The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 15, 1930, Page 6

if bins , Page Six Square, New York City, y tins tre UAL Published by the Comprodaily Publighing Co., Inc., N. ¥, Telephone Stuyvesant '1696-7-8, Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker. 26-28 Union Square, New York, N.Y , 36 Cable | TASKS OF THE TRADE UNION UNITY LEAGUE Resolution Adopted by the Sixth Congress of | day, the RILU Central Council. I. The economic depression in the USA which precipitated the great Stock Exchange erash and which in turn transformed the de- pression into a deep economic crisis, results— through wage cuts, speed-up, unemployment, government-fascist attacks, etc.—in accelerat- ing the tempo of the radicalization of the masses and in giving it a more definitely revolutionary character. The working will increasingly go over from the defensive to the counter-offensive, as exemplified by the Illinois miners’ strike. This crisis has dealt a deathblow to the bourgeois-Lovestone theo- ries of American “exceptionalism,” has shat- tered the illusions of continued “prosperi of American capitalism, and has confirmed the correctness of the policy of the Fourth Red International of Labor Unions Congress on the American question. Il. ‘The “Economie Council” formed by Hoover is in reality a War Council directed against the working masses. Hoover's “plan” * to overcome the ¢: is a plan to further enrich the capita and degrade the work- ing masses. This “plan” is cloaked with phrases of class peace, of relief for the un- employed, for continued “prosperity” and is intended to create new illusions among the masses, while the real aim of the plan is to take advantage of cheap labor for construc- tions in connection with war preparations, to crush strikes and further intensify rational- ization. In these capitalist attacks, the work- ers will have arrayed against them the triple alliance of the government, the employers, and the social fascist leaders of the A.F.L. and the S.P. The A.F.L. as part of the employers’ and state apparatus has already in its no- wage-increase agreement with Hoover begun to put into effect its expanded strike-breaking wage-cutting program. Ill. In the present period of . sharpening class struggle, the most dangerous obstacle in the way of the development and growth of the revolutionary unions are the so-called “left” demagogues of the.Muste type who are but a shield for the A.F.L. and the S.P. bureaucracy. Their use of radical phrases enables them to more effectively deceive and mislead: the workers and keep them tied up to the A.F.L. bureaucracy. These elements be- come specially dangerous with the develop- ment of a strong leftward drift among the workers. They are part of the strikebreak- ing apparatus of the employers and must be fought mercilessly. At the same time the adherents of the RILU must combat most energetically all Right opportunist elements of the Gitlow-Cannon type who hinder the de- velopment of a disciplined, centralized mass revolutionary trade union movement and who work into the hands of the enemies of the RILU. IV. The new situation in the U.S.A, pre- sents a highly favorable opportunity for the growth of the TUUL and its affiliated wiions. The great task of the TUUL is to mobilize the masses of workers in order to smash the offensive of the capitalists. The TUUL must come forward more and more as the leader of all the workers in their struggles, inde- pendently of and against the social fascist leaders and their “left” Musteite supporters. It must become the true leanne revolutionary trade union center. .V.. The Sixth Session of the RILU_ Cen- tral Council notes with approval the success of the Cleveland Convention and the establish- ment of the revolutionary trade union center. It also notes the carrying through of a num- ber of partially successful strikes by the Red Unions. The Gastonia strike has revealed the revolutionary spirit even of sections of the working class considered ‘until now as “most reliable” by the bourgeoisie. But this is only Ls a start. The revolutionary unions should be strengthened. They must fill up their ranks by means of intensive and well-planned or- ganizational campaigns and strike struggles based on the burning needs of the workers. The organization of the unorganized into the revolutionary unions is the most urgent task confronting the new revolutionary unions. This work must be concentrated in the basic industries which now, owing to the crisis, are opening up particularly favorable prospects for the work of the TUUL, such as oil, chemi- cals, food (packing house), automobile, steel, * ete., and especially in those of a war charac- ter, without, however, in any way relaxing its activities in the mining, textile and other in- dustries. The TUUL must take up the work of organizing the large number of exploited agricultural and lumber workers. VI. The orientation of the TUUL must be upon the organization of the most. exploited sections of the working class—the unskilled, Negroes, women, youth, the Latin American and Oriental workers, etc. In this way the TUUL must become the representative of the economic interests of the whole proletariat in the industries. VII. The Sixth Session takes cognizance of the progress ,made in drawing Negroes into the revolutionary