The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 23, 1930, Page 4

i a Published by the Comprodaily Publishin A day, at 26-28 U Page Four Square. New York City, N. Y. Tele ay Cable: “DAIWO Address and mail all checks to the Daily Work ion Square. New York. N "Baily Ma Worker By Mail (in New York City cy a $8.00 a year; By Mail (outside of New York City SURSCRIPTION RATES: ): $6.00 a year; $4.50 six months; $3.50 six months; 2.50 three months 2.00 three months Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. * Adopted by the Political Bureau of the Central] for bringing in new members into the Party. ‘ommittee of the Communist Party of U. S. A. 6. A very serious shortcoming of the drive in Special Session Jan. 17, 1980. was that the Party allowed the whole month LD: PLY of November to pass by without serious pre+ - : parations for the drive. In this question in- (An estimation of the first half of the Drive.) | f° tions were ‘piven out by the Central Com- ages is developing. in“. mittee but our District Committees did not molitita Laver busiani The carry them out, w hich lead to a serious weak- LCR SLU RUED, Ae | peninipeOnetieccn ye and its consequences for the ists 9 a & mass unemploymert, wage 7 _The important feature of the drive, ral worsening of the conditions of building of shop nuclei and publishing of shop eealode se of the work atand: papers, has so far been neglected by every “ deepening and widening of the district, except Detroit, Philadelphia and Cleve- i of the masses—creates all poli- | land. Here we see one of the most serious i sites for the rapid growth of the shortcomings of our Party’s organizational : nce of the Party and strength. | activity; too nfuch ‘centered around halls and sizationally. The inner Party | Reighborhood meetings, not im the factories, ion of the factional fight | And another feature is that when we organize nding and the unification of | Shop nuclei, these generally are built up in . basis of the revolutionary | light industries, not in the important heavy International—is an: | industries. Here the Central Committee of the yr enabling the Party to | Party must take very energetic measures to into a mass political Party, | @ffect @ decisive change, otherwise our Party ai the worencines, will remain in a state of “permanent reorgan- : eee ization”—a situation we have had in our Party The recruiting campaign so far (from De- | since 1925. Now we'carry on only a minimum cember 10 to January 15) shows in general | of work in the shops and every Party organ- results, in some instances a real | ization complains about lack of connections in The Party has successfully | the factories. followed working from the (¢ first appeal to the American sses after receipt of the Address intern and after liquidation of in the Party. The Membership a test for the Par and with the listriets (except Pittsburgh) leading oaign, the Party has shown up to late that it is standing its te: Not only that close to 2,000 new members have been brought into the Party, but the social composition of these new members is overwhelmingly prole- tarian, largely factory workers. The Recruit- ing Drive means already a new fresh wind in the inner political life of the Party, and if the | last weeks of the drive will be still intensi- fied, is no doubt that this drive for strengthening the Party completely will be successful. In spite of all this, there have *been many shortcomings, both in leadership and in prac- tical work. 1, The drive has not been carried on as a general political task of the whole Party, it has been looked upon too much as a technical task of the Organization Departments of the Party. There i there insufficient political life in | our Party units—and we lack most of all, espe- | cially in our few shop nuclei, political initiative. | Consequently, our units have met great diffi- | culties in their attempts to combine the general political slogans of the drive with important ldcal issues, to connect the drive with other drives of the Party at present and with a gen- eral Strengthening of our mass work. The Recruiting Drive should have been connected with the struggle against the results of the i unemployment, wage cuts, worsening of ing conditions and with the struggles of the Party against social reformism, against the opportunist renegades and, most important of all, against the war danger. Only in Detroit district has the Party‘been able successfully to connect the membership drive with the unemployed campaign. The Par- ty failed to combine the membership drive with the very important and by our Party neglected anti- campaign, especially in connecting the drive with more anti-militarist activity among the soldiers and sailors. On the ques- tion of taking part and leading the struggles of the Negfo workers, the drive showed a real 8. One feature of the drive is especially weak: the drive for new s ribers to the Daily Worker. For the Daily Worker only Detroit shows active results: 1,000 D@ly Work- ers distributed daily. The reason for the fai- lure to get subs is partly to be found in the fact that the Party has not yet succeeded in making the Daily Worker into a real Commu. nist mags paper, but this is not the main rea- son. The main reason is the disinterestedness of our whole Party apparatus and of leading comrades towards the Daily Worker. This at- titude has to be changed, and a well organized apparatus for distribution of the Daily Worker must be built up by every Party organization. 