The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 21, 1930, Page 4

*, S Published by the Comprodaily Page Four Square, New York City, N. Address and mai] al) checks to the Daily Wor ublishing Co. Telephone except Sunday, at 8 Y Cable: 26-28 U of - *DAIWO. Union Square, New York, N. ¥ PARTY RECR Detroit Leading; Philadelphia 10! UITING DRIVE Second and New York Third of Quota Filled—3 Weeks Left. THE FAT CHAMPION five weeks pas Recruiting | Drive, we see the following results up to Jan. 17 New Now | s New D. W.S Shop Nu Shop Papers Negroes | n | 3 | Be - s a ales of the Daily Work to 1,000 each ¢ | Drive of the Party has ¢@——— ——-—- —-| res so far, as a whole, | utmost for the Drive and after these meetings tcomings and the fact | still more intensified Drive work must be car- | s have failed to show any | ried on. The quotas must be filled and most | y worth mentioning. Detr as already | of the districts can fill them during the 24 | ota and is now the | days of intensive recruiting up to Feb. 10th. cs has been beaten The remaining weeks will test every dis- ne a good second (64°). | trict, Up till now there has been too much ird place we ew York (58%) and | of recruiting onlg, from the sympathizers the South in fourth (50%). All other dis- | ground the fringes of the Party. In the re- s are below the 50 per cent level. maining weeks, we must concentrate all activ- There are five districts who have not re- | ity on the factory—to reach the new prole- ported this week: Cl 1, Dakotas, Seat- | tarians who are now engaged in struggles— tle, California and the South. Others have | who have not yet been in touch with our only given partial reports such as Chicago | Party. These days are the testing days for and Connecticut. This failure to give regu- | every District. lar and complete reports is a shortcoming | There will be no extension of the Drive. | which must be corrected. New York district | Hard work, energetic and organized recruit- has this week brought in 201 new members; | ing—that’s the prospects now. Forward to Detroit 113 and Pittsburgh at last succeeded in getting a few more than the permanent 4 in their column of the chart. Out of the approximate 2,000 new mem- bers, almost 400 are Negro workers (20%) which is an achievement for the Party, show- ing that real successful results can be achieved on this field. The figure of 20 per cent Ne- groes among the new members must still be improved. Detroit's challenge to all other dis- tricts shows it. Detroit is still leading with 101 new Negro members, then comes Chicago | with 88, with Philly and New York following each with 68. Chicago is slowly catching up on Detroit and accepting their challenge ser- iously. Only 20 new subscribers for the Daily Work- er have been solicited this last week. This is the weakest spot of the Drive and the activity of spreading literature and selling the Daily Worker must be improved. New York, Buf- falo, Kansas, Dakota, Connecticut and the South show not a single new subscriber. This should be corrected at once. Detroit shows the way, in reporting that they now sell ev day 1,000 Daily Workers. How about that in- direct challenge—Chicago, Cleveland, New York and other cities. The tempo of the Drive has improved in New York, Boston, Buffalo, Pittsburgh and Minne- sota. Philly fell back in tempo and at once lost first place to Detroit. In building shop nuclei Minnesota and Bos- ton are leading this week with 4 new shop nuclei each. New York brings in 3 and Pitts- burgh 1. Chicago still has one new shop nu- clei in splendid isolation. This very important work of centering the activity more and more in the shops—of concentrating most of the Party’s active forces in important large fac- tories, has been neglected and only now a be- ginning in this can be seen in the Drive. The overwhelming majority of the new members are proletarians—factory workers. : Philadelphia has gone over its quota in publishing 3 new shop papers already up to this time and Buffalo has completed its quota of shop papers. Chicago and Detroit have taken up a spe- cial campaign without challenging each other. Detroit bringing in 28 Mexican workers this week and Chicago 23. Chicago recruited them at a mass meeting against Mexican govern- ment oppression, in Gary. There is insufficient revolutionary competi- tion in the various districts as far as the sec- tions and nuclei are concerned. There is still time to instill this Revolutionary Competition deep into the nuclei and membership of the Party. New York in its challenge to Chicago for more new members proportionately has so far been victorious but Chicago still maintains its lead over New York in the number of Ne- gro workers recruited. Philadelphia challenged Detroit for more members and more shop nu- clei but Detroit has beaten Philadelphia so far and at the same time also won a victory over Cleveland. Boston challenging California has won an easy victory in new members, Daily Worker subs, shop nuclei and is even on new shop papers but looses in recruiting Negro workers. Both districts, however, are scan- dalously low on new Negro members, 2 and 3 new Negro recruits in two of our important districts. Minnesota has challenged Boston and looses on new Negro members (Minne- sota having recruited not a single Negro to the Party), looses on subs and shop nuclei, is even on shop papers but wins a good victory in new members. Boston has a dangerous competitor in Minnesota, more formidable than California. The Lenin memorial meetings have been held in a few places, in others they are going to be held soon, These must be utilized to the Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. Name .......sccccsccccscsvessccscoossuvoes TAGAress ......cscccccccwmeccs Ult¥scosceres Occupation .....seeceeeseceeesees ABCrsevee Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St., New York, N. Y. x 100 per cent of quota filled in every district. Organization Department, Central Committee, C. P. Lessons of Three Weeks of Recruiting By JOE GAAL. EARLY 50 per cent of the time of the re- cruiting campaign is over. Reports show that the campaign is not progressing as it should. If we want to accomplish our aim, the drive must gain more speed, more vitality. The campaign really has not gotten underway yet. I believe it is time here that we examine what the causes of this slowness In spite of good preparation as in the Cleveland dis- trict the drive is not progressing as it should. The Party has the correct line, correct pol- icies, campaigns of vital importance like un- employed, ‘Anti minal Syndicalist Campaign, miners strike, etc., all these campaigns af- ford an excellent opportunity to build the Par- ty. Since our weakness is not in the political line of the Party, it must be in our organiza- tional weaknesses and give our utmost atten- tion to correct them. The correction of these weaknesses will also be a guarantee for keeping the new members. Overcome Weaknesses. We must admit that our organization has many weaknesses, but these weaknesses are of much a character that they can be overcome with very little or no trouble at all. The smallest detail should not be overlooked if we want to make our units real Bolshevik organ- izations. We have to deal with these details to drive home their importance to our Party members. When a workers joins the Party he expects to find a well functioning Bolshevik organiza- tion. In many units, especially in the street | nucleus, the meetings start late and end late. The unit executives in most cases do not func- tion and as a result meetings are dragged out, uninteresting, taken up with unnecessary dis- cussions. Comrades try to bring up all kinds of excuses to get out of responsible Party work. As a result the work is usually left for a few comrades who are already overbur- dened with work. This situation would only discourage new members and they would drop out soon. The unit meetings must be taken more seri- ously especially by leading comrades. Leading comrades are not exempt from attending unit meetings. It is up to them to raise the political level of the members, by participating in the discussion of the unit meetings. The unit meetings must be made real political meetings, interesti..g and constructive. When a new member comes to the nucleus meeting he should not be forgotten by the old members and left sitting in one corner of the room. A new member should be received in a comradely Bolshevik spirit. New members should not be overwhelmed with too much work, the first time they come to the meeting. The new member should be drawn into activity gradually as he learns more about the Party and its campaigns. Start Classes For New Members. Classes for new members should be pro- vided. The new member, however, should not be kept away from unit meetings during the four or more weeks when they have to at- tend classes. In order not to overburden the new members with too many evenings for the Party it is advisable to alternate the classes and meeting nights. One week the new mem- ber attends class and the other week unit meetings. The classes should be strictly en- forced on all new members. Discipline is a very important question. It is the strict discipline that makes the Bolshevik organization effective and capable to lead the battles of the working class to victory. Cor- rect policy and Bolshevik discipline are one unit. One is not complete without the other. A Bolshevik organization must function with self imposed discipline accepted by every mem- ber when joining the Party. We must have this discipline in our organization if we want to keep the new members and make them feel that they are members of a revolutionary working class party. Revolutionary enthusi- asm and full devotion to the Party is requested from every members in the present initiation and in order to accomplish our aim. There are a few weeks left for the recruiting campaign. Our goal must be reached. It can be reached if every Party member will get on the job. Objective conditions are favorable to build a mass Bolshevik Party in the United States. Forward to fill our quota! Every Bolshevik on the job! Herbert Hoover was touted as capitalism's “Great Man” crisis, unemployment and misery from the capitalist system. Baily SAs Worke? Central Organ of the Communist Party ef the U. St $4.50 six months; $3.50 six months; RSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York City only): $8.00 a year; ” By Mail (outside of New York City): $6.00 a year: $2.50 three months $2.00 three months who could abolish economic But a severe economic crisis now grips the United States, with millions unemployed and more than 200,000 more per month being Capitalism can not abolish economic crises. d from their jobs, while the crisis is spreading to all other capitalist countries. Industrial collapse, unemployment and misery of the working class, together with imperialist war for foreign markets are the only solutions that the capitalist system can find. However, the “Fat Champion” of Wall Street can not prevent crises, but the capitalist government can and does use the most powerful and brutal violence against the working class. to make the workers pay for the economic crisis of the capitalist system. nist Party. The workers must fight against the effort of the bosses Join the Commu- Discipline in Leninism «++. By MAX BEDACHT. ISCIPLINE is an essential of Leninism. It is one of the most assailed essentials. No petty shop-keepers mind will ever comprehend this essential. Discipline is not a mere technical qualifica- tion of a revolutionist; but it is rather an in- dispensable political quantity in the revolution- ary movement. Lenin approached the problem of the prole- tarian revolution in a concrete manner. For Lenin the period preceding the decisive strug- gle for power was an integral part of this period of decisive struggle. While the tactics, the slogans and the methods of struggle may differ, yet the necessity for revolutionary pol- ities and pilicies is not any less urgent in the pre-revolutionary period than it is in the period of the final conflict, For Lenin the division of the activities of a alist Party into periods of exclusive agitation, or propaganda, or organ- ization, or political action, etc. was always a manifestation of opoprtunism, For him ail of these activities were different manifestations of life which the revolutionary part had to produce simultoneously at all times. At the Sttittgart Congress of the Second International in 1907 Lenin clearly formulated this concep- tion in hi sstruggle against the attitude of the social reformists and the centrists. The Con- gress discussed the attitude of the Internation- al Socialists toward war. The clouds of an imperialist conflict were ther already gather- ing upon the capitalist horizon. What was the International to do in cose of a war? It was finally agreed that the International was to do something. But about what this something was to be no agreement could be reached. Some mainiained sible to decide this since one cannot know what the circumstances would either demand of per- mit. Others maintained that a decision on the question would only warn the imperialist en- emies; and the later’s counter action would make the action impossible. The Germans de- clared: “We need no decision; when the hour comes we will be there; and we will. do just the things that the occasion wiil require.” At present we are only in the propaganda stages.” In the light of what happened later it is clear that this whole approach was merely a method of evasion. But Lenin saw it even then. He protested against the artificial division be- tween propaganda and action. He declared that the decision of the Congress could not result, in revolutionary action in the event of war. Such action necessitate’ careful prepara- tion of the working class and especially of the advanced guard of working class of the Party. Whatever the socialist parties expected to do in case of war they had to begin to do it right then and there. Otherwise revolutionary ac- tion against war svas impossible. Agitation is a method to recruit masses for action. But whatever masses were ready for action had to be kept in action at all times. According to this Leninist conception the revolution cannot be sub-divided into a mere propaganda and a mere action stage. The revolutionary party must always be in action or it ceases to be revolutionary. The methods of the action and its character may change; the immediate aims of the action may change; but the necessity for action never changes. Out of this fundamental Leninist approach Bolshevism was born, The Bolshevist concep- gaged in reolutionary action, leading the work- ers in action, organizing and mobilizing the workers for action, and adapting the organiza- tional forms of the Party to the needs of these tasks. This conception makes of a Bolshevik party an army in action. This army is com- pelled constantly to maneuver, to shift its | forces, to maintain its fighting ability and mobility, even under adverse circumstances and to utilize all of its energies in the most effect- ive way. This presupposes that the Bolshevik party must centralize the powers of leadership and must maintain an iron discipline. Oniy the application of all of the energies of the Party n one direction makes success possible. Any opposition or counter-action within the Party to the actions of the Party becomes treachery. The Party member, who, after the nature and the form of the contemplated ac- tion is once decided upon, continues his oppo- sition to suci. action by agitation or by counter- action, becomes an agent of the enemy in the ranks of the Party. He may himself be un- conscious of the role he plays but that does not change the matter. To be sure there must be a method of di.