaranteed the continu- ance of “prosperity” forever. But during October and November, 1929, a big stock market crash occurred in the U. S. A. The price of stock and other bonds, inflated to an incredible degree by the continual demand, suddenly began to fall rapidly ruining hun- dreds of thousands of small share-holders, es- pecially members of the medium and_petty- bourgeoisie and the labor aristocracy who had invested their savings. According to the esti- mates of one bourgeois economist, during the first week of the crash, the small share-holders lost between 60 and 75 billion dollars. Marx wrote that the characteristic feature of an economic crisis is that it always begins with a crisis on the money market. This’ is what we saw in the U. S. A. Several weeks before the stock market crash it was evident that industry was suffering from over produc- tion and a slump. In fact, the crisis on the stock market was only the natural result of the.disproportion between the stock prices in- flated by speculation and the slump in the industry. On the other hand the stock market crash and the ruin that it brought in its train’ for entire sections of the bourgeoisie simply deep- ened the slump still further. And the crisis spread to the industry. During the last two months communications are being published in the newspapers almost every day on the further curtailment of pro- duction in the chief branches of industry, on workers being discharged, entire enterprises being closed down, ete. All this points to one thing: the economic crisis in the U, S. A. is deepening. But can the U. S. A. outlive a crisis which would leave the other countries unaffected? Of course not. World industry and economic relations are so interlocked at the present time that any economic upheaval even in the most distant and least important of the countries has a direct influence on trade and. industry elsewhere. What then can we say about the U. S. A, this leading capitalist country? Leaving aside the concrete facts for a moment, even from the theoretical point of view we could say quite definitely that any economic crisis in the U.S. A. must affect economic life in other parts of the world. And this theoretical conclusion has been ful- ly borne out by the developments. Information received from Germany, Austria, Poland, Eng- land, Sweden and elsewhere shows clearly that they have felt the repercussion of the crisis in the U. S. A. and that these countries too are entering a phase of economic depression. Thus we see that the crisis has spread far beyond the boundaries of the U. S. A., that a* world economic crisis has set in which is hav- ing a profound effect on the economic life of the whole capitalist world. Some Flashes From the Recruit: ing Drive OUNGSTOWN, Ohio, the center of the steel industry, ‘which had a quota of 15 in the Recruiting. Drive has already trippled this and have recruited 45 new members, of whom the majority are steel workers, " a tt I nce tlle enter et te Re SERRATE SOE RERRENTHS EN Nile, Ohio, another steel center, where there was no Party in existence has aready estab- lished a Party unit with 15 members, while Warren, Ohio, has already gone over the top of its quota. = || i The coal miners inthe Party, in the District are determined that the steel d shall not defeat them, and have Siaret ogee sued a challenge in the spirit of revolutiona’ competition to the Party members in ae ardund Youngstown. Youngstown, Niles, War- ren, etc., all maintain that the coal miners are hie st, ’ dreaming if they expect to get ahead of the steel. workers in the Drive, but the coal miners have shown by their past and their struggles that they have real determination and will go through with anything oe start, Another steel city, Canton, Ohio has already recruited 11 new members and in Masselion, os there has been organized a Party nucleus al 80> e Yorkville, 0,, one of "the mining centers has already in to pick up the challenge to the steel section and starts with four new. mem- bers, and promises to organize two shop ni let within’ the neat week, Pataca ok