The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 13, 1930, Page 4

P t hed by the Comproda Page Four re. New York City, jrers and mail all checks - BUSINESS COMMUNISM IN THE LANGUAGE PRESS THES P. Sn the D. papers are ne of our out the te much ker owed very far from Party lin nt t ‘usiness Commun- The “Trybuna carries in two of thirteen deal with the nd Catholic 4 pers published five almanacs, among them oy the Catholic church, This ad secured from the Peoples Bool owned by social-fascists. And lines above the advertise- “Hundreds ©: read the enem We win them to read must however. rtisement "to read f2 on the front pi ections the € tramck, } ig it informs its rea the Communist Party had put up Comrade Krystalski a mdidate for yor Dr. Dys: a CC Z and enemies of the workir on the last page of the same issue there is an ad of-both these doctors, it is true o1 as doctors, but it i: stomary to “support those support us.’ Such a policy of business nism cannot win the confidence of the , and they cannot look with full con- n our paper. buna Robotnicza is also weak in ny other respects. In the Lenin Memorial editorial was under the title ’ and there was another Lenin’s book on petty-bourgeois ticles are correct, h just these two articles is impermissable. Not a word on Lenin against war, not a word on the practical application of Lenin’ in the class strug in the United States. Also in other articles such as on the break of diplo} : Mexico with USSR, it does from an angle that this is preparati r war against the Ll R. un- der the leadership of the United Ste If the editor of the Robotnicza would read the Daily Wo would realize the real sig- and not’ the way it was ap- article. There are other sho’ which I am not goi only mention tha the campaign proac ched in that ings in the paper. I would y a word on present membership drive 2 workers correspondence one, and workers do write whole trouble is that this cor- ondence s not sufficiently deal with the struggle the workers in this country: The Polish ot alone in its Businese is, the Li 0, issued a calendar for huanian daily published in 1930, and it advertised holidays as folows: Workers holidays, American holidays, Tith- uanian national holidays, and Catholic holidays. have a broad perspective. ness Communist must be wiped out from our language pr The policy of the papers must be an uncompromised Party policy pect. Our language papers can every re “collective propa er and leader of the working class.” Lessons of the 1929 Municipal Elections By LEON PLATT. HE Communist Party has only begun to un- derstand how to utilize municipal elections in the struggle against capitalism and how to combine the immediate problems facing the workers on a local scale with the revolutionary program of our Party. In the municipal elec- tions that took place in 12 states, the Party put up the candidates and a program only in 14 cities. This in itself shows how little our Party has done in order to reach the masses of work- ers during elections. Political Background of the Municipal Elections A very outstanding characteristic of the position of the capitalist parties in last year’s municipal elections is the fact that the two official parties of American capitalism—the Republican and Democratic Parties—were widely split and permeated with internal dis- sention and strife. Certain cities where the Republican Party was in power in the muni- cipal elections, the Republicans were split into three factions. This occurred in Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Chicago and other cities. In a number of larger cities the Republican Party lost control of the city council which they maintained for yea Another characteristic point for the workers to note is the fact that in the last municipal elections, neither of the talist narties raised the slogan of “pros- oye and the “full dinner pail.” The issues ind which they tried to gain mass support were honest government,” “clean govern- ment against corrupt government,” “a vote for the peoples’ ticket.” We therefore find that in a number of cities, such groups and parties were organized to put up their candidates in the elections under the name of “independent Republicans,” “Square Deal Party,” “Honest Government Party,” ete. We also find that in a number of cities like San Francisco, the capi- talist parties did not enter the elections offi- cialy. There the scheme was to have “non- partisan” elections, where the candidates with the exception of the Communist Party ran as individuals, not as representatives of any poli- tical party. The splits in the state and local Republican Parties was a reflection of the general cri which at present prevails in the Republican Party nationally, as best expressed in the struggle in the Senate around the tariff ques- tion. This crisis in the Republican Party has its basis in the present economic crisis in the United States and its effect