The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 29, 1930, Page 4

rupusnes vy ine Cumprodai) Square. New York City, N. Page Four x Address and mai) al checks y Publis Inc., daily, except S Y. Telephone 0. Stuyvesant 1696-7 to the Daily Worker. 26-28 Union Square. New York. N. ¥ Baily 34s Worker S. A. By Mat (in New York City only): $8.00 a y By Mat] (outside of New York City): $6.00 a year: SURSCRIPTION RATES: ear; $4.50 six months; $3.50 six months; $2.50 three months $2. 00 three months ss aie BANNERS EES Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. RECRUITING | AND KEEPING NEW MEMBERS. - By N. GREEN, (Chicago.) present recruiting drive that our Party conducting ‘has n proven . that workers are becoming radicalized and if prop- erly approached many of them are ready to join our Party. More workers have joined our the Party in this campaign than in any previous campaign Thq problem, therefore, becomes how can the thousands of workers that are ted Most of those joining the Party at present are coming to the Party as a result of the mass struggles that we have conducted in the past year. These workers come to us on the basis of struggle and, therefore, are ready to carry on active work as soon as they are as- signed to nuclei. Unfortunately many nuclei live yet in the second period, do not carry on any political activities, have no discipline and when a new member happens to fall into such a nucleus he gets discouraged and drops out of the Pa Here is a concrete example in Nucleus 5! a worker comes to the first meet- ing, full of enthusiasm, makes financial con- tributions, so that the nucleus can distribute free the pamphlet, “Why Every Worker” Should Join the Communist Party.” He volun- teers to go out distributing leaflets for a mass meeting. The next day that worker travels about five miles to find that there is no leaf- let ready and he has traveled for nothing. However, he does not get discouraged, asks for other work. He is assigned then to sell Da Workers at a union meeting, and when he ar- vives at the place he finds that there is no union meeting scheduled for that night. On the following Saturday he is told to go and distribute leaflets in the front of a big rail- road shop, but when he comes Saturday he finds that the leaflet is not ready. In another instance an appeal is made that comrades volunteer to distribute leaflets on the needle trades market. Six comrades of the nucleus volunteer, of whom two are new members. The followirlg morning 3 comrades show up—the two new ones and only one of the “old guard.” Such actions together with the inactivity of the nuclei, the wasting of time in the opening of meetings—two hours late and the lack of well planned and disciplined action are bound to demoralize the splendid elements that we are recruiting at present. The task is—politicalization of the units, every member must be active, more Commu- nist discipline, and more planned activity—this | will assure the retaining of the new members. Right Wing Renegades Continue Speculations on Bucharin Lovestonite renegades conceal their E chagrin as best they can at the recent capi- tulation of Comrade Bucharin, and continue to speculate with the name of Comrade Bucharin to bolster up the morale of their small and disintegrating group. A recent circular letter he renegades, which reassures their follow- ers that, although Bucharin has capitulated on n issues,’ yet: To date Bucharin hos not yet made a statement the situation in the Comintern and particularly on the situation in the The comrades should keep in mind that tremendous pressure is being exerted to force Bucharin to make a state- ment condemning our position. . . . Whether or not he will give in to the demand to at- tack the opposition in the Comintern and par- ticularly us is to be seen. The comrades should real that if such a statement does come and to date there is no indication that it will, that such a statement further ex- the unprincipled factional course,” etc. o7 American section. poses onen continuance of the use of the name of charin as banner of the Lovestone section of the international of renegades must be noted and recorded by the Party. * It con- firms the correct judgment of our brother , that the recognition of errors questions of C.P.S.U. of Comrade far from meeting the necessi- ties of liquidating the anti-party struggle of the opportunists. The speculations openly put forth by Lovestone based on Bucharin’s silence stopel questions, raises in a sharp ion, of what exactly is the posi- ‘in towards the Lovestonites. The he Comintern is entitled to know and definitely. one wails. about the ure” being exerted to ‘force” Buch iti Thi a continuation same counter-revolutionary demagogy h made Lovests ihe darling of the white guard pre: Europe when he “fled” from the “persecutions” of the Soviet Union at the time he made his “great adventure” of spliting art It is a self-understood duty of Com t dership to define most sharply one’? attitude toward every political question ndshey—that is a first principle of Len- wh is a charact Unprincipled fac of opportunist gr as that of Love- stone. One