9. Our, Party does not pay enough atten- tion to literature distribution, and the drive for distribution of the recruiting pamphlet has proved how weak we are on this field. The Party has only a beginning of an apparatus for this activity, and gives almost no leader- A very serious shortcoming is the in- ity of the fractions of the Party in the drive. Our Party has very few functioning fractions in non-Party mass organizations and one of the aims of the drive was to establish such fractions. The Party has failed to do this. Recruiting of new members into the Party is one of the means through which we ‘can build up fractions and make them function, | as well as in trade unions (A. F. of L. and Trade Union Unity League, in Workers Inter- | national Relief, International Labor Defense, step forward when, out of nearly 2,000 new | members so far recruited, 400 comrades are Negroes, i. e., 20% of the recruited new mem- bers. This is progress for our Party, in spite of the fact that these results were achieved with only three or four of our districts really active in recruiting Negro workers. Also, the main organ of our Party, the Daily Worker, has not by any means sufficiently | succeeded in combining the drive with other pol al campaigns of the Party and with the ly struggles of the workers, in spite of spe- 1 criticisms from thegOrganization Depart- Revolutionary self-criticism: so far we y our membership into active Self-criticism is the basis for revolutionary competition. We have not been able to carry out and lead the revolutionary competition to such an extent as planned in the outline for the drive by the Central Committee. Instead of that, we have had an empty bragging by “raising quota” but not a single district living up to them. This proyes that we still have tendencies of “oppor- tunism in practice;” that we have not yet suc- ceeded completely in breaking with the old methods in our Party of accepting decisions and not carrying them out, which has led to a careless attitude in general towards Party de- cisions. This again leads to a passive mem- bership—with most of the members inactive and only a few members carrying out regular Party work, mostly functionaries, the old social democratic dualism in our organization. This is one of the reasons for the weaknesses in our drive, and every District Committee, Se have failed to dra self-criticism during the drive. language organizations, etc.). The Hungarian fractions are the only ones working systema- tically, and they have so far brought more than 100 new members into the Party for the drive. The quotas for the recruiting drive have so far been filled up to 28% of the new members, 25% of the new shop nuclei, 40% of the new shop papers, and 4% of the new subscribers for the Daily Worker. More than-half of the time of the drive has expired. The Polburo insists upon an energetic improvement of the drive, every leading committee is responsible for bringing in swift results and every Party member is responsible to his unit for a mani- fold strengthened activity during the remain- ing weeks of the drive. The activity of every member should be checked up through demand for reporting at unit meetings. In some cases there have been reported to the Central Committee new applicants for membership in the Party, instead of accepted new members. Such methods cannot be tole- rated in a Communist Party and the Central Committee insructs every Party unit and every Party committee to control the sending in of | information, so that only bona fide, accepted | new members in the Party will be reported. | The new members should be accepted by the nuclei and all bureaucratic red tape in bring- ing in new members must be abolished. Philadelphia and Detroit are at present the | leading districts in revolutionary competition, tion Committee and unit must take decisive™| steps to liquidate it. This cannot be overcome through routine —letter activity—leadership by circular years hampered our Party in its development, and must be supplanted by direct, political leadership through personal contact, through personal instructions, beginning with the Sec- tion Committee and up to the Central Com- mittee. 4. Our Party has so far failed efficiently to control the carrying out of decisions, which resulted in a great part of important decisions remaining only on paper. There has been a very weak system of reporting. The recruiting drive has partly broken this tradition in our Party, but far from completely. Still, even district committees do not send in regular re- ports on the drive, and most of the section committees in the Party fail in this matter. A regular system of reporting must be estab- lished in our Party from every individual mem- ber up to the Central Committee. 