upon American capitalism. The non-partisan elections or the “Honest Government Against Corruption” slogans were means of controlling their dissatisfaction, and directing it in the service of finance capital. The Role of the Socialist Party. In New York , Reading, Bridgeport, Buffalo, the Socialist Party was a factor and given full recognition by the capitalist class. In other cities, like Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, Cleveland, where the Socialist Party had candi- dates, their participation was very weak and insignificant. However, this does not mean that the Socialist Party, in line with its pres- ent policies, will not be an important factor in municipal and national elections. The Socialist Party did not pretend to mobilize workers on an anti-capitalist basis. In order to prevent the Communist Party and the militant trade unions from gaining the support of the masses of the unorganized workers against capitalist domination in all its spheres, the bourgeoisie has begun to make conscious use of the Social- ist Party to mislead the workers and misdirect their radicalization and determination to fight. The Socialist Party used “honest govern- ment, as its central slogan and its entire pro- gram was such that it was acceptable to the bourgeoisie and labor aristocracy. In the muni- cipal elections, the Socialist Party was ready to give up its name -and work under the name of a Labor Party. This was evident in Buffalo and a number of other cities. In the municipal election campaigns, the Socialist Party was not only endorsed by the capitalist class in New York but they also received the endorsment of the bourgeois press and bosses organizations. Why We Were Not Successful in the Municipal Elections. The first criticism that is to be made in con- nection with our municipal elections, must be: upon the Central Committee of our Party. The Central Committee failed completely to give any central direction and consideration to the municipal elections in 1929, The Central Com- mittee concerned itself very little with the pro- grams, candidates, and active participation of the Party organization in these elections. The Central Committee absolutely failed to point out the importance of these municipal elections, and to mobilize the Party membership behind them. It is true that at a time when prepara- tion for the elections should have taken place, the Centwal Committee was faced with the task of preventing Lovestone and his group from splitting the Party. The Central Committee fought for the carrying through the line of the Communist International and clean the Party | of all corrupt and right-wing elements fighting raised by the big bourgeoisie themselves for | the sole purpose of misleading the masses and covering up the craft and corruption that ex- ists in the boss-controlled government. These splits and struggles in the Republican Party not only represents a conflict between the petty bourgeoisie and large capital, but it also represents in the main, a struggle be- tween various sections of large capital itself, fighting for machine control. It is also true that the liberal and petty bourgeois elements, smarting under the heel of trustified capital, were mobilized under the “Honest Government” parties, the “Independent Republicans,” where the Socialist Party was not in the field, as a Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. Name ......... Address ....cssecccccemwcsss Vit¥scocssves MUMUMRION 6s isssicrcadepecessenss ABC seo 0s y, 43 East 125th St., New York,.N. Y. il this to the Central Office, Communist the Communist International and the Party. This no doubt, was the main reason why the Central Committee did not give due attention to this important work. In addition to the lack of attention on the part of national leadership of the Party, we must now consider the short- comings and mistakes that were made by the district organizations and by the Party mem- bership: First, there was a complete lack of under- standing of the importance of parliamentary activity by our Party membership. Syndicalist attitudes are still to be seen in our, Party membership as far as this work is concerned. According to reports in a number of cities, the comrades openly expressed their opinions of the impossibility of mobilizing workers for the Party platform and Party candidates. In a number of other cities, strong tendencies were manifested to capitulate before diffi- culties and petty-bourgeois legalism. In the Pittsburgh district, for example, where the Party for the first time in its history ran on an independent ticket, instead of the previous Labor Party ticket, comrades openly expressed their dissatisfaction with this policy. In Mon- nessen, Pa., the Party members actually re- fused to run candidates. In Portage, Pa., our comrades put up only a partial ticket because the other parties had candidates on their ticket who were considered