The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 4, 1930, Page 6

RT he. 4k ae oer Se ee 5. Pabl thé Comprodaily Publishing Co.; Inc., aay excent Sunday, Page Six Square, New York City, N. Y. Telephone Stuyvesant ve ie Addrees and mail al) checks to the Daily Worker. 26-2 at, ae ceun Diy BE Wot Conga Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. By Mail (in New York City only): By Mail (outside of New York Sey ~ SUBSCRIPTION nares $3.00 a year; $6.00 a year; x *43 So six months; $2.50 three months months; $2.00 three months Young Communist Push Forward! With a month left for the completion of the membership drive, the Young Communist League, District 2 is sure to reach its quota of 200 new young proletarian members in the League. The goal set by the district for three shop nuclei has already been accomplished with the organization of a shop nucleus in a textile factory, a shop nucleus in a printing plant and for the first time in the history of the American League, a nucleus on board a shir employing from two to three hundred workers the majority of whom are young. The dis- trict has also recruited nine young Negro workers in the League and fourteen young marine workers. NEW MEMBERS SINCE START YCL DRIVE DISTRICT 2. New Members Quota Percentage Downtown N Downtown Yorkville Harlem N m No. Harlem No. Upper Bronx Upper Bronx Lower Bronx Williamsburg | - South Brooklyn Brownaville ......- East New York Yonkers Pas New Jersey Revolution: Competition. In_ revolutiona: competition, the Newark unit leads the district, filling its membership quota 140 per cent, and getting four Negro members. The Paterson unit which challenged Newark is far behind, having recruited not a single member. Downtown No, 1 is also run- ning away with Downtown No. 2, recruiting eighteen members, fourteen of whom are sea- men, and only one office worker. The two Upper Bronx units are tied with four each, but Upper Bronx No, 2 has the higher rating due to the composition of their recruits. South Brooklyn seems to be asleep, and it looks like East New York will run away with the prize. Williamsburgh is also beating Brownsville, altho the latter is putting up a stiff fight. In the last week Yonkers awoke, and challenged the Passaic unit; however, it remains to be seen if the challenge is more than paper talk. On Sunday a special membership meeting of the League will mobilize the members for the last month of the drive. More emphasis towards factory work. Having filled our quota of three shop nuclei, we must take all steps to build these up, and we also add the forma- tion of two more nuclei to our quota in the membership drive. Altho the district has only gotten 40 subs for the Young Worker, .we ex- pect to fill our quota of 650 by the end of | the drive. Zalisko Repudiates Trotzkyism. | Activities Increase in Chester, On the b: of the following statement by Mike Zalisko, a young factory worker, the District Committee of District No. 8 readmit- ted him into the Party: In considering the present economic and political situation in this country and interna- tionally, the question arises in my mind as to what. the Trotzky opposition has to offer the proletarian masses of the world in the solu- tion of: their problems and to fight our com- mon enemy—the capitalist class, successfully. I have come to the conclusion that it has nothing to offer. First: because it bases its entire future perspective on “what will take place in the U.S.S.R., Communist Party and the Comintern” and thereby preferring to sit in an easy ehair with folded arms and await the so-called “reshifting of the C.L. leadership” whereby “Trotzky might become the leader of the C.P.S.U. and the Communist International.” Second: “Because it is a narrow, isolated, sectarian movement infatuated with the heories of the Proletarian Party (as in Chi- cago) whose. purpose is that of barking at the door of the C.I. instead of shouldering the Bolshevik tasks in numerous struggles of the workers along with the Communist Parties. At present, the effects that are felt of the rationalization drive of American capitalism on the masses of workers, the sharpening im- perialist aggression of the American ruling class (Philippines, Haiti, Nicaragua). The ac- tive participation of the masses in the struggle of the mining, textile, and street-car railway men (New Orleans), and the widespread -fer- ment and prospects for struggle in the autonio- bile, shoe, oil, meat packing, rubber, and ‘other industries. This, in my opinion is a sign for energetic united Communist struggle and not for a lot of speculation and easy chairs. The building of Socialism in the U.S.S.R., the great strides the Soviet economy and agri- culture are making as exemplified by the suc- cessful carrying thru of the Five-Year Plan will demonstrate that the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and its leadership and the Comintern are really the revolutionary leaders of the world proletariat. The success of the Socialist construction in the Soviet Union will greatly intensify the imperialist antagonism against Soviet Russia, whereby. an attack on the workers’ state will be unavoidable. The American and British imperialism are already threatening to crush the only workers’ ‘republic. The defense of the Soviet. Union is a great task before the Comintern and the Communist Parties as the vanguard of ail exploited masses. Comrades: In view of these approaching tasks of the C.I. and the C.P.U.S.A., I find it my duty .as a revolutionary worker to sever all connections with the Trotzky opposition and to put my shoulder to the wheel along with the Communist Party. Therefore, I ask to be reinstated into the ranks of the C.P:U.S.A. and I pledge myself: to abide by and carry out all decisions of the Communist Party and Communist Internation- al. I also appeal to all those workers who have been mislead by the illusions and all sorts of hocus-pocus of Trotzkyism to disassociate themselves from it, re-enter the Party, and enter the struggle with_even greater energy. MIKE ZALISKO. Fighting in the Capitalist Schools! Dear. Editor: I want to tell you about what happened in my school. Our Pioneer group is