unions and the beginning of actual struggle against the Jim Crow System (Belleville, Bicknell, etc.). The Gastonia strike has historically demonstrated that the barriers between black and white workers cultivated assiduously by the bourgeoisie, especially in the South, can be smashed, and the workers, irrespective of. race, mbbilized for common struggle against the empléyers. Life itself has shown the incorrectness of the proposal for the formation of separate Negro locals of ' the revolutionary unions. The RILU at the same time points out the failure of the TUUL to sufficiently raise or support the slogan of self determination in its Negro work as well ‘as the still inadequate organization of the Negro workers. A relentless struggle is nec- essary against white chauvinism from which the new unions are not free. - VIII. In developing the leadership and or- ganization of the masses, the main tasks of the TUUL in the ‘ieee exceptionally favor- able situation are: a (A) The Fight aseinat Capit ‘ Rationalization. Sanee That is (a) against intensification of labor in all forms, through speed-up, by piece work, up of conveyors, etc.; (b) against e lowering of real wages, the payment of list ord, etc., against the 40-45 year age limit industry; (c) for wage increases, seven hour . tion of these funds must be oi five day week, etc. Concrete programs against rationalization shall be worked out for the various industries, (B) The Struggle. of the Unemployed. In the present- situation the organization and the leading of the unemployed becomes one of the fundamental tasks. A broad unem- ployed movement on national scale shall be organized, guided and led by the TUUL. Con- crete demands shall be framed, such as ade- quate unemployment insurance, old age pen- sions, sick and accident insurance, ete., to be paid for by the employers and the state and administered by the workers. Demands of a character to. immediately relieve the distress of the unemployed are especially to be fought for in the industries and localities employing these workers. Direct struggle shall he made for lowering of rents, against the mass dis. charges, against evictions of unemployed, for. full wages for the part time employed, etc. These demands are to be fought through mass struggles. The fight of the unemployed must be linked up with that of the employed, and the masses drawn into the revolutionary unions. The TUUL has seriously neglected the unemployment issue. (C) The Politicalization of. the . Economic Struggles and Strike Strategy. « With the growing economic’:crisis. in. the: USA, the consequent intensification of | the class struggle, and with the united “front of the state, the employers and the social fas- | cist trade union bureaucracy against the work- ers, the economic struggles between -capital and labor inevitably assume a deeply political character. Out of the many partial econ- omic strikes in defense of the working condi- - tions and living standards of the proletariat, the revolutionary trade unions in America will, - by following the general principles of .our revolutionary strike strategy and tactics (see Strassburg Conference decisions) and by skill- | fully combining economic and political .de- mands be able to bring the American working. class on the broad road of: mass political strikes. The TUUL must be more alert to link up its struggles with the struggles of the international proletariat against the Young Plan, and against the war danger, for the defense of the Soviet Union, ete. The TUUL must ‘especially give active aid to the revolu- tionary movement of Latin .America, the Philippines, and establish contacts with the young trade union movement in the Caribbean, especially in Haiti, the Virgin Islands, etc., in their struggle against American imperialism. It must establish closer connections with the RILU, with the ICP&As. (D) The Transformation of the Revolutionary Unions Into Mass Organizations. In order to achieve independent leadership of the masses and to build the revolutionary | unions into powerful organizations it is neces- sary that the TUUL shall develop effective organizational methods. The approach to the unorganized masses must be through initiatory League groups and factory committees. The central task of the TUUL at the present time is to broaden out our unions, dra into them the largest possible masses of unorgan- ized, to organize new unions in those indus- tries where there are as yet no class unions in existence, utilizing the economic struggles and every mass movement for extending the influence of the TUUL among the masses and for driving the social fascists from their posi- tions. In the developm@nt of strike move- ments, whether among the unorganized work- ers or those united in our own unions, or those in the social fascist organizations, the TUUL shall follow the policy of setting up elected rank and file Strike Committees and Commit- tees of Action on a broad scale, gaining the leadership of the masses and drawing them into the struggle. This work ‘shall be based on the principle of the united front from below. The revolutionary unions must become more centralized and more firmly organized. The loose locals, poor dues collecting systems, weak leading committees, etc., are. incompati- ble with strong fighting