as “friends” of labor and who at one time or another protected workers’ conventions, like the Miners Convention, In Yorkville, Ohio our comrades did not expose two members of the UsM.W.A. who styled them- selves as Socialists and who were consequently elected. (To Le Continued) Soe. Work o or : Wa ages! iis shattate “Feb. 26! . A. By Mall (in New York City only By Mall (outside of New York Ci SSURIPTION RATE $6.00 a year: $ ix months; 50 six months: three months $2.50 $2.00 three months 2B Fred Ellis They Do Not Want Peace But War! The Organ of the Soviet Government on the London Naval Conference. Leading Article of “Isvestia” of January 18, 1930. | re London Conference ‘was formally con- vened for the purpose of restricting or, as some participants at the conference assumed, even for the reduction of naval armaments. Needless to say the London Conference has quite other aims in view. In order to under- stand the real aims of the imperialists it is appropriate to call to mind the fate of those proposals for disarmament emanating from the Soviet Union, the only state which is con- ducting a consistent and genuine peace poli-— cy. It is almost two years since the Soviet Government submitted to the Preparatory Commission on Disarmament the Draft Con- vention on immediate, complete and general disarmament. The naval section of this draft contained the proposal in the course of one year to strike from the lists of all fleets and to annihilate all armored ships, ships of the line, aircraft carriers and submarines and in the course of four years all other warships, including gunboats with a displacement of more than 8,000 tons, further to disband all ships’ crews and to prohibit the building of any further warships. The adoption of these proposals,) which would have left in force only a fleet for po- lice duties and equipped with very limited armament, woud have at once done away with the whole burden of naval armaments and put an end once and for all to naval rivalry; it would have removed every danger of a naval war just as the adoption of the Soviet pro- posals on the abolition of armaments and the destruction of the stores of arms would have done away with the possibility of wars on land. As is known the imperialists who are least interested in the prevention of future wars, hastened not only to reject the Soviet draft but the whole idea of general and com- plete disarmament. In anticipation of this fact and persisting in its fight for peace, the Soviet Union brought forward at the 5th ses- sion of the Preparatory Commission for Dis- armament a new draft relating to limitation of armaments. This time the Soviet govern- ment proposed that all states possessing a fleet with a total displacement of over 200,000 tons should reduce their fleets by 50 per cent (both in regard to the total tonnage and also the various categories of warships), while all other states should reduce their fleets by 25 per cent. The Soviet Government further pro- posed to abandon and disarm the aircraft car- riers which are the most aggressive weapons of naval warfare, to fix 10,000 tons as the highest tonnage of warships; to limit their armaments to 12 inch guns; to increase the maximum age of warships of all categories and prohibit the construction of any further warships, except for the purpose of replacing ships already existing, and to limit the quan- tity of means of destruction (munitions and torpedoes). It is impossible to doubt that these proposals of the Soviet Union for a de- termined proportional limitation of the exist- ing naval forces were the only real, honest and immediate means of approaching the prob- lem of limiting naval armaments, which would promote the interests of general peace. But this draft was also rejected by the imperial- ists, who thereby demonstrated that they are not seeking peace and that all their talk about limiting naval armaments is simply a mon- strous piece of hypocrisy intended-to cover the intensive growth of armaments and the prep- arations for war. The whole course of preparation of the con- ference shows without doubt that this confer- ence will not deal with peace but with war, and with agreements Which exist in view of the Ca oe inevitability and nearness of fresh world con-. flicts, and all this for the purpose of creating a military and political situation favorable to one or the other power or group. The preparation for war will be conducted at this conference in various directions. In the first place it will be possible to complete in London that undertaking which was com- menced eight years ago in Washington, i. e-, the liquidation of the obsolete or too expen- sive weapons in order thereby to release means to be employed for the same war purpose but more “productively,” as for example for the preparation of aerial, chemical or bacteriologi- cal warfare. The proposal of the English gov- ernment to lengthen the maximum age of