5. Our recruiting methods in the Party have been casual, unsystematic; every member has been left.to do what he finds necessary. Even the individual recruiting should be collectively planned by the nuclei; meetings of sympathia ers should be organized, mass meetings and demonstrations utilized (partly doge in-one or two places), and all Lenin memorial meetings must be systematically and energetically used This old bureaucratic method has for | ‘important issue of the drive. but almost every district is lagging behind in quota. District No. 1 shows itself weakest in bringing in Negro members. So far, the whole district was able to bring in only one Negro comrade. Other districts that have recruited an absolutely insufficient number of new Negro members are Minnesota, Kansas City, Dakotas, Seattle, California, Connecticut and the South, New York and Chicago, our two largest dis- tricts, have up to January 15 organized one new shop nucleus each—a too brilliant illustra- tion of the weakness of our shop connections. Pittsburgh—one of our most industrial dis- tricts—has not been able, up to January 15, to organize a single shop nucleus, and the same holds true about Minnesota, Kansas City, Da- kotas, Seattle, California, Connecticut and the South. That is* out of our fifteen districts, eight cannot show any results on this very One of our dis- tricts has so far shown no results at all, the former agrarian district. The Pittsburgh dis- trict must be severely criticized because, lo- cated in one of the most inlustrial parts of the world, our district committee has not been able to recruit more than four new members during six weeks and failed to organize a sin- gle shop nucleus. The Polburo demands that the District Committee of the Pittsburgh dis- trict immediately take Steps to intensify the activity for the drive and insists upon the district living up to its quota. The Political Bureau makes the following recommendations: a) The recruiting of new members must be more systematized, through mass work, and the tempo of bringing in new members must be accelerated through a thorough mobilization of the whole membership for the drive. Spe- cial attention must be given to recruiting working women. b) The building of shop nuclei must be given much more attention. All active forces should” be concentrate! on the most important fac- tories for the building up of new shop nuclei. The quota assigned by the Central Committee must be filled. The same holds true regard- ing new shop papers. ! c) The drive for the Daily Worker must be intensified and every unit of the Party must already now take steps to guarantee that the new members will be kept in the Party. To that end, unit meetings must be politicalized, meetings with new members discussing the JUST TO FINISH THE JOB! By SI GERSON. The Conference. NOTE: In Part One of this article by Comrade Gerson, he described the reaction- ary role of the so-called A. F. L. organization drive in the South. The reactionary “Char- lotte News” on January 2, editorially, called on Green to make it clear from the outset that his drive would not “disturb present tasks of the Party, the duties of members, etc., organized, and every Section Committee is responsible for organizing classes for new members. This has to be followed up by or- ganizing study groups in the units around the Communist International Program, studying the decisions of the Central Committee of Party conventions, etc. f d) Leadership must be given by leading comrades to all shop nuclei, new and old. They must be strengthened through more extengive activity in the shops, and every District Com- mittee is made responsible for keeping the shop nuclei active. Responsible members of the District Committees should be sent to im- portant towns outside of the district centers to improve and lead the drive, The new shop papers must be carefully followed up and as- sistance given editorially and in other ways. f) Leadership through personal contact in- stead of leadership by letter must be estab- lished. Section Committee members must, as far as possible, personally carry the decisions of the Section Committees to the units, and the District Committees should have instruc- tors out in the field—the Central Committee will make its Organization instructions a per- manent institution.. The District Organizers should have their main activity not in the office but out in the field. g) Steps must be taken in every district to develop new cadres of active leading Party comrades, not so much through schools and classes as through intensification of the poli- tical activity of the Party. That does not mean that educational activity should be ‘neglected— far from it. Our Party’s educational activity must be improved through study groups in the nuclei, lectures, classes, district schools, etc. But the most important thing in developing our calres is—intensified activity on every field. h) The re-registration of our membership must be utilized for a testing of the Party, not through copying the methods of cleansing’ in we must see to it that all incurable, inactive members will be left out, that open opportun- ists be expelled and likewise such members who have the possibility of correcting a wrong ap- proach of members or a wrong line, this should be done before disciplinary steps are recom- mended, i) The Daily Worker must be improved. It must become a mass paper using not exclusive Party language, not exaggerating facts, but. establish closer contacts with the shops and especially make all possible efforts to secure hundreds of regular worker-correspondents. The Daily Worker should be distributed more in the shops and at the shop gates, ani our net of literature agents must penetrate the most important shops in the country so that the Party will be able to use them as assitance. for mobilization of the workers to mass action in case of emergency. , Forward in building a. stronger Party for the coming sharper 8}. ie * refuc> to accept Party discipline. Where we | ! | | | the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. But , By Fred Ellis The A. F. of L. Comes South | | wage standards in the South.’ The article continues: HE demands of the bosses were all met. Green promised his strike-breaking best in a classic speech of an hour and a half at the _ Charlotte Conference where he expounded the “philosophy” of the A. F. of L., the policy of sell-out and betrayal, of speed-up and stretch-out, Almost the last words from Green’s mouth—“I’d rather live and die by the doctrine expounded by Gompers than. by the doctrines of Lenin” were keynote words. Many a worker will agree that Green is living pretty well ($25,000 a year plus) on the teach- ings of Gompers! Bitter war on the Communists and militant workers; peace with the bosses; this was the substance of Green's speech, which will remain a classic for all betrayers and fakers of the future. (Even Woll, who watches Green’s every move carefully, was moved to admit that he had never heard such an eloquent exposition of the sell-out doctrines of the A. F. of L, as was expounded that day by Green). Just a few words from Green’s speech is suffi- cient: Our program is one that will help the com- munity buginess, professional classes, every institution. . . I think that if there is any class war it is between the A. F. of L. and the Communists. Between the A. F. of L. and Communisni there is neither cooperation, harmony nor sympathy. There iseno com- mon ground between us. There must be a relentless, never-ceasing conflict between the A. F. of L. and Communism. Either By FE. GARDOS. LENINtsht has a specially important message this year for the workers of the Phila- delphia District, badly hit by the present econ- omic crisis with its large scale unemployment, wage-cuts and speed-up, affecting over one million workers of this highly industrialized district. Half of the hundred thousand textile workers of the Philadelphia area are out of work, the rest working part time on reduced wages. Tens of thousands of unemployed come daily before the large metal-plants, foundries, ship-yards, before the Ford plant in Chester, and the steel mills of Bethlehem and Sparrows Point; slashes in wages, piece work, the belt and other speed-up devices, which are bound to drive out of the workers’ mind any ideas of “exceptional” prosperity under American capitalism; leading to a general radicalization to an increased dis- content to partial strikes bound to be broad- ened and politicalized to a greater response to our revolutionary agitation. The philistines may drop tears, that they still do not see the work- ers in mass struggles, that the masses are still too quiet, too little responsive. Yes, quiet, but quiet, before the storm. The capitalists are preparing for the coming struggles on every front. Take the growth of fascisized state-capitalism, the appointment of the chief-lobbyist, war product manufac- turer, Joe Grundy, of the “backward states” fame to the Senate, the fusion of the rival Mellon-Fisher and Vare machines of. the Re- publican Party, the fake liberal Pinchot-Mc- Cormick fusion ticket sponsored by the demo- crats, the support given to social\ reformism by the bosses to the strikebreaking U.M.W.A. machine in the anthracite, to the Musteites of the U.T.W. in Philadelphia and Nazareth, the big write-ups about the “socialist” party state convention, which nominated the “left” Jim Maurer for governor, and you will readily see the united front of the capitalist trinity; boss- es, government and social-reformism to defeat the workers through the terror of the state- cossacks, the brutal sentences and frame-ups of the courts, through their effort to spread the suicidal reformistic illusions among the radicalized masses in the second industrial state of the Union. The analysis of the October plenum of the Communist Party regarding the coming crisis and the sharpening struggles is fully: borne out in the Philadelphia District. By BILL. LAWRENCE. K “Tf we have a’ strongly. organized Party, © an isolated strike may be converted into political demonstration, into a political vic- tory over the government. If we have a strongly organized Party, a rebellion in a single locality may flare up into a victor- ious revolution. We must bear in mind that all separate demands, that winning small concessions from the government, are mere- ly slight skirmishes with the.enemy, affairs of outpost and that the decisive battle still lies ahead of us.” (Lenin in—The Immediate Tasks of Our Movement.) The above words are especially true of thé present post war period, While we note on the one hand the tremendous capitalist ra- tionflization, speed-up, the attempts of the bosses to lengthen: the’ work. .day, the eon- stant wage-cuts, and the open collaboration of the “socialist party” with the capitalist state, we see on the other hand the rising develop- ment of the revolutionary workers’ movement, through the increasing number of strikes, thru the transformation of these struggles on the economic