organizations. There shall be a better consolidation of the reyo- lutionary unions with the national. committee of the TUUL and a strengthening of--the lat- ter's national departments. The question - of building up Labor Unity as the central organ of the revolutionary trade union movement must be seriously taken up by all _nationa] and local organizations of the TUUL. ¢There must be closer coordination. between the TUUL unions and the respective ICPA’s: Re strike funds: The TUUL, the revolution- ary unions and the national - industrial: ¢om- mittees affiliated to the TUUL' must; in order to conduct the various’ strike movements: with greater success, take immediate steps to create appropriate Strike Funds:°''The Strike Funds shall be made up of regularly “appertioned amounts of dues “and of: ‘collections and con- tributions instituted’ among the widest. sec‘ tions of the workers on the eve of and during strikes. Special collections must_be ‘organized during strikes. . The collection and” distribu- centralized in the hands’ of the TUUL, andthe corresponding. revolutionary unions. cy Capitalist rationalization. draws, he women and young workers into. industry, ‘There are entire industries employing only women .and youth. These, as well as the Negroes, the most exploited. sections, ofthe :working class. The TUUL shall therefore strengthen its: work among ‘the women and young workers in. in- dustry, draw them into the reyoluti ry unions and carry out the special decisions of the Sixth Session relating-to women and youth. The experience of the: TUUL unions already shows the urgent necessity for training. new cadres of union functionaries who-are to be recruited from the workers most active, dur- ing economic struggles. Schools, circles and courses’ shall be organized. Special aften- tion should be paid to the drawing of Negro workers, women .and youth into the leading organs of the revolutionary trade union move- ~ ment. With the deeping of the economic crisis and the intensification of rationalization, the capi- talists and their social fascist allies will do all-in-their power and use force to smash the strikes of the workers and their revolutionary organizations, Therefore, the TUUL shall organize labor defense corps to protect the revolutionary workers (pickets, meetings, etc.) against the attacks of the capitalist agents, strikebreakers, fascists, etc. 5 (To Be Continued) he Gaily, except Sunday, at, hat = Union ORK.” By Mail (in New York City ore $8.00 By Mail (outside of New York Bieta oa RATES! 3 ity): $6.00 a year; $4.50 six months; $2. $3.50 six months; 50 three months $2.00 three months By Fred Ellis Problems and Tasks of the'I. L. D. NOTE—This is the second installment of « preview of the resolution on the “Genera! Situation, Problems and the Future Tasks of the International Labor Defense,” passed at the Pittsburgh National Conference of the LL.D. * 2 #@ Gastonia, Ilinois and the Growing Attack on the Working Class. “Gastonia!” The struggle to organize not only textile workers, but all Southern labor, Negro and white. “Illinois!” The effort to build the strength of the bitterly exploited coal miners. These aggressive activities, like all struggles of the working class, are met with a whole series of persecutions, especially developed under the criminal syndicalism laws mostly directed against the Communist Pa | Efforts to maintain and promote race prejudice j{ of whité, ‘workers: against Negro workers thru arrests and smashitig. of joint ‘meetings of both races, thru lynching’ and segregation in | all its forms: » Repeated police mobilizations against all working class demonstrations, re- sulting in bloody beatings and arrests of work- ers. The attempted prohibition of meetings and distribution of literature at factory gates. Attempted registrations of workers shops. Proposed closing of immigrations to alien Communists and barring of all revolu- tionary literature. workers in the 1930 census, accompanied by a whole series of persecutions and discrimina- tions. Mass arrests and raids “by government agencies, orgies of violence by extra-legal or- ganizations (American Legion, Ku Klux Klan, |, ete.), attacks on workers and their organiza- tions by lynching mobs organized by employ- ers’ agents, will characterize this period in the whole country, calling for ever increasing and strengthened defense activities, The Gastonia Trial. This was the first large defense movement completely under the leadership of the I.L.D. It must be admitted, however, that the LL.D. met the great tasks confronting it ‘with ‘con- siderable difficulty. Its pee BH struct- ure was weak, not rooted in the factories. It had not adapted itself to e sharpening struggles in the whole country. ~The Present situation requires the putting forward in the sharpest mannet the call tov-struggle of the proletarian masses against’ capitalist class justice, combatting energetically all petty-bour-. geois illusions. “The insufficient basis on which the Gastonia campaign was developed was revealed.in the very perceptible melting away of protest fol- lowing the reduction of charges at the open- ing of the trial, when it would have been in- This was in part due to the complete failure to link up the Gastonia campaign with the local persecutions and with the daily struggles of