ships of the line and even further to limit their number and tonnage has precisely this aim in view. Other proposals will, however, be brought forward at the London’ Conference regarding the limitation of naval armaments, Each of the participating powers has its plans which differ from the others only in that each of these plans aims at limiting precisely that category of ship or weapon in which the op- ponent has the greatest interest and which constitutes the greatest danger to the power proposing this limitation. Thus England is aiming at limiting the construction of big cruisers by America and the construction of submarines by France. America on the other hand demands such a standard of total ton- nage for big cruisers as will give the U. S. A. superiority over the British cruisers scattered over all parts of the globe, while France de- fends the possibility of unrestricted develop- ment of its submarine fleet which in the first place is directed against England. The real military character of the self-seeking proposals is not in any way altered by the pacifist ar- guments which are used to cloak them. It is perfectly obvious that all this has nothing in common with peace or a limitation of arma- ments, but is nothing else but an attempt to compel the opponent to abandon the weapon most favorable to him in naval war and is in fact a step in the preparation of this war. At the same time the contradictory proposals of which there is talk have very little chance of being realized, As is to be seen from the recent declaration of Ramsay. MacDonald, the English imperialists do not seriously expect any success in this direction. It suffices to point to the French Memorandum of December 20 which contains sufficient reservations and malicious hints, in order to realize the com- plete impossibility of a successful solution of the fundamental questions of naval disarma- ment. We may merely add that this confer- ence as can be seen from this Memorandum and the text of the English invitation to this conference, can adopt only provisional and conditional decisions which must then be sub- mitted to the “disarmament” bodies of the League of Nations for ratification. The essence of the matter consists, however, in that every one of the powers is only en- deavoring to solve the political problem of creating a relation of forces favorable to it- self. For England this problem is at present reduced to making use of the compromise agreement forced upon it by the United States against the other partners in that imperialist game that is being played behind all pacifist phrases and in the first place against France. It, is precisely for this reason that England is demanding the abolition of submarines. Italy is making claims to naval parity with France, chiefly in order to extort concessions from the latter in regard to territorial and colonial questions. Japan is balancing between ‘England and America and is making use of the STARVE OR FIGHT! A Challenge to the Unemployed By GRACE M. BURNHAM, Labor Research Association. “ Note: The third installment pointed out that “American business management has been unable to solve the problem of business stability.” The four installment follows. nor only are waves of unemployment be- coming more frequent, but the number of workers permanently unemployed increases year by year. With each new invention, each introduction of “efficiency” methods, the num- ber of actual jobs available becomes fewer. A permanent and constantly growing army of the unemployed is the outstanding character- istic of unemployment today. In the past eight years, over 900,000 workers have been laid off permanently from the manufacturing industries; 800,000 from agriculture; 300,000 from, the railroads. Since 1923—the year of maximum numbers of miners employed—near- ly 200,000 men have been thrown out of the bituminous coal mines. This does not mean that the output in these industries has cor- respondingly declined. On the contrary, in- creased intensification of labor has increased tremendously the productivity of the workers. In the manufacturing industries productivity per worker increased 43 per cent from the close of the war to 1 In agriculture there has been an increase of 27 per cent, on the railroads 12 per cent, in bituminous coal 23 per cent. Highly developed mass production industries, such as automobile manufacturing, have increased output per worker 310 per cent above the pre-war level. Two men now do the work formerly required of 128 in the loading of pig iron; one man replaces 42 in operating open hearth furnaces. Og oil-burning steam- ships nine firemen, three each watch, replace the former stoking crew of 120 men, One automobile company produced 1400 per cent more cars in 1927 by employing only 10 per cent more workers. .A large copper refining company reduced its skilled and unskilled working force from 578 men to 233 with a ten per cent increase in output. In a cotton mill in Lexington, N. C., each weaver had his looms increased from 24 to 72, while only 6 of the 19 weavers previously employed were kept to operate the 72 looms. Cotton weavers are quite commonly expected to double the number of looms they have been in the habit of tending. The same is true in other textile lines as well as in practically every other American industry. The tendency of capitalist production today is to have fewer workers on the pay roll; to speed these workers to the very limit of their strength; to fire those unable to keep up the | pace; to lay off the entire working foree in periods of crisis and “readjustment”; and te se at lower average wages if and when the plant re-opens. This is a period of crisis, not only in the United States, but in all capitalist countries and cannot be overcome on the basis of the already saturated home market. The ten- dency is, therefore, to make every effort to increase the country’s foreign trade- Foreign trade depends on foreign markets, which are already divided up under the control of the various imperialist countries. Hence a strug- gle for increased trade leads inevitably to struggle for markets, to a fresh re-division of the world, ar to war. The war danger is therefore directly related to and intensified by the world crisis of capi- talism and is more imminent than it has been at any time since the end of the last imper- ialist war, Hours of Work. Hours of work have a direct bearing on tue problem of unemployment. The number of hours which a corporation can force its em- ployes to work is practically unlimited in the United States. No national legislation is in force stipulating the maximum number of hours permitted in a given day or week; and only a few states have any legislation on the subject except certain inadequate measures pertaining to the hours of women and children. The result is that while the much advertised fiive day forty-hour week is in operation for a limited number, perhaps 3 per cent, the great majority of American workers are forced to labor 50, 60 and even 70 hours a week. Even in the organized trades where there are union agreements the average hours worked is about 45. In the unorganized industries it is be- tween 50 and 60. A survey of 17 garages made in New York City in 1926 showed that in some instances garage workers were required to work as many as 84 hours a week. Average hours reported for molders by the Bureau of Labor Statistics in 1925 were 59.5. In Georgia the number was 56. The usual working day in Cleveland was 9 hours. The union scale is 48 hours a week with a six day week. One- third of the workers operating blast furnaces in the steel industries work between 60 and 84 hours a week. Over half between 48 ‘and 60 hours. The average weekly hours of tex- tile workers are 60 a week in Georgia, and Alabama and in parts of the Carolinas. In some mills in Alabama the 12-hour day pre- vails; in Gastonia, N. C., 11 or 12 hours have been the rule; in Rhode Island there is a 9- hour day: Fifty hours a week is the average for automobile workers. (To Be Continued) That Much Heralded “Lo stone Banquet” N Sat., Feb. 1, after heralding through the Revolutionary Age that a mass banquet would be held for the purpose of establishing the Revolutionary Age as a weekly organ, the Lovestoneites of the district and from out of town—175 in all—gathered at the New Har- lem Casino, protected by the police and bomb™ squad at the entrance, plus gangsters who were mobilized for the occasion. Some of Love- stone’s own committee were armed with knives and other weapons for the purpose of assault- ing any Party member who might be present. The Party for its own good reason had a few comrades stationed outside the hall. These comrades were recognized by the detectives as workers whom they, the detectives, had as- saulted on the picket line. This banquet was held after an attempt to hold a meeting at Stuyvesant Casino the night before. The renegades had to call off this meeting, however, owing to the fact that they dare not face the. workers to whom they have to answer for the crimes that they have com- mitted against the working class. Unity With Police. The contacts and connections of these rene- gades from the Communist Party with the pol- ice may be demonstrated in the fact that when they made a contract for the hall, they in- forme] the house manager that they expected trouble and that they would appreciate any as- sistance that the house manager could give. The house manager informed them that he could mobilize police with police sergeants and others for the purpose of giving them the ne- cessary protection. The Lovestoneites there- upon signed the contract on that basis. The banquet was held in an atmosphere of continual fear that the workers might break in on them and take vengeance for the con- spiracies they have hatched and carried out against the