of its indispensable weapons is the use of pure lies and rumors of “confidential information which is being concealed,” . etc. An example is the statement in the circular letter that: “The C.I, had occasion to criticize the leadershin of our Party for the thesis which they adonted at the October Plenum. A letter to this effect was sent to the American Party. This letéer has not been made public. being withheld from the Party member- Further on the resolution on the eco- nomic crisis (Daily Worker, January 11) is spoken of as a “corrected thesis” resulting from the “suppressed letter.” Because Lovestone, when he was secretary of the Party, concealed C.I. documents from the Party, it comes very easy for him to hurl such charge at others. Because Lovestone never openly corrected an error or exercised self- criticism, he cannot conceive of the Party do- ing so unless under what he and Norman Thomas boty call “orders from Moscow.” But his speculation with lies and rumors have only the effect of further exposing his social-demo- cratic political soul. There has been no letter from the C.I. withheld from the Party. Our October Plenum thesis was fully confirmed by events, with such speed that the Party within three months had to register this confirmation in a detailed analysis of the economic crisis which shattered Lovestone’s platform to bits. Our criticism of certain journalistic parallels of The Daily Worker, used in describing fas- _cist development in the United States, was in- cidental self-correction by the Party whose political line had been proven a thousand times correct against the Lovestonite capitulation to sovial-fascism, Lovestone, in his political illit- evrev. tohes this as a “correction” of the Oc- uver Pyenur anderous falsehood that the Party carries on “negotiations with Cannon’ may perhaps be dismissed as a smoke-sereen to - cover exactly a political ravprochment between stone and Cannon. We have registered _ publicly the similarity of their slogans and ractical conclusions on all questions of the and above all we see their international ers-in-arms in Europe openly uniting. ica will be no “exception.” estone’s circular letter disclosed the in- fact that “on January 17, a special of the (Lovestone) National Buro will at which nieeting the question of our international relations will be taken up : a statement outlining our policy will be made right after the meeting.” It is now con- siderably after January 17, their organ for February 1 is out, but still the promised “statement” has not appeared. Luckily it is not necessary to await the statement to know what are the international affiliations of Love- stone. It is with Brandler in Germany; Jilek in Czecho-Slovakia; Kilboom, in Sweden, ete. Through Brandler it is with the Trots (the Hamburg “unity” fractions!). It i the Parisian city councillers who quit the Party because it ordered them to break their “united front” with the socialist deputies to obtain “joy rides” to other countries for the purpose of studying “city administration” at the feet of the social-democracy. It is with all the riff-raff thrown off by the Comintern as the necessary pre-condition to mobilizing the masses of the working class for a period of decisive struggles. No. 7 of Lovestone’s organ features a self- ¥evealing article of Roy on “India in Revolu- tion.” Here we have a portrait of the full- blown social-demoerat, throwing off his “left” trappings which he inconveniently had to wear while in the Communist International. Roy may be taken as a symbol pf Lovestenism and the | whole international right wing. It is therefore worth while to examine his article briefly. Roy sees the results of the India National Congress in’ Lahore as flowing from “the radi- calization of the petty-bourgeoisie (particularly intellectuals),” which “show that the leftward movement of the petty-bourgeoisie has gone to the extent of an open revolt against the policy | of Indian capitalism seeking a compromise | with British imperialism.” The “inevitable con- } sequence of this fateful step,” says Mr. Roy, is a “revolutionary democratic alliance which | . . . will embrace well over 80 per cent of the | population.” ‘The necessity of the moment is to provide them with a progrvam of National | Democratic Revolution and lead them by stages | in the struggle for the realization of that pro- | gram.” Upon this program Roy can very easily come | to an agreement with MacDonald, and thereby pass on from Berlin to London, as last year he left Moscow for Berlin. The petty-bour- geoisie (“particularly the intellectuals”) is go- ing to lead ‘80 per cent of the population” of India—where? To a “National Democratic” to be reached by easy stages! Surely there are no longer any obstacles to keep Mr. Roy from sleeping in the same bed with Lord Pass- field! This is the same Roy, we mav remind our- selves, who at the Second World Congress in 1920 fought against Lenin “from the left,” | taking the position of Trotskyism, that the proletarian revolution—without intermediate stages—was on the order of the day for India. Thus Roy combines the unity of the right and “left” opportunists