the workers. As a result the workers did Not relate the Gastonia attack to their own im- mediate problems and the campaign did not attain the mass character which it could and should have done. The Labor Jury was an effective weapon for exposing the real nature of. capitalist justice in the Gastonia trial. For the first time in a Southern court room, Negro workers sat side by side with white workers, the Labor Jury containing two Negro members. The Gastonia trial. experience, with the Labor Jury, should help in securing better results in this respect in the future. In the preparations for legal defense the orientation was too much toward the petty- bourgeois, backward Southern lawyers brought into the case. _ The legalism of “local lawyers” Special registration of: in the | must not be permitted to obscure the cla: struggle policies of the I.L.D. Phe Gastonia trial brought-sharpty into~the foreground the- differences between poli pursued by the I.L.D. and the American Civil Liberties Union. The A.C.L.U. held aloof* from the Gastonia struggle, holding that it was a murder and not a trial for opinion, the type in which it is interested. But itg leading spokesmen joined in the claim that the imprisoned workers were getting a “fair trial” while spreading openly the prop- aganda that the policies of the I.L.D. were en- dangering -the lives of the defendants, thus actually helping to injure the defense activities. The I.L.D, greets whatever a coope: of -¢ istance and on is forthcoming from the American Civil Liberties Union and the American Fund for Public Service, but insists that its policies must be carried through in the cases under its direction. There must be an immediate mobilization of the whole working class against the decision of the North Carolina Supreme Court on the appeal from the vicious sentences of Judge Barnhill’s court at Charlotte. The Fourth Na- tional Convention of t .D. greets the -pro- posal of the Second National Convention of the National Textile Workers Union for a one- day strike of protest on April 1 against the Gastonia prosecution and the threatening State Supreme Court decision and against the whole system of murderous exploitation of the mill Slaves. One of the most effective employers attacks against the organization of the unorganized and the growth of the class @truggle trade STARVE OR FIGHT! A Challenge to the Unemployed By GRACE M. BURNHAM, Labor Research Association. “THERE "is no large class in the United States,” says Julius Klein, assistant secre- tary of commerce, writing in the New York Times December 15, 1929, ambition to possess the good things of life, or without purchasing power to command a de- cent measure of them.” This is a direct mis- representation of fac ““which is without | In 1927 the yearly income of workers en- | gaged in manufacture averaged only $1,301.30 | while the cost of living of a workers’ family in the United States is estimated at about $2,200 for the bare necessities of life. Sec* tion hands on railroads averaged less than $1,000 a year in 1928, while laborers in repair shops, crossing flag men, janitors and clean- ers, messengers, switchboard operators, camp cooks and kitchen helpers and deck hands on steamers owned by railroads were almost as poorly paid. In fact, 23 per cent of all rail- road workers were in the “under $1,000” class. In 1926, the U. S. Bureau of Labor Statis- tics estimated that bituminous coal and loaders—who constitute four-fifths of the number ‘of miners employed—were earning on the average $1,382 a year, and’ $6.46 per day actually worked. The smashing of the United Mine Workers of America brought a deeided drop in wages for the coal miners. In the early months of 1929, the average daily wage for miners dropped 20 per cent— from $7.03 in 1922 to $5.50 in 1929. But since the war, work in the mines has been ex- ceedingly irregular, and in 1928 the men were working only two-thirds of possible working time. As a result, in not one mining state in 1928 did the yearly earnings average as much as $1200. In Virginia they averaged only $972, in Ohio $833 and in Kansas $644. This miners | means only $19, $16 and $12.50 a week to live | on. A recent study of 1,000 families applying for aid at three Boston social agencies showed the greatest number of women wage earners in the group earning from $10 to $14 in their last job. For the men, wages .in the last job averaged between $20 and $24 a week. Such earnings render saving for an emergency im- | possible. “When the wage earners of these 1,000 families lost their jobs, they were forced to turn in desperatién to the charities. A Department of Labor report on the w employed in Racine, Wisconsin and Spring- field, Massachusetts clearly shows what hap- pened to families in those cities during the in- dustrial depression of 1920-21. From between $100. and $175 a monjh, the incomes of 90 per cent of these families in normal times, the complete family resources had dropped to between $25 and $100 a month, These meager resources, averaging little more than half of what the families were accustomed to, included not only what the father could pick up tem- porarily, but also the wages of the mother and children, savings taken from the bank, food and other necessities purchased on credit and ~ aid from. relatives and