fields, into an open fight with the state, and by tremendous increase of influ- ence of the Communist Party. It is at this time, after a hard but success- ful cleaning out of the petty-bourgeois trash of our Party, by the complete elimination of group prejudices, with the correct line of the Communist International and the readiness on the part of the American Working class to be organized and fight against the reformist leaders, that our Party is able to utilize the discontent of the American workers and of ganize them for the battles with the American bourgeoisie. While in the past the mistakes of the Party were pointed out with the objective to dis- credit one or another group, today we must subject our work to a sharp and constructive A. F. of L. unions will operate “legally,” ham- string and crush the workers under machinery of “compulsory cooperation” and bind the Southern workers to thé wheel of American imperialism. This is the full meaning of the message of e A, F. of L. will speak for the Amorthe workers or the Communists can speak for them. The battle is drawn on that line. There will be no compromise. We'll stand won the forefront of the battle against this destructive force. “\.. What's our purpose? ... To establish t mic tae relationship betweer those who work and those who manage so that the pos- sibility of independent conflict will be re- duced to a minimum. .. + We believe we can make a distinct contribution to efficiency. . . We come not with the mailed fist but with the open hand to the employers of the South. Try us out. See if we cannot help the industrial’ situa- tion in the South. I wish the owners ard * managers of the South would give us a chance.” These words are plain enough for any ‘work- er, Not a word about Gastonia or the seven Gastonia defendants. Not a word about the frame-up of C. D. Saylors. Not a word abou! the doubly-oppressed Negro workers, (Th | one Negro delegate was studiously avoided and cold-shouldered). To every Communist and classconscious worker the meaning of the Charlotte A. F. of L. Conference must be very plain. It is more symbolic that the conference met in the ball-room of the best hotel in Charlotte and rubbed elbows with the rich employers there. This conference marked a great step forward in the development of fascism in the United States. What Green pledged is what the boss- es want (next to no unions at: all)—fascist unions. These yellow unions are to be counter- posed to the militant unions under Communist and left-wing leadership. The unions affiliated to the T.U.U.L. are to be outlawed under dras- ‘tic criminal syndicalism laws and the yellow P Green. The A. F. of L. is launching a mon- strous “anti-working class fascist scheme, un- doubtedly spawned in Washington, with the aid of the Morgans, Hoovers and Mellons. This DISTRICT 3 CLASS BATTLES The revolutionary movement, -under the‘lead ership of the Communist Party and the T. "U. U. L. is carrying on an énergetic gwork to prepare-for and to become leader of; the mass struggles ahead of us. . The: struggles con- ducted by our militant unions, the’ National , Miners Union in the Anthracite prévious to the expiration of the agreement in-September, the Needle Trades Workers I) U..in Phila- delphia and Baltimore,’ the* Food. Workers Union, the growth ‘of the «Marine Workers,” Metal Workers and other industrial: leagues, the systematic agitation and organization in the large factories, with special attention to ship building, steel, rayon, oil and other war industries, which ‘will result in'a large delega- tion of shop-committees: at: the January 25-26 District T.U.U.L. Convention; are all :proofs of that. Some cities, like Chester, Philadelphia, Tren- ton, are developing unemployment campaigns, reaching the workers before. the factories. And the workers are. responding, better than oni would think, to us, grabbing and reading eager- ly the literature, especially the Daily Worker, | in spite of the poison-propaganda of the social reformists and the renegades of the revolu- tionary movement. The Negro workers, hundreds of. thousands strong in the District, are especially recogniz- | ing thogleatership of the Communists. The systematic distribution of.literature, the hold- ing of neighborhood meetings, resulted already in a substantial increase:-of ‘the. Communist Paity, the A.N.L.C. and the T.U.U.L. among the most exploited. section of the proletariat. Our work is in its very infancy, we are just about to begin seriously, but the results are more than encouraging for the ftture, pro- vided the teachings of Leninism still be under- stood and applied. The Lenin week in the Philadelphia District must be a mobilidation of all Communist forces for the further carrying.on of the work inthe factories, mills, mines and the waterfront for the careful analysis‘of our work and: the cor- rection of our shortcomings through Bolshevik . self-criticism for the complete elimination of petty-bourgeois hesitation of the right danger as a whole from the ranks. ch ne Join the fighting ‘army of your class the Communist Party of U.S. A. Make the Lenin Memorial Meeting on Friday, Jan: 24 at Broad- way Arena, a mighty demofistration ‘against. imperialism and for the rule of the: workers!, Decisive Battles Are Coming! : 2 criticism, ‘so that we may be able to draw the necessary lessons, in the ~eoming intensified class struggles, for our district and. for, the Party as a whole. i The Philadelphia district is an important {n- dustrial center. The’ basic industries “suchas steel, textile, coal, oil, chemicals, et¢,, are -un- dergoing severe crisis. The tens of thousands of workers employed: in these ‘industries have. behind them splendid records of class strug- gles. These workers today are not only ready to fight the employers but the-reformist mis- leaders as well, ‘which: is examplified <by the numerous’ ‘strikes that Lave occurred in our district. ae * Although the Philadelphia district is {ollow- ing a correct political line, in its onientation towards the problems facing the workers, we must také note of the fact. that we.did not resporid organizationally. quick enot tair: strikes in our: district. The ment of these mistakes is not sufficient un- less proper steps are taken to correct them in the future. 5 The present Recruiting “Drive which will bring new blood into the Party must be con- centrated to a large degree on the basic in- dustries in our district. While we must in the present recruiting drive draw our new -mem- bers as a result of. concentration -upon-fac- tories, and the class struggles‘ that our Party will lead, we’ must not overlook the impor- tance of getting new members from the for- eign born workers. *‘It'is important to.remem- ber that the vast’ majority of workers em- ployed in the anthracite coal fields, in the Bethlehem Steel Mills, etc., are foreign born. Our fractions, though a little improved un- der the .pressure of the Party, are still “hot functioning and performing. their, ‘duties al-. together satisfactory. Our trade union frac- tions must: once and for all- understand that in the present Recruiting Drive they niust® do their utmost and they must bring if a num- ber of .workers from the /organizations they work in into.the-Party. The fraction ions, must become: politicalized.... Our fractions must not only teach their members, if thé’ .a lutionary ‘trade--unioniam,: but .also- workers understand that the etonp: gle tannot be separated ‘from the politi Our fractions must see. that thei ive’ or- ganizations -invite from time e Party ia the integral part of the drive for the “legal” fascization of the U. S. in preparation for a new and more terrible imperialist war. This faseist drive, which combines both methods of fascist terrorism with fascist union- ism, is plainly stamped with the seal of ap- proval by the Southern capitalist class. The ° “Charlotte Observer,” a mill owners organ, brings this out plainly in a long editorial two days ago after Green's speech when it applauds editorially (Jan. 8th): “|, . the argument that the Federation is in the field to combat the activites of the Communists was advanced as the main thing.” And also: “The proposed system of compulsory co-. operation.” But... “He is likely to find developed opposition to his plan for organ- ization first and cooperation afterwards. .’. In cases where obstinate mill owners are encountered, it is plain that the strike would be the result. ‘ ee “Meantime if the Federation can succeed in clearing the field of the infestation of Communist agitators, that much’ will have been gained...” (Emphasis ours—S.G.). The above quotation only brings out in the words of the bosses what we have contended above—that the main purpose of the A. F. of L. is to fight the Communists and the mili- tant workers, that a fascist union drive is under way and that “obstinate employers” who still refuse to see the ‘useftilness of the A, F. of L. in keeping, the, workers in oppression and misery will be brought into line. The coming of the ‘A, F. of L, into the South imposes great tasks on the Communists and fakes Wot speakers to speak on the problems ‘before the working class.‘ Our fractions must bring the campaigns of the Party into their uyiiins.” The tendency, “I am a union’ organizer, *and it is therefore not proper for me to. call the ‘work- ers to the Party meeting, the Récruit- ing Drive,”. isca” dangerous: tenden¢y. and. the worst kind’ of opportunismy, 3) a There is a tendency in: our tapks’ to, under- estimate the importance and role of the Trade’ Union Unity League. ©: This; ‘too} isia swrong tendency and the - Party’ must -eatry.on an ideological campaign in the’ lowerzcranks® of the Party for the purpose of ‘building the T. Our basic units, though latély- considerably improved in our distfict, Both organizationally and politically, need still ‘more improvement. Our units must become’ the’ politi aders of the workers’ struggles ‘in the terr operate in. Our units must feat to: isthig: wi certain specific problems territory of thé unit ‘an! atilize these p for the building of ‘the Patty. * Qe "The Lenin Memorial Meeting in Philadelphia must be a’ mobilization of ‘the Patty forces, and a beginning of mass campaigns for the building of the Patty.’ ‘Our Party has: proven that under ‘the’ leadership of the Comintern it has successfully fought and ent ated from its ranks the renegades: danger is by no means comp! ‘with the eared of thé Love: Our units must become: lively ‘and political factors of the Party and by the time of the. Lania Memorial Meet must, not only have 7 cent of the quotd but go much more al exceed the number of by the districts