in his own person, and shows how and why it is so easy for them to pass from one to the other of their multifarious grouplets. Lovestone boasted that he “almost”? went to India for the Comintern} And in India he would have followed the line of Roy. The Com- intern made a distinct contribution to the suc- cess of the Indian Revolution, in that case, both @rhen it exnelled Roy'and when it threw out Lovestone. Both of them are agents of the petty-bourgeoisie (“especially the intellect- uals’) who have surrendered to the ‘might” of imperialism. From every document issued by Lovestone we receive new evidence of his character as a counter-revolutionist and social-democrat. Each | day*more clearly is he integrated into the in- | ternational bloc of renevades to which he as- pires to leadership. Under sncb circumstances the Communist Party of the U.S.A. woull not be fulfilling its duties, if it did not sharply bring to the at- tention of our brother parties the naturée of Lovestone’s polities and activities. | | | | New Pamphlet on Five-Year } Plax. The Friends of the Soviet Union are issuing a series of pamphlets to educate workers and other sympathisers of the Soviet Union con- cerning various phases of the gigantic Five- Year Plan of Socialist Construction and Indus- trialization. The pamphlets will serve as an answer to the lies and slanders svread about the Soviet Union by the enemies of the Work- | ers’ Republic. The first of the namuhlets. “Socialist Com- petition in the Soviet Union”, will be off the press within a few days. The second pammhiet. “Soviet Agrievlivre and the Five-Year Plan,” will also be ready soon, “4 ‘ ° Tear Away the Grip of Hunger! Fight Unemployment! By Fred Ellis The Economic Crisis and Organ- izing tne Unorganized By JACK ‘JOHNSTONE. . 'HE Wall Street crash, while it dramatized the economic crisis, at the same time ex- posed many weak props, set up by bolrgeois economists and social reformists in their at- tempts to hide the weakness of American capi- talism. Today we see capitalist stabilization breaking down, under our very eyes, at a-rapid rate with the U. S. A. as the center of a new sharpened world economic crisis. Already we see the effects of the crisis in the deepening of the depression in Great Britain, Italy, Ger- many and many other European countries, sharpening the antagonisms between the im- | perialist countries in their search for new markets, forcing a more rapid stride in their war preparations. Sharpened War Danger. The tremendous development of socialist economy, the antithesis of planless capitalist economy. (emphasized in the great success of the first year’s program of the Five Year Plan), is taking place simultaneously with the sharpening contradictions of world capitalism and the general crisis of capitalist economy. These factors further increase the antagonism and hate of the imperiaist governments to- ward the Soviet Union intensifying their prep- arations for a war of aggression against the Workers’ Republic. Again the economic crisis sharpens the an- taronisms between the workers and the capi- talists in their attempt to compel.the working class to pay the cost of the crisis, causing ruth- less suppression of strike struggles by the em- ployers and the state. In this sharpening class struggle period we see the A. F. of L. and their allies, the socialists, the renegade Communist and so-calle] progressives merging more open- ly with the capitalist state, taking the leading role in assisting capitalism to overcome the crisis. They are the pulmotors that are at- tempting to resuscitate capitalism at the ex- pense of the working class. , The American capitalist class has placed on the agenda of today: A general offensive against the working class to make them pay for the economic crisis; preparations for war against the Soviet Union, to attempt to hook up the workers and peasants of'the first work- ers’ republic again to the yoke of imperialist exploitation; preparations for imperialist war for the conquering of new markets through a redivision of the world with the U. S. A. and Great Britain as the central competing pow- ers around which the other capitalist nations will. gather in another and more terrible world blood bath; ruthless suppression and exploita- tion of Latin American workers and U. S. A. colonial peoples, which is already expressed in the massacre of Haitian workers, the military control of Nicaragua and other Latin Amer- ican “republics,” the illegalizing of the Com- munist Party and the SSUM in Mexico by the agents of Wall Street. Struggle For Markets. U. S. imperialism i& the main aggressor to- day; it leals the struggle agaist the Soviet | Union; it isthe aggressor in.all war prepara- tions. This does not mean that Great Britain and the other imperialist nations are not pre- paring for war against the Soviet Union and pmonest themselves. The impoverishment of the masses and the tremendous shrinking of the home markets compels United States im- perialism to pursue a more aggressive policy in the solution of its contradictions. This means grabbing contro] of new spheres of in- fluence and new markets which could only be achieved by means of war. In this period of mass struggles and imper- ialist wars, the American working class has a historical role to play. Class war against the nrevarations for imperialist wars. Turn the imperialist war into a civi} war. This is the perspective. The: American workers be pre- “pared for guch action; this perspective is in “ nf the immediate future. With the declaration of war the workers will be faced with the at- tempts of American bourgeoisie to gain their support for the imverialist war against the workers cr follow the leadershin of the Com- runist harty te turr the imperialist war into civil war. However, in order to successfully carry on any struggle at all, the immediate task that confronts the workers is the elemertary task of organization. The fighting mood of the workers expresses itself in new sectors every | day, but the workers generally are unorganized, | a heritage of betrayals left by the A. F. of L. and the socialist party. . Only the Communist Party and the revolutionary TUUL stand out as the leaders of working class struggles, strong in influence but woefully weak organ- izationally.. The great majority of the work- ing class stands before a tremendous capitalist offensive, on the eve of a new world war in an epoch of proletarian revolution, fighting heroically on many fronts in the offensive re- sisting the attacks of the bosses, but unor- ganized. This is the main weakness in Amer- ica today. The blame for this weakness cannot be placed upon the shoulders of the working class as a whole. The blame belongs to the revolu- tionary section of the working class, the ad- herents of the RILU, that is the vevolutionary trade unionists, but particularly the Commu- nists, knowing for years the treachery of the social reformists, that their treachery and constant betrayal of the workers was hound to lead to demoralization and to the smashing of the trade unions under their control. We lagged behind in organizing movements of the workers to replace these worn out shells of class collaboration, even today in an epoch of proletarian revolution and imperialist wars when the workers of the U. S. A. will be called upon to support an imperialist war or fight against it, which means civil war. We have not yet learned how to organize the unorgan- ized, how to draw the workers into strike if struggle, how to form united fronts from be- low. how to erystallize our influence organ- izationally, how to weld the unemployed and | employed into joint struggle, how to unite the | white and Negro workers into joint struggle. Organizing the unorganized today is a ma- | jor political task, to build revolutionary in- dustrial unions in the basic war industries, to build the TUUL into a real revolutionary | union center, as the leader of the economic | struggles of the workers, to strengthen the | Party by drawing in workers from the fac- | tory. While organizing the unorganized is the | task of the TUUL, the dynamie force within | the TUUL are the Communists. Through them | the revolutionary unions are set in motion, | which in turn cap set millions of workers in | motion, in mags struggles, against their em- i | | | | | ployers, against war, against capitalism. Or- ganize the unorganized is the main task con- frontine the American workers today. re i Yankee Imnerialism Wants A Mononoly, R i MUXICO CITY.—A beautiful symbol of the | fact that Mexico has herome a Yankee Colony, | 18 seen in the deportation order issued under | Article 23, covering “ndesirable - foreigners”, | against the manager of the Canadian Insurance Co,, the “Sun Life Assurance Co.” The man- ager. William P. Massie, happens to be a Yan- kee himself. but the insistence of monopoly rights for Yankee interests, has led the servile Mexican government lackeys of the White House to demand that the comnany, manager | and all get out. This recalls the recent gov- | ernment approved strike on the reilway be- tween Mexico City and Vera Crux. hecause. as was openly stated, it was British owned and “ag ehemy of the nation.” . i ory EN IN From a speech delivered at a meeting of the | military students in the Cremlin-on the 18th of January, 1924. Comratle Stalin prefaces fis speech with the following remarks: e HAVE been told that a memorial evening in honor of Lenin has been arranged here and that I have been invited to attend the same to deliver a report. I consider it unneces y to give a detailed speech on Lenin’s act y and prefer to confine myself to relating a number of facts which illustrate Lenin’s pecul- iarities which reveal him to us as man and statesman. These facts are perhaps not con- nected together by any inner bond but this is no reason why we should not derive from them a general picture of Lenin. However that may be, I am not in a position at the present moment to give you more than I have just promised. The Eagle. I first made the acquaintance of Lenin in the year 1903. This acquaintance, it is true, was not a personal one, but was based on an exchange of letters. But this acquaintance- ship made an unforgettable impression upon me, which has not left me during the whole