movement. The conduct of these renegades and their attitude showed that they felt at home with the police protection that they were receiving. Nevertheless they were very uncomfortable. They had their gangsters and police stationed on the sidewalks and stair- ways of the building—one of them, Mike In- trator, going to the extent of pulling a knife and flashing it on our comrades as a threat to force them to leave the streets. The climax of this comical—diabolical scene was reached when the brave leaders of this band of renegades—Gitlow, Wolfe, Lovestone, followed by Becker, and Nemser, who brought the renegades to the hall—arrived upon the antagonisms existing between these two pow- ers. The. U- S. A., finally, obviously has the intention of making use of the London Con- ference for a great political action, the chief weapons of which are on the one hand the Kellog Pact and, on the other hand, the de- mand for freedom of the seas with the object of securing the world hegemony of American imperialism. International imperialism and, social fascism are endeavoring by such conferences to de- ceive the people. Needless to say that at this conference no mention will be made of that pro gram of real disarmament introduced by Com- rade Litvinow at the meetings of the Prepa- _tatory Disarmament Commission, which the ‘imperialists lost no time in rejecting. If how- ever, the imperialists ignore this Soviet draft, the working masses of the whole world do not forget it and the contrast between the genuine programe of the Soviet government and the hypocritical comedy which is being played in London will help them to perceive the true character“of the naval conference, \ . Vrataric’s influence in the anthracite, scene. Nemser and Becker looked about, sur- veying the situation, and when they saw that the field was clear—that it was possible for their brave leaders to appear on the scene— they opened the door of the car for these great- heroes. The doors of the hall-were opened by a policeman, a line of detectives and police and gangsters and renegades gathered across the sidewalk and Loyestone, with his head down, followed by Gitlow, Wolfe, Becker and Nemser, ran from the car into the hall- A Good Riddance. This is the type of leaders that once con- sidered themselves the proper leadership for the Communist Party of the U. S. A.! These are the people who dared to attack the Commu- nist Party of the U. S. A. which is carrying on a bitter struggle against the capitalist class and all opportunists within its ranks and out- side! These are the people who talk about Leninism and Marxism. Continual decline in their own ranks and their close connections and associations. with the police and detective force are demonstrat- ing to the workers every day that these rene- gades from the Communist Party had and have no place in the revolutionary movement. The Communist Party can be glad that it has cleared its ranks of these poisonous individuals who were attempting to lead the Party into the swamp of opportunism, that lands -in the lap of social democracy, the social fascist ally of imperialism. Four Workers in Anthracite Repudiate Lovestone Four miners, members of the W. Wyoming unit of the Party, after listending to a report of ‘the line of the Comintern given by Cobrade Candela of the Italian Buro, voted for the folowing motions: 1. We accept and endorse the ‘Address of the Comintern. We declare the C. I.’s analy- sis of the situation in the U.S.A. are being borne out by life itself. ‘The deepening econ- omic crisis of American imperialism, the ever sharper struggles taking place all ‘over ‘the world and in the U. S. are proof of the correct- ness of the C.I.’s position. 2. We repudiate the Lovestone renegades, and endorse their expulsion from the Party. 3. We pledge ourselves to follow loyally the line of the C.C. of the Party, and the line of the Comintern. We will fight against the renegades. We will do everything to help build the Party and the N.M.U. in the anthracite. © 4. We declare that our vote at the sub- district plenum against the Party resolution was an error. Out of the five mining comrades present, four voted for the resolution, and the fifth declared that he was for it but made demands and reservations that showed he was still op- , posing the Party. These comrades were under ' suspension from the Party because of their op- posing the Partv line. the suspension has been lifted, and: all: four have been readmitted into the Party. Now with their vote,’ This marks a still further step in the dis-— integration of the Lovestone renegades group. It marks a step in the wiping out. of Galio, The action of these four proletarian comrades in repudiating the Lovestone splitters should be followed by all other honest proletarians who were misled by the phrases of Lovestone ‘and 4 Gitlow. Fight the Right Danger. A Hundred Proletarians for ~ Every Petty Bourgeois bia gade!