relief agencies. Over 80 per cent of the families went into -debt. Over half of the families had to turn to char- ity for relief. “The unemployed of Seattle, during the 1927-28 depression, drifted to the missions, the Volunteers of America and the Salvation Army,” an article in the Survey magazine tells us. “The bread line of the Volunteers was 72,9 per cent. | is the lowest paid. The fdct that Negroes are 38 for 1927, an increase over 1926 of 24 | In January and February 43,400 | meals were furnished and 22,600 free beds. | The Salvation Army from the first of Novem- ber, 1927, to the last of February, 1928, gave 15,900 free meals, an increase of over 100 per cent over the same period of the previous year. Some relief work was provided by the Park Board for these men. A sum of $10,000 was appropriated toward building a new muni- cipal golf course.” This gave work to about 650 men, no man being allowed more than six days’ employment. Private charity is the medium through whigh the employing class in the United States com- pletes the degradation and subservience of the workers. Since there is no maintenance of the unemployed by the government, the insti- tution of ‘private charity is the only choice which stands between the worker and com- | tion, repudiate the A. F. plete annihilation. Heretofore churches ang charities have been loud in their advertise~ ments of the money they raise for these pur- poses, and appeals and lists of donors have been spread over the pages of the capitalist press. The very employers whose huge sal- aries and *dividends, have been ground out of the labor of the jobless*and starving come to the front in these drives as the berlefactors of the unemployed. A recent example is that ef Henry Ford’s former partner, Senator Couzens, who, anticipating the crisis of 1929- 30, was able to contribute, out of his accu- mulated dividends the huge sum of $100,000 “for the relief of Detroit’s unemployed.” But with the policy of the Hoover regime bent on minimizing the extent of unemploy- ment, the charities change their tactics while at the same time they are forced to feed the victims of capitalism’s progressive collapse. A letter sent out by the Charity Organization Society of New York under date of February 3, 1930, clearly shows this relationship. Ex- plaining its reasons for a private rather than a public appeal at this time it states: “On ac- j count of the increase in applications due to unemployment the C. O. S. must raise a $60,000°fund unless people are to be allowed to suffer.” Applications for relief increased 87.7 per cent in December, 1929, and January, 1930, over applications of the previous Decem- ber and January. The C. O. S. had the choice of two methods of appeal. Private appeal through letters to “a group of responsible, socially minded persons” or giving the facts to the public and asking for support from the press, the pulpit, etc. “The first course of action seemed preferable, if successful,” states the letter from the C. 0. S., “for the second might have a bad psychological effect on busi- ness.” (Emphasis mine.) The fact that the majority of workers in the United States are unorganized makes it pos- sible for the employing class to pit one work- er against another in the scramble for*jobs, to replace the worker who falls behind in the production drive with a younger and more willing pace-setter. More than this, the Amer- ican Federation of Labor is organized to ensure the best paying jobs and steadiest employ- ment for a labor aristocracy, which represents not the most exploited of the American work- ers but the skilled craftsmen. The result is a wage division of workers by categories start- ing with the labor of children and youth which paid less than white workers for the same job, are worked longer hours and are forced into the lowest paid and most menial tasks, exposes them to special discrimination when jobs are scarce. The American Federation of Labor has played directly into the hands of the white master class in its use of race preju- dice to divide the workers. Negroes are ex- cluded from the majority of A. F. of L. unions. Where they have forced their way into the unions in spite of barriers, they are discrim- inated against in the choice of jobs or are segregated into jim-crow organizations. In- dustries where Negro labor predominates are practically unorganized—steel, tobacco, trans- port, lumber, mining, and agriculture in the South. Women workers are also in the lower wage categories and women are notoriously unorganized. The defeatist tactics of the A. F. of L. are also responsible for holding back the political development of the workers. Practically 99 per cent of American workers vote the re- publican or democratic ticket and have been betrayed into believing that relief from capi- talist exploitation can be won from a political machine in the hands of the business inter- ests. The growing army of ‘destitute and un- employed workers will, in its growing despera~ of L; bureaucracy with its no-strike class collaboration. polici It will repudiate the socialists and Sliberals who preach relief through the machinery of the capitalist government and who compromise at every turn. A revolutionary leadership which challenges the theory of reform by sub- mission and substitutes the dynamics