\vus- sion and deliberation preceding final decisions, As long as this stage of discussion and delib- eration lasts divergent opinions may agitate. educate, throw new light on the subject, make proselytes; but when the Party once settles the question and turns to action then the con- troversy must be ended and the unhindered mobilization of the forces of the Party must megin, Those who are desirous to continue the debating stage forever are simply oppon- ents of action who want to turn the revolu- tionary party of action into an impotent dehat- ing society. With these people, phrases evi- dently take the place of action. The importance of discipline for the Commu- nist Party has always been recognized by its enemies without; and the enemies within have always made discipline their first point of ‘at- tack. style they cry for the “right of their opinion.” In Marquis Posa style they ask for “freedom of thought.” Lovestone and Gitlow and Wolfe are lately exhibiting themseles in this pose. They knodw, of course, that the Communist Party is built upon the acceptance of discipline, that. itis built upon tae subordination of in- diidual conceptions to the sollective conception expressed in the decisions of the Party and in the decisions of the nIternational. They know that their cry for “freedom of criticism” can- not moe the revolutionist. It can only appeal to the petty shop-keepers mind which puts the “right” to its petty prejudices above the right and duty of the reolutionary vanguard of the working class to organize and to fight against capitalism in the most «ffectie manner, as a united and disciplined army. Jenin had in mind exactly those people of the type of the Lovestones and the Gitlows of today when he ridiculed this demand for the right of criticism and the right of ones opinions. Said Lenin: “We march a small group, holding each other firmly by the hand, on a dangerous path. We are surrounded by enemies and almost continually march exposed to their fire. We have gathered together by volun- | tion of a revolutionary party is a party en- tary decision exactly in order to fight the enemy and to prevent us from landing in the neighboring swamps, the inhabitants of which In good and approed petty-bourgeois | ‘LENIN ON THE ROLE OF A. NOTE: The excerpts printed below are taken from Lenin’s famous brochure, “What is to be done?” which is included in Volume IV of the Collective Works of V. I. Lenin, just published by the. International Publish- ers, 381 Fourth Avenue, New York. This vol- ume, published in two parts, includes all the writings of Lenin between 1900 and 1902, and covers the formative period of the Rus- sian Bolshevik Party. Py The ideal audience for these political ex- posures is the working class, which is first and foremost in need of universal and live political knowledge, which is most capable of converting this knowledge into active struggle, even if it did not promise “palpable resulis.” The only platform from which public exposures can be made is an All-Russian newspaper. “Unless we have a political organ, a move- ment deserving the name of political is incon- ceivable in modern Europe.” In this connection Russia must undoubtedly be included in mod- ern Europe. The press has long ago become a power in our country, otherwise the govern- ment would not spend tens of thousands of rubles to bribe it, and to subsidize the Kat- kovs and Meshcherskys. And it is no novelty in autocratic Russia for the underground press to break through the wall of censorship and compel the legal and conservative press to speak openly of it. This was the case in the seventies and even in the fifties... How much broader and deeper are now the strata of the people willing to read the illegal underground press, and to learn from it “how to live and how to die,” to use the expression of the worker who sent a letter to “Iskra” (No. 7). Political exposures are as much a declaration of war against the government as economic exposures are a declaration of war against the employers. this campaign of exposure will be, the more numerous and determined the social class which has declared war in order to commence the war will be, the greater will be the moral significance of this declaration of war. Hence, political exposures in themselves serve as a powerful instrument for disintegrating the system we oppose, the means for diverting from the enemy his casual or temporary allies, the means of spreading enmity and distrust among those who permanently share power. with the autocracy. Only a party that will organize real all- national exposures can become the vanguard of the revolutionary forces in our time. The word all-national has a very profound meaning. The overwhelming majority of the non-work- ing class (and in order to become the van- guard, we must attract other classes) are sober politicians and cool business men. They know perfectly well how dangerous it is to “complain” even against a minor official, let alone against the “omnipotent” Russian gov- ernment. And they will come to us with their complaints only when they see that these com- plaints really have effect, and when they see | that we represent a political force. In order to become this political force in the eyes of outsiders, much persistent and stubborn work is required to increase our own consciousness, initiative and energy. For this, it is not suf- ficient to stick the label “vanguard” on “rear- guard” theory and practice. But if we have to undertake the organiza- tion of the real all-national exposure of the government, then in what way will the class character of our movement be exposed?—the have scolded us from the very firs. because we gathered together in this special yroup and have chosen the way of struggle instead “of the way of conciliation. And now some of us are beginning to call: Let us get into the swamp!—And when we teach them the better they reply: What backward people you are! Are you not ashamed to deny us the right to call you to a betterf road!---Oh, yes, gentlemen, you are free not only to call but to go wherever you want, even into the swamp; we are even of the opinion that your true place is exactly in the swamp, and we are ready to help you with all our might to get there. But leave our hands alone; don't hang on to us and don’t soil the great word freedom because we too are ‘free’ to go where we want, free not only to fight against the swamp but also against those who are headed for it.” - Our recent renegades from the Communist International and from our Party, the Git- lows and Wolfes and the Lovestones are cru- sading against the growing rigidness of the Party and the Communist International, against the elimination of all thinking within the Party and the Communist International. They un- questionably succeed with this propaganda to raise some sympathies among their brethren of the tribe of the petty bourgeoisie. Lenin had exactly this gentry in mind when he wrote: “Dogmatism,’ ‘doctrinarism, ‘growing rigidness of the Party as an inevitable pun- ishment:for the arbitrary elimination of all thinking’—those are th’ enemies against whom the crusaders for“ dom of criticism’ are arming. We are gla: ‘hat this question is put on the order of the day.and desire to add only one more question: “Who are the judges?” “The much praised freedom of criticism does’not mean the replacing of one theory by another; it means freedom from any uniform and well thought-out theory; it means eclec- ticism and lack of principle.” Thus Lenin characterizes the Lovestonites. When Lore recently stated that he and Love- stone are fundamentally of the same opinion he could have cited as a proof their indentical attitudes on the question of principle. I will cite here, what was written against Lore near- ly five years ago: “All of the Loreites sign | an indictment against the Workers (Commu- nist) Party of America accusing it of dogma- tism and complaining against its refusal te allow freedom of criticism within its ranks. “What does this mean concretely? The desire to criticise must spring from some dissatisfaction with the principles, aims and tactics of the Party. If these are to be sub- jected to a critical examination it is the Party itself and only the Party that can sit in’ judgment. And in passing judgment against its critics the Party merely exer- cises its indisputable duty to determine for itself its aims, its principles, and its tactics, | If the question is to be decided as to what constitutes good Communist theory or tac- tics, it is the Communist International and the Communist Party that must make the ry And the wider and more powerful | COMMUNIST PARTY over-zealous advocates ‘of “close organic con- | tact with the proletarian struggle” will ask us. | The reply is: In that we Social-Democtats wil! | organize these public exposures; in that..al] | the questions that are brought up. by the agita- | tion will be explained in the spirit of Social- | Democracy, without any deliberate or uncons- | cious distortions of Marxism; in.the fact that | the party will carry on this universal political agitation uniting into one inseparable whole | the pressure upon the government in the name ! of the whole people, the revolutionary train- ing of the proletariat—while préserving its political independence—the guidance. of the economic struggle of the working. class, the utilization of all its spontaneous confliets with its exploiters, will rouse and. bring: into- our camp increasing numbers of the proletariat! But one of the characteristic féatures of Economism is its failure to understand this ; connection. More than that—it fails to under- | stand the identity between the most pressing | needs of the proletariat (an all-sided’-politica) | education through the medium of political agi- | tation and political exposures), and the need | for a general democratic movement. This lack of understanding is not only expressed in “Martynovist” phrases, but also in the alleged class point of view which is identical in thought with these phrases. | Illinois Young Miners to Hold } | | Youth Conference To mobilize the young miners -in Southerr Illinois for the struggles led by the National Miners Union and into the union, the Youth Section has outlined a series of sub-district youth conferences driving towards a huge state-wide district young miners conference tc be held February 9 at Belleville, Il. The present strike in Illinois has proven be- yond a doubt that the young miners are willing and eager to organize and fight. The young miners practically led the strikes in Taylor- ville, Collinsville, Staunton and other parts of Illinois, militantly fighting the attacks of the police, the hired gangsters of the Lewis-Fish- wick machine of the UMWA and the coal operators. The National Miners Union is organizing al] forces to combat attacks of the combined forces of the coal barons, the fakers of the UMWA, | the courts, thugs and police and are paying special attention to the organizaton of the young miners. The thousands of young miners throughout the coal field must become the backbone of the organization. This drive te bring them into the National Miners Union | is a part of the general organization drive-otf ; the union to organize the entire industry. The sectional conferences will be held in Belleville, January 26, Staunton, January 26 and Taylorville on February 2 to culminate in | the district conference in Belleville on Febru- ary 9 with delegates representing thousands of young miners. This conference will elect a district youth committee of the unoin to lead the struggles of the young miners and establish a fighting youth section in every local of the National Miners Union. Fight the Right: Danger. A Hundred Proletarians for Every Petty Bourgeois Rene- gade! decision. And if the individual opportunist and Loreite wishes to match his judgment against that of the Party or the International he may do so—but not as a Communist, not as a member and adherent of these organ- izations, not as a defender of Communism, but as one who differs with and therefore stands outside of them.” . | Change Loreites to Lovestoneites and this characterization will fit the renegades of: to- | day ‘as it fitted the renegades of 1924. Lenin’s Party of Bolshevism was developed and built in a struggle against the menshevik agents of the bourgeoisie. As against the menshevist lack of organization Lenin put forth and constructed his theory of a compact, | centralized and disciplined Party. And against | the menshevist threats of discipline against him Lenin defied menshevism with the prin- ciple that a revolutionist owes discipliné and subordination only to revolutionary principles, while he owes unfaltering enemity to menshe- vism. The renegades of today are trying to invoke Lenin’s words against menshevism for | their fight against Bolshevism. But’ fully | conscious of their counter-revolutionary dis- | tortions they do not dare to draw Lenin’s.con- clusion. Lenin fought against the mensheviks | because he saw in the mensheviks a Party of | the bourgeoisie. That and that alone gave | him justification for his merciless fight against them. Lovestone fears the wrath of some of his few misguided followers who would refuse to follow him if he were to drop his mask and | step forth as the undisguised enemy of the | Communist International. He therefore pro- fesses loyalty to the Communist International. But loyalty to the Communist’ International is disciplined subordination: to’ its’ decisions. Fight against the Communist Intermational. is a line-up on that side: of the’ class struggle barricade on which the bourgeoisie is-posted. Loyalty to the Communist, International. and struggle against it are irreconcilable .contra- dictions embodying, the very class contradic- tions of society. One cannot profess to belong to one army while, in fact, fighting sin the ' ranks of the opposing army. . ‘ee Discipline in Leninism is a politica): principle which does not permit equivocations....One either accepts:or rejects it.:.One.is éither. dis- cpilined or one is not. ‘The material facts of | capitalism do not allow the dialectics of. words | in ambiguous statements on discipline to hide the trail of the. dialectics’of the class struggle. The barricade inthe class struggle is:too-ma- terial a division line as to leave any:doubt as to whether one stands and:fights.on one side of it or the other. aie z Lenin himself clearly voiced this truth. when he ranked the undisciplined Communists; with the bourgeoisie. In his “Left Communism” he answered those who maintained their “right of criticism” and who asserted justification for undisciplined action against the Party’ with the decisive sentence: “He who weakens, no matter how little, the iron discipline of the Party of the Prole- © tariat effectually helps the bourgeoisie against the proletariat.” i