of my Party activity. At that time I was living in banishment:in Siberia. Acquaintance with the revolutionary activity of Lenin at the end of the nineties and particularly after the year 1901, after the appearance of the “Iskra” (Spark) convinced me that here we had to do with a quiet exceptional person. I saw in him at that time not the simple leader of our Party, but its actual founder, for he alone un- derstood the inner nature and requirements of our Party. When I compared him with the other leaders of our’ Party, it always avzeared to me as if Lenin’s collaborators—Pleckhanov, Martov, Axelrod and others—steod quite a head below him, as if, in comparison with] them, he was not.simply one of’ the leaders ; but a leader of a higher type, an eagle, whe is a stranger to all fear and would courageous- ly lead the Party along the unknown paths of the Russian revolutionary movement. This im- pression penetrated so deeply into my soul that I felt the necessity to write to a near friend of mine who s at that time in exile, in order to obtain his opinion. After some time—at that time I was‘already in banish- ment in Siberia, it was towards the end of 1908—I received the enthusiastic reply of my friend and a simple, moving letter from Lenin to whom my friend had given my. letter to read, Lenin’s letter was comparatively short, but it gave a bold} fearless criticism of the practice of our Party and a surprisingly clear and compact presentation of the whole plan of work for the next period. Only Lenin was capable of writing so simply and clearly, so compactly and boilly over the most compli cated things that every sentence not =I speaks to the reader, but also hits the bull’: eye. This simple letter increased my convic+ tion that we had before us in the person of Lenin the eagle of our Party. Unfortunately ga) according to the custom of*old con- burned this like so many other from that time that I date my ac- quaintance with Lenin, | a Mass Organ By ROBERT WOODS. analysis of the results of the present Party Recruiting Drive, brings sharply to our attention, the fact that our Party as a whole still greatly underestimates the role of our central organ, the Daily Worker. ‘The dis- proportion between the number of new mem- * bers recruited and the number of Daily Worker subs secured, js an indication of our failure to utilize the Daily Worker for its real purpose, namely as a collective agitator, propagandist and organizer. As the mouthpiece of the Party, the Daily Worker must reach and be rooted among the large masses of workers, The number of its readers should be several times that of the Party membership, At the present time, how- ever, it hardly exceeds the number of Party members. This accounts to a great extent for one of the Daily Workers main shortcomings, insufficient workers correspondence, which is essential to a mass organ that must sense and respond quickly to all local conditions of the workers and incidents in the class struggle. New Methods of Distribution. It is clear that our old methods of building the Daily Worker are insufficient and will never accomplish our purpose. We will only be able to reach a very limited number of workers thru subscriptions. The widespread unemployment, the ever lowering of the stand- ard of living of the workers renders it impos- sible for most of them to pay $6.00, $3.50 or even $2.00 in lump sum. This must, of course, not prevent those workers from reading the Daily Worker. Determined to spread our organ among the masses of auto workers, District No. 7 has Inunched a campaign to increase the circula- tion of the Daily Worker in the District mani- fold, by the end of the Recruiting Drive. This was accomplished quite successfully by putting the following plan, after a thoro discussion in the Party units, into operation. Each unit received 2 copies of the Daily Worker per member, a unit of 10 members receives 20 copies, a unit of 15 members, 30 copies, etc. A comrade is elected for each day between unit meetings, to distribute the paper. The unit Daily Worker agent is responsible to see what distribution is carried on uninter- ruptedly. The Daily is delivered from house to house in a working class neighborhood, the same houses being covered for one week. Two comrades visit the houses at the end of the week and solicit subs or delivery for weekly payment. Those that refuse to take the paper- are left-out in the following weeks distribution, when the paper is delivered to as many new places as dropped out from the previous week. Each unit is assigned a section which it must thoroughly canvass in the above manner. Until a sufficient number of regular readers has been secured, so that the distribution pays for itself, the unit must pay for the Daily Workers which amounts to not more than a penny a day per member. Plan Is Successfyl. Results have proved the plan to be very successful. As many as 12 regular readers, have been secured after one weeks distribution by a unit taking 80 copies a day. Several subs have already been secured by this metho. As the result of distribution in a Negro neighbor- hood, one unit has made several contacts with Negro workers and organized a very successful meeting. Another comrade recruited 3 new members into the Party, while visiting the houses where the Daily Worker has been deliv- ered. ¢Unlimited possibilities for work present themselves through this distribution plan. It is a real effective means of exposing and up- rooting such. right taidensies as passivity and underestimation of the degree of radicalization. The eagerness with which the workers receive our organ (some looking through the window, waiting for the comrade that delivers the paper) demonstrates their readiness to follow the leadership of the Communist Party. With the efforts of the bosses and ‘their government to suppress the rising militancy of the proletariat. growing ever more brutal and sharp, we may expect at «ny time to sec tne Daily Worker barred from the ma‘! or our Party driven under ground. This Daily Work- er distribution plan, creating a sense of Bol- shevik responsibility among the Party mem- bers, stimulating them to more intense activity, is laying the basis for a well functioning machinery that will be able to cope with such a state of illegality. It also bears out in very clear manner the correctness of Comrade Ien- in’s words, when he said that the Party organ | those is not only a collective agitator and propagand- ist, but also a collective organizer, It trains comrades engaged in this distribution, Building the Daily Worker Into) | into a network of real active revolutionary workers. Reaching the Factories. Our activities are not confined to the city of Detroit alone. Other cities in the district, like Pontiac and Grand Rapids are following the example. A bulletin called the Daily Worker Builder periodically reports on the pro- gress of the work, criticizes the shortcomings and gives suggestions for the improvement of methods of work. Besides the distribution thru the units, four newsbo; unemployed comrades, are selling the Daily Worker in front of the Hudson Mo- tor Car Co., Briggs Body, |Chevrolet, and Dodge Motor Car Co., despite several attempts on the part of the police to scare them away. This way around 300 Daily Workers penetrate | those factories, and comrades working there report that the Daily Worker is the topic of many a conyersation among the workers. Da: » by day, the sales are increasing. In the nea ! future, more newsboys will cover other fac| tories. Within a few days we will increase our order from 1,000 copies to 1,200. The Young Pioneers are bemg mobilized for sell- ing the Day Worker at street corners. . Our main shortcoming is the insufficient number of subs we are securing, but this distribution is laying the basis of a fertile field of sub- scribers, i District Seven has taken the building of the Daily Worker- seriously, with the result that the Party is growing with rapid strides. The tremendous success of the Lenin Memorial meeting was due to @ great extent to the fact that 25,000 Daily Workers had been distrib- uted thruout the city. The end of the recruit- ing drive does not mean the end of our Daily Worker campaign. We have come. to. realize that building the Daily Worker is an insep- arable part of our everyday Communist ae- tivities. | Growing Discs"; in Greek Army, ATHENS (By Inprecorr Mail Service).— There is growing discontent in the Greek Army, and “incidents” have grown more and more frequent of late much to the anxiety of the Greek bourgeoisie. In one case an officer delivered a furious anti-Communist speech to his men, but was continually interrupted by di pectful remarks from the ranks, whereby it was impossible for the sweating non-com- missioned officers to discover the culprits. As a punishment for their insolence the officer ordered punishment drill for the whole bat- talion. The result was that in the end the soldiers stopped drilling on their own initiative and refusel to go on. In another case the officers ordered the soldiers to sing a patri- otic song. At first no one. would sing at all, but in the end the soldiers sung a popular song the text of which had little relation to patriot~ ism. In Serres the officers announced that | leave was stopped, with the result that the whole battalion with the exception. of about 46' men took French leave and went home. On one occasion a high Greek officer inspected a battalion and the latter was ordered to cheer the great one, instead of which the men shouted, “We want to go home!” Belgium Textile Strike Spread: BRUSSELS (By Inprecorr Mail Service).— There are now over 7,000 textile workers on strike in the Renaix district, which is one of the three great centers of the textile industry in Belgiym, together with Ghent and Courtrai. The workers have elected a central strike com- mittee and are determined to continue the strike until theit wage demands have been granted, Psigs Workers! Join the Party of ; Your Class! Communist Party U.S. A, 45 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. NBMG 55.25 iy esos eces vsdie von eeeee eee Address je ders hie: bey A ama ity. ceceeeee Occupation’ s......0<is)vetqaasennieed Age....+5 Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St., New York, N. ¥.