of se- curing relief through organized struggle is in the making. The working class will support this revolutionary leadership, industrially and politically. (To Be Continued) An Answer to the Renegades unions is being developed by the use of: the criminal syndicalist laws that exist in 35 states. The frosecution under these laws are serious, not. only because they carry heavy sentences, but because, they strike at the most elemental activities of class conscious labor. It is neces- sary. not only to develop a waye of protest against the convictions secured but: go launch an. effective counter offensive inst this whole phase of the master class attank, » Mobilization of labor in support-of«the Il- linois and other developing strike struggles in the mine fields under the leadership of the National Miners Union ‘omes one of the major tasks $f the FourtH LL.D. Conference increasing manifold what is already being done. The Fourth National Convention of the I.L.D. calls for energetic* support’ of the Shifrin and Mineola defense. Work Among Negroes. The merest beginnings have been achieved in mobilizing and developing the struggles of the I.L.D: against the whole system of persec- ution organized ‘against the 12,000,000 Negro, workers and poor farmers, the most oppressed section of the American population. The task of the I.L.D. is to become the militant and energetic defense organization of the i a uted Negro masses, While there kas been a great migration of Negroes into the northern industrial areas, the great bulk of the Negro population is still to be found in the Southern states, victims of lynching, ‘jim-crowism, segregation in its worst forms, the most'extreme discriminations which are, in the last analysis, methods of class persecution . The I.L.D, must raise more sharply the is- Sues arising out of race discrimination and be more aggressive in resisting the persecutions resulting therefrom. Every manifestation of white chauvinism must be energetically com- batted.. Greater attention must also be given to drawing Chinese, Japanese and Hindu work- ers, into the general activities of the organiz- ation. LL.D. branches, especially in the South, Resolution Adopted by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Mexico. 'HE Central Committee of the Communist Party of Mexico, at its meeting of January 30, has discussed the letter of Bertram D. Wolfe, published in No. 6 of the Revolutionary Age, in which ht refers to the $100 contribu- tion sent by “Communists” of Mexico, as part of the financial help for the publication of the organ of the expelled right wingers of the Communist Party of the United States. The letter attempts to give the impression that the activities of these renegades found their echo in this country. The Central Com- mittee has, therefore, adopted the following resolution to be sent to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the U.S.A. 1, No member or sympathizer of the Com- munist Party of Mexico, Section of the Com- ’ munist International, has contributed one penny in order to help the expelled group of the Communist Party of the U.S.A. ~ 2. The Central Committee of the Commu- nist Party of Mexico has already declared its complete solidarity with the Communist Party of the U.S.A. and has expressed its approval of the line of its brother Party, a line adopted in accordance with the decisions of the Commu- nist International. ‘The Central Committee de- clared that he who gives assistance to the ex- pelled group that publishes the Revolutionary Age has no place in the ranks of the Commu- nist Party of Mexico and exposes himself to immediate expulsion from its ranks. 3. The, Central Committee considers that only Diego Rivera, Fritz Bach, Roberto Reyes Perez and other renegades, who occupied well- paid posts in the government of Portes Gil, are in the position to send high contributions > must be constantly on the alert to afford Negro workers protection against the oppression of the bosses and their courts. (To Be Continued) \ to their comrades, the expelled members of the Communist Party of the U.S.A. The mem- bers of our Party, on the other hand, are all workers and peasants so poor that they can with great difficulty pay their dues in the Party. 4. The Central Committee is of the opinion that the initiator of this collection: among the renegades must have been Rosalio Blackwell, recently expelled. He brought instructions -from’ the United States to initiate a factional struggle in our Party. He is now the secretary * of the so-called “Left Communist Opposition,” integrated by three or four more, who have notorious ideological affinities with the oppor- tunist and right wing groups now fighting the Communist International in different, countries, 5. The Central Committee requests of the Communist Party of the U.S.A. to give pub- licity to this resolution. Workers of all countries, unite! | HERNAN LABORDE, Secretary. | 7 Workers! Join the Party of i Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A, 43 East 125th Street, New York City. ‘ I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information, Natio hee ss hese cehivnunsceauaennaneae Address ite tteeeeeveeees Uity.. Occupation .......04 a Ages schvett Party, 43 East 125th St., New York, N.Y. \ | Mail this to the Central Office, Communi: