The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 14, 1930, Page 4

Published by the Comprodally Publishing Co., Inc., datty, except Sunday, at 26-28 age Fi Square, New York City, Y. Tele: uyVesant 1696-7-8. Cat “DAIW( age Four Ad 3 mail all checks to the Daily W $ Square, New York ) ARTY RECRUITING DRIVE. Hoover's crisis ‘Solution’—W First Half of Drive Completed; Philadelphia Leading, Detroit Third Chicago Reduced to Fifth Place—Other Districts Lagging Behind he time of the 1930: Party Recruiting Drive completed, we see the follow- | | | | y Worker each show progre: ber of districts, New York, anner districts for Detroit and Seattle, insofar as the tempo of ‘the drive h Philadelphia quickened its to step into first place for credit be ic saw as compared with 270 the 7 the second, and 374 the third, itment for the first half new members. This s only $6 of the total quota achieved in 50 of the time allotted. This great dis- crepancy must be liquidated in the remaining four weeks of the Drive. Revolutionary Competition. New York leads Chicago with proportionally re new members, 38% as against 35%; but Chicago is defeating New York in number of Negroes recruited—58 to 43. Philadelphia, des- pite its leadership in the Drive in percentage has not made good its challenge against De- troit to recruit more new members and organ- bers first week; king a total re he drive the | ing real activity in rooting the Party amongst | | in the Car Company in Wilmington, Del., and a total recruitment of | | | ize more shop nuclei, and Cleveland who also | challenged Detroit, has received some hard | blows from Detroit. The proletaria’ Cleveland Distitet must make their activ as loud as their challenge against Detroit. Boston District, particularly with the aid of New Bedford, is going to win its challenge against California, unless the comrades of the latter district get busy and recruit among the shipyard, lumber,~ marine and agricultural workers. Two of the smaller districts, Buffalo and Connecticut are practically tied in their challenge. Buffalo promises to lick Connecti- cut. The fourth week of the Drive crease in the number of Negro worke: were recruited 113 Negro workers as against 53 the first week; 50 the second and 57 the third, making a total of 273. This means 19 per cent of the total recruits to date have been Negro worke: While this total could be con- sidered progress, but still unsatisfactory, the weakness of the recruitment amongst Negro workers is, that 73% of the Negroes recruited come from three districts, Detroit with 83, Chicago with 58 and Philadelphia with 57. The number of shop nuclei organized, in- creased by ten this week. The districts show- of ies w an in- | new | There | | the factories! : | of Ma the masses were Detroit, which organized four shop nuclei in Grand Rapids; Cleve which organized two shop nuclei, one in a steel plant | in Massilion, «Ohio, and the other in a machine | shop in Cleveland; next come Buffalo with two | shop nuclei, one in the steel plant and one in | a tannery; then Philadelphia with one nucleus lastly, Chicago, with one nucleus in an auto appliance shop in Chicago. | The success in organizing shop nu shows the seriousness with which the districts take the problem of changing the course of the Party to meet the present situation. Such districts as New York and Chicago, the largest districts in the country, with one new shop nucleus each, show a serious weakness in the building of the Part Philadelphja has already filled its quota of new shop papers, but Detroit also made great gains here, issuing five mew shop papers dur- ing the fourth week. New subs for the Daily Worker show that* this sector of the Drive has been completely neglected. Philadelphia leads here with 15% its quota filled. However, Detroit must be given recognition that in addition to plugging away for new subs, they sell each day, through del ‘y at homes of workers and at factory gates, 800 copies per day. » With the new im- petus being given, through the announcement | xist-Leninist books as premiums for | subs, we expect this sector of the Drive | to get more attention. With only four more weeks left, and 72% % of the total quota still to be achieved, we should spend no time in idle praise but indulge in the most sever self-criticism and buckle down to Union mR Sf Baily zee eworwer Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. By Mail (in New York City only): $8.00 a year; By Mail (outside of New York City): $6.00 a year; $3.50 six months; SURSCRIPTION RATES: $4.50 six months; $2.50 three months, $2.00 three months /age Cuts in Steel! By Fred Ellis real activity in the shops, in unions, amongst the workers in the mass organizations. Lenin Memorial Meetings will give great opportu- nities for many districts to spurt forward, but don’t count on that alone. The surest method is recruiting in the shops. Win the new members through activity in Eighty per cent of the Drive quota by Lenin Memorial! Improve the life of your unit and keep every new member! ORGANIZATION DEPARTMENT CENTRAL COMMITTEE. Root Out White Chauvinism! Statement of the Detroit District, Communist | Negro workers occupy all leading posts in the | Party of the U.S. A. White chauvinism is consciously fostered by the capitalists in order to divide the workers | The capitalists not | and keep them enslaved. only promote and organize lynching and race discrimination against the Negro toilers, but they also through their schools, churches, news- | papers and other capitalist institutions try to corrupt the workers and their organizations. The American Federation of Labor official- dom that is in the service of the capitalist class discriminates against, and does not or- ganize the Negro workers, The working class must carry on an ompromising struggle against white chau m within its ranks and stamp it out in every workers’ organization. The Communist Party has for some time conducted a merciless struggle against white chauvinism in its ranks. The Detroit Dis- trict, where at one time members of the Com- munist Party yielded to white chauvinism has been very severe in stamping out any trace of white chauvinism among the Party mem- bers: No one who is in the least permeated with this bourgeois ideology is allowed to join or remain a member of the Communist Party. In the last month, the Party has been suc- cessful in recruiting among its 180 new mem- bers—70 Negro workers. This fact alone shows first of all the increasing class con- sciousness of the Negro workers in Detroit who are the most exploited section of the working class, and secondly that the Negro workers realize that the Communist Party is not a white party, but a Party of the whole of the working class irrespective of race and nationality. The struggles that the Commu- nist Party has been conducting in the past period in the South as well as in the North have convinced the Negro toilers who have always been betrayed by the white politicians that the Communist Party is their Party. In the leading body of the Communist Party of the United States, there are nine Negro work- ers. Out of a membership of 44 on the Cen- tral Committee there\are nine Negro workers. Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U.S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- aist Party. Send me more information. PUAIOR 6 ei icd 4 5's be ve sensieeseeecee ces osioneee’ PAGTORE ss sss nec scccspiess es CltYs cog cceee Occupation ...... \ Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St., New York, N. Y, | club, and to expel Mrs. Estrin from the Club. Party together with their white brothe The Communist Party is not only carrying on a struggle against white chauvinism among its own members but the Communist Party will not tolerate white chauvinism in any workers’ organization where our Party has in- fluence. In the South when the National Tex- tile Workers’ Union was for some time active in organizing the textile workers, there arose a situation in one city where white workers suffering from the corruption of the bosses refused to organize together with the Negro workers. Our Party instructed its members in the National Textile Workers’ Union and | the organizers of the National Textlie Work- ers’ Union who are members of our Party that our policy must be the following: Organize the Negro workers into the Textile Workers’ Union even if the Negro workers will be the only ones. Take in only those white workers into the union who will fight side by side with their Negro fellow workers. The result of this policy was that the white workers finally realized that the policy of the Communist Party is correct and that it is the bosses that are interested in dividing them so that they can cut their wages and worsen their con#li- tions. Attitude of Small Shopkeepers. One of the branches of the Communist Party in Detroit meets in the Jewish Workers Club Hall. This Party Nucleus recruitel a large number of Negro workers in the recruiting campaign. When the Negro workers came to the meeting on Tuesday, January 7th, at about 7 p. m, there were no other workers present yet, the meeting having been called*for 7:30 p.m. The members of this organization con- sist of a majority of non-members of the Com- munist Party. One of the non-Party members in charge of the hall at that time, was a Mrs. Estrin. Shé@, instead of telling the Negro com- rades that the meeting will start at 7:30 p. m., and that they should wait in the meeting room, told the Negro comrades that there will be no meeting. This Mrs. Estrin is the wife of an owner of a tailor shop. Such elements as little shopkeepers are the same kind as their big brothers, the big capitalists. They serve the interests of the capitalists. They have no place in our organization. The Com- munist Party has at once instructed its mem- berg in the club to attend the meeting of the The Party will not stop at this. The Party will insist that there is no room for any element who yielded to white chauvinism in the ranks of a workers’ organization. The Jewish Workers Club must decide: Out with the petty shopkeeper elements and ex- tend the heartiest welcome to all Negro workers—Party members and non-Party mem- bers. The Communist Party will not only take up this question in the Jewish Workers Club. Having stamped out white chauvinism in the Party, we will continue to carry on the strug- gle in every workers’ organization in Detroit. DETROIT LIST, COMMUNIST PARTY. Theses of the Enlarged Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Young Communist Internatjonal (On Manuilsky’s and Khitarov’s Reports.) 1, The third period of the post-war cris of capitalism is characterized by a further shaking up of capitalist stabilization, a gen- eral sharpening of class struggles, increasing war danger, first of all against the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics (the Chinese-East- ern Rail events), the growth of revolu- tionary activity of the proletariat and the ex- ploited masses in the colonies, and a growing new revolutionary upsurge. The working class, having recovered from its defeats, is going over from the defensive into the counter- offensive. The beginning of a crisis in the United States and its consequences for Eur- ope, refuting the reformist lie about “organ- ize] capitalism,” are increasing the interna- tional and domestic contradictions of capi- talist stabilization. Meanwhile there is a speedy and successful process of construction of Socialism going on in the Soviet Union. The ying out of the Five Year Plan will not only tremendously strengthen the posi- tions of the international proletariat; it will also serve as a vital factor in the farther shaking up of capitalist stabilization. In order to strengthen its tottering positions, the bourgeoisie is inereasing its oppression and exploitation of the toiling masses, leaning on the social-democracy which is degenerating into social-fascism, and is at the same time strengthening its fascist organizations ‘(Amer- ica, Austria, Germany, ete.).. Every attempt of the working class to improve its conditions is met with a consolidated front of the triple alliance, the bosses, the bourgeois state and social fascism, The economic struggle of the proletariat is more and more growing into a political struggle. The task of winning over the majority of the working class is becoming more and more imperative for the Communist Parties, which must be accomplished on the basis of the new offensive tactic indicated by the VI Congress of the Communist Interna- tional and X Plenum of the “xecutive Com- mittee of the Communist International: inde- pendent leadership of struggles of the work- ing class, sMarpening struggles against re- formism, organiz:tion of a cnited fighting front from below (the political mass strike, fighting committees, representatives of. shop committees, organization of the unorganized in the struggle against imperialist war and in defense of the Soviet Union, Against the Young Plan, against capitalist rationalization and social-faseism), decisive struggle against Right. deviations and waverings as the basic pre-requsites for the accomplishment of the militant tasks of the Communist Parties. In these circumstances the role of the work- ing class youth in the process of production and in the class struggle, is growing, and at the same time grows its fighting activity. Capitalist. rationalization, increasing: the rela- tive importance of the youth in production, simultaneously subjects it to ever-greater ex- ploitation, and the social-fascist and fascist laws are constantly worsening its condition (for inztance the laws about unemployed in Germany and England, new reactionary laws concerning apprentices and the protection of the youth in France, Poland, Austria, ete.). The process of radicalization of the working class is particularly strong among the youth, which is sharply turning towards the Left. The analysis given by the V Congress of the Young Communist International has been fully confirmed. The youth has taken an active part in all ela: ‘uggles since then and was often the initiator. The growing. number of ’ spontaneous youth strikes flaring up every- where in spite of the furious terror of the bosses, the police and the trade union bureau- crats, and at times a passive attitude of the adult workers, indicate a growing radicaliza- tion and activity of the working class youth. A new phenomenon specially to be observed is the growing participation of girls (wfo in some cases even declare independent strikes). In the struggle against revolutionary senti- ments of the working class youth, the bour- geoisie on the one hand intensifies repression and terror against the revolutionary youth or- ganizations, and on the other increases and strengthens the system of ideological mould- ing of the youth, understanding that the out- come of the impending wars and class strug- gles depends now to a considerable extent on the part which will be played in them by the toiling youtp. The school, church, art, litera- ture, sport—everything is placed at the serv- ice of militarization and fascisation of the toiling youth, The bourgeois youth organ- izations, embracing* in the major capitalist countries more than half of the entire young | generation, are developing feverish activity. The work of political demoralization of the working class youth, its subjection to the in- fluence of the bourgeoisie, is being concen- trated in the hands of the state, which creates for this purpose an apparatus with broad ramifications and a united leading center. The Socialist Youth International is also working at the behest of the bourgeoisie; it has openly entered on the path of \social-fascism (its sup- port of the military program of the German Social Democracy, slander against the Soviet Union, the preaching of “peace in industry,” strikebreaking in economic struggles of young workers, etc.), “Left” Phraseology often re- sorted to by the Socialist Youth Interna- tiona? in order more easily to win the masses for social-fascism is particularly dangerous under these conditions. . The reformists suc- ceeded with the assistance of the entire Party and trade union apparatus temporarily to stop’ the rapid disintegration of the Young Social- ist International, and they are now trying to broaden its influence under the slogan of “uni- fication of socialsit work among the youth.” They want the Young Sociatist International to have a monopoly right to work among the youth in the mass labor organizations in the hands of Social Democracy. But nothing will save the Young Socialist International from disintegration as the class struggle grows in intensity, s 2. Although the Young Communist Inter- national can record a series of important poli- tical successes since the V Congress: active participation in the struggle of the Comin- tern against the Rights and conciliators on the part of the Young Communist League as a whole, as well as on the part of its individual Sections—in France, Poland, China, Mongolia and particularly striking activity of the Young Communist League in Sweden; mass work during the strike in Lodz and the Ruhr; the heroic struggle of the Young Communists of Berlin during the May days; the increasing of Young Communist League International influ- ence in new countries (Latin America, the East) there was to be observed curing the, past year an exceedingly dangerous lagging ind in the tempo of work of the Young Communist International compared with the general tempo of revolutionary development. The Sections of the Young Communist International did not show due political activity in the sphere of economic struggle of the working class youth, By LUIS VAMPA, Quite conspicuous for its absence is the fact that the lying sheet of paper, “The Revo- lutionary Age” of the “Mayority Group” of the C. PB. of A., has not had up ’till the present a single statement in relation with the persecutions’ which confront the whole Mexican working ciass, their organizations and the Mexican Party. And this is so much more conspicuous owing to the fact that in the firm of Lovestone, Gitlow & Co., is someone by the name of Bertrand Wolfe, “champion of the rights of Latin Americans,” who at a certain time while in the leadership of the party, usell to pay a certain amount of attention to Latin American work and was willing to listen to the Latin American Party members who sought his advice and leader- ship, and who now realize that Mr. Wolfe was never interested in the struggles of Latin Latin American party members under the pre- tense of “genuine interest” towards the colo- nial problems, only to utilize them in his “group” factional activities. Although no protest has yet been registered by them against the persecutions now raging in Mexico, aiming at the destruction of the gains of 20 years of revolutionary struggles of the Mexican workers and peasants, we have to declare that Lovestone & Co., are “inter- nationalists” as proven by the fact that in one of the issues of their dirty little paper, sthe fact is mentioned that their Mexican friends have sent them $200 to help them along in their “good work.” Now we must ask ourselves who are these “true revolutionists” supporting the “Revo- lutionary Age?” And upon investigating we will find. that the Lovestonites are “inter- nationalists,” in part and parcel of the inter- anti-militarist work, the struggle against op- ponent organizations, etc. The struggle of the working class youth frequently passed unob- seryed by them. They were not able to coun- teract to a sufficient extent the increasing ideological, political and economic pressure of the ‘bourgeoisie on the toiling youth by resort- ing to new forms of mass strugglé. They did not embrace and organize the activity of the broad masses of the young workers. For this reason they at times remained at the tail of events, lagged behind the general political de- velopment. Along with serious opportunist waverings in the leadership of a number of Leagues (Switzerland, Germany, Czecho-Slo- vakia, etc.), tendencies of isolation, narrow sectarianism, handicraft methods of work, sivity, frequently covered up with radical phrases made themselves sharply felt in the Leagues. Under these conditions the turn towards mass work correctly indicated by the Fifth Congress of the Young Communist In- ternational and the need of which was borne out by subsequent events, as a direct basic task of all Young Communist International Sections in the capitalist countries, was not realized, and not even the necessary pre-requisites have been created for it in the form of a broad popularization of the decisions of the Congress. As a result of this, we are faced with a serious political and organizational crisis in a number of Leagues (Czecho-Slovakia, England, Austria, Norway); there is no grgwth, and even a decrease in the number of members and factory nuclei (on the average about 20%) in almost all the other countries. In spite of the devotion and steadfastness shown in the ten years of revolutionary struggle for Commu- nism and the line of the Comintern, the Young Communist International will not be able to cope with the’great tasks confronting it at the present time if the Leagues will continue to work as they do. 8. The Right danger in the world Commu- nist movement is the greatest danger. It has been nourished and is still nourished by illu- sions regarding the firm character of capital- ist stabilization, {he pressure of a strong social democracy (in the countries of white terror) and repression), and leads to a lagging behind of the rapidly developing revolutionary up- surge. In the third period, in the period of tottering capitadist stabilization, the Right danger by no means disappears or diminishes: it is even intensified on account of the fact that the opportunists are frightened by the revolu- tionary wave, the sharpening of class strug- gles and are so much more rapidly going away from the Party. For this reason, the Right danger is the main danger in all Sections of the Comintern, including the Young Communist International which is organically connected with the Comintern. Right danger in the Sections of the Young Communist International can be seen for in- stance in the under-estimation of the radical- ization of the working class youth, the minim- izing of the role of the Young Communist In- ternational as a militant political organiza- tion of the young workers, the tendency to separate cultural from political work, political neutrality sentiments, lagging behind, failure to appreciate the signfficance of such forms of struggle as strikes, negative attitude towards such new forms of organization as youth rep- resentatives elected in the enterprises, open and hidien sabotage of reorganization on a factory nuclei basis, legalist tendencies, etc. But the Right danger is not the only danger in the revolutionary movement of the youth. Along with this danger there is also the so- called “Left danger,” namely: a tendency to- wards petty bourgeois radicalism leading to divorcement of the leadership from the masses and the mass organizations, its transformation into narrow groups of “Left” phrasemongers. This danger is expressed in tendencies to coun- terpose “politics” to the organizational tasks, leading in reality to the negation of mass work in economic, cultural and sport organizations, in survivals of vanguardism; in ignoring the role of the Young Communist League as a political-educational organization the basis of which must be broader than that of the Party. The error of the active Young Communists consists in the fact that they do not see or that they under-estimate this danger, that they do not want to or are unable to carry on struggle against it, that they frequently take a neutral position in relation to “Left” devi- ations, and by this cultivate the “Left” danger and endanger the success of the work for the transformation of the Young Communist Lea- gue organizations into mass organizations of the working class youth, In order to transform the Young Communist League into real mass America and only sought the support of the, which are in reality a manifestation of pas-, Manifestations of the | i | national solidarity.” WHO ARE LOVESTONE’S MEXICAN FRIENDS? hational right wing, now expelled from all the Communist Parties all over the world for their destructive, anti-proletarian activities. Now we come to see who are these true “Leninists and Marxists” in Mexico and why and where they were expelled. Diego Rivera was expelled for declaring before the Central Committee of the Mexican Party that he was used to living a bourgois life and could not leave the post offered to him by his friend De Negri, the right hand man of Portes Gil, in the Mexican Government. Frederico Bach, who declared he was more useful: to the Mexican working class by working in the De- partment of Statistics of the Mexican Govern- ment than by staying in the party. Monzon who got a very good post in the Diplomatic Corps for his treachery, and the rest of those “true revolutionists” who got into the pay- roll of Mr. Morrow. | And now it is quite clear why these “stal- | wart fighters’ do not protest and do not even | mention in their “Revolutionary Age” anything | about white terror in Mexico. They can not afford to lose such influential supporters, so well connected with’ the “revolutionary” gov- ernment of Mexico. They must be very thank- ful that their eff@rts to break our party and weaken the. struggle of the working class of this country has been appreciated by some- | body. Mr. Morrow at the same time he gave to the traitors of our brother Party of Mexico good posts in the service of the Mexi- can Government, has not forgotten its inter- natignal allies, so he also sends Lovestone & Co., a “littlesbit” to help along the “Revolus tionary Age” through the Mexican renegades. No matter+what is said about Lovestone but we must recognize one thing—he is not so hard to satisfy and really apprecfates “inter- $200 ought to be good for an issue of. the “Revolutionary Age.” I] organizations, the leadership of the Young Communist International must, without delay, liquidate these mistakes and enter on the path of active struggle with the “Left” danger, » By this very fact the leading Young Communist members will overcome the main. hindrance . which now interferes with its entering on to the path of mass work. 4. The main reason for the unsatisfactory situation in the Young Communist International should be sought in the sectarian isolation and separation from the basic mass of the ' working class youth which dominates in the organizations of the Young Communist Inter- national. In spite of the decisions of the Fifth Coggress, the Young Communist Inter- national has not begun to work among the ! broad mass and undertaken the winning over f of these masses, of drawing them sinto the : general revolutionary struggle, on the basis of : their elementary needs and immediate inter- ' ests. The fear of the masses which exist in the Sections of the Young Communist Inter- national has not been actually eliminated. The cadves of the Young Communist International r organizations have still frequently covered up | 1 with petty bourgeois radical phrases their poli- ¢ tical passivity and organizational helplessness. i Narrow secterianism, isolation and the ab- sence in the organizations of the Young Com- } munist International of a general line favor- r ing the real winning over of the masses of the } working class youth to the side of Communism \ is expressed in: a) <A systematic detachment of the Lea- gue from the daily questions arising from the struggles of the working class youth; this separation is due chiefly to the fact that in the present period the majority of strikes and activities of the working masses and the youth are taking place unobserved by the Young Communist Leagues. . b) The absence of a firm and consistent course for the conquest-of large enterprises. c) The absence of serious stubborn daily work in the various mass and auxiliary or- ganizations of the working cl youth (trade unions sport, educational, etc.). d) A neglect of systematic work of dem- oralization of the opponent mass organiz: tion (socialist, catholic and the other religie ous societies, sport, organizations, particul- arly in the factories, fascist groups, etc.). e) No connection between the upper and lower organizations, inability of the leaders to draw the entire membership into the everyday work and to make the daily tasks of the League accessible to every Young Communist in his work. Ht f) The discrepancy between words and deeds, between phrases about a correct poli- tical line and the ability to apply it in prac- tice. ‘ The social composition of the League is un- satisfactory. As in the past, most of the mem- bers are recruited in the small and medium- oe ae oe sa = = sized enterprises, @and,,in some countries (Eng- b land, America, Czecho-Slovakia, China). the 4 Leagues have a considerable petty bourgeois percentage. The influence of these strata is d manifested in a substitution of the actual b struggle for the masses of the working class b youth by radical phraseology. bi The “revolutionary phrase,” wrote Lenin, “is r most frequently a malady of revolutionary 1. parties when these are directly or indirectly connecting, uniting and intertwining proletarian si and the petty-bourgeois elements, and when the course of revolutionary events effects big and rapid changes.” Work among the masses, to the extent that it has been carried.on, never- theless, was more for show it was done for its external effects, without making use of the results. The system of leadership also cor- responds to this: there is no deep study of the processes in the movement and among the working class youth, stereotyped methodseand hackneyed pharses predominate. Party for- mulas are mechanically repeated and there is no live concrete leadership; circulars and bureaucratic methods of work. prevail; the rank and file is not drawn into work; there is no systematic promotion of new cadres; all work lays on the shoulders of » small section of active members who are heavily overbur- dened and among whom there are also oppor- tunist elements who in a concealed and open manner hinder the promotion of new cadres, who frequently cover up their opportunism with radical phrases; there is no mass self- criticism or control of carrying out of deci- sions; the work proceeds for the most part of itself and often the machine works without results, and even the very best decisions re- main a dead letter. And finally, there is no due atention, assistance and | tom ni the Communist Parties. gid pe (TO BE CONTINUED.) 2 “e