called the Karl Liebknecht group, in Minneapolis. Our leader came to school one day, and gave out some leaflets about Thanks giving. Then our principal, Miss Ciecil, said: “I don’t want you to give out those leaflets. If you do,.I will take them away from you. The children in my school are happy.” Then our’ leader pointed to some children with torn clothes and shoes, and she said: “Are these children happy?” Then. the teacher took away the leaflets from the children as they came into the school. But she did wrong by taking them away, be- cause that made the children more anxious to read. them. But we Pioneers will keep up our work, Come on; comrades, we have to organize — fight with our parents to win the strikes. also must fight for better conditions in o1 schools. Always for the working class, A MINNEAPOLIS PIONEER. yur Wilmington. At the last Section 4, District 3, General membership Meeting of the Communist Party held in Chester, Pa., a resolution in regards to the membership drive was enthusiastically adopted. The basis of this resolution is the building up and developing of every phase of Party work, not so much theoretically, but to get down to real organizational work. Already 3,000 leaflets have been distributed at the Viscose Plant, where Rayon is manu- factured. We have 16,000 leaflets to dis- tribute thruout the Chester Industries * by | February 10, 1930. plants | have already been made in these plants. | orial Meeting. A nuclei has just been, organized at the Sun Ship Yards Plant; such nuclei must be organized in the basic industries of . Chester. A strong Marine Workers’ Union has. been organized and it faces a bright. future. A textile union has been formed. Recently seven Negro workers joined the Party. Activity is also planned in the numerous oil in Mareus Hook. These plants are Sun Oil, Sinclair Oil, Pure Oil, ete. Contacts At the T. U. U, L. Conference held. on. Sunday in Philadelphia, six delegates represented Chester—5 metal workers, one textile worker, one marine worker from Wilmington. A meet- ing has been called in Wilmington to organize a local of the ANLC and a YCL. Heretofore work has been truly spasmodic, but now the work is being done on a function- ing basis. New life in our units has made its appearance. Our activities in the future shall be a concentration of all of. our forces into the basic industries. “Laggards” and “won't works” will find no room for them in the Communist Party from now on. The Com- munist Party of Section 4 is steeling itself for the coming battles. The following reso]u- tion was adopted: Resolution. 1. To get 35 new members, not less than one-third must be Negro workers. 2. Thirty- five Daily Worker subscriptions. 3. Five shop nuclei. 4. Six shop committees.. 5. Ten. frac- tions within clubs, unions, etc.. 6. Three new. union locals. 7. Two T. U. U: L. locals... 8. Two A. N. L. CG, locals, 9. To start issuing. five shop bulletins. 10. To sell 300 “Why every worker should join the Communist Par- ty” pamphlets. We intend to reach this goal before Feb- ruary 10th and we challenge Section 7, Balti- more, in this drive, that we will carry our quota out before they will. We intend to get 50 per cent of our quota by the Lenin Mem- Well, Baltimore and Washing- | ton, better get busy before we hit you badly! | Section 4, District 3, Executive Committee. ‘onditions in Russian Textile Factories. Statements by Two English Textile Workers on Their Impressions in Russia. I On behalf of the British Textile Workers Delegation, I would like to give a few impres- sions of our recent visit to Ivanovo-Voznes- ensk. In the first place let me state that we | have never before seen anything to compare with either of the three factories we have vis- ited, namely, Djerzensky Milatovi Combine, and Krasnie-Talka. From_what «we could see the conditions of the workers are better than any other textile workers we know of, includ- ing those of our own country. The things that impressed us greatly were the: lighting system. The modern methods .of. production, greatest danger to the Indian Revolution. of the revolutionary masses. peasants will march ahead, destroy British rul erate India from slavery. By ERIK BERT. HE annual convention of the American Bankers Association was held in San Fran- cisco, September 30-October 3. They “discussed, particularly, the great ques- tion of the movement among bankers—branch, chain and unit banking,” that is, the present advance toward greater integration, toward further trustification of the financial resources of imperialist America. Two aspects of the development of banking within the United States during the past de- cade were considered. The first was the se- verity of the crisis which the small banks have passed thru during that period. The ‘second was the centralization of banking capital which has gone on concurrently with the first devel- opment, or, more exactly, the evidence of this centralization in rapidity and extension of the development of branch, group and chain bank- ing. The crisis thru which the small banks of the country have passed is indicated by the following data. From 1921 to 1928 inclusive 5,000 banks failed and tied up deposits of a billion and a half dollars. Eighty per cent of these banks were in cities of less than 3,000 population and seventy per cent were capital- ized at $50,000 or less. The period began with the suspension of 502 banks in 1921, The peak for the eight-year period was reached in 1926 in the midst of the Coolidge era of “prosperity” with 956 suspensions. These failures were a reflection for the post part of the depression which struck the agri- cultural industry in 1920 and 1921. The sub- sequent depression which brought about the failure of tens of thousands of farmers thru- out the country was accompanied by the fail- ure of the banks—the small rural banks—which had provided their credit facilities. Concommitant with the elimination of the small banks, there has been a great extension~ the building itself, where we found. hundreds. of windows so placed as to catch the maximum. amount of sunshine, and the wonderful’ ven- tilating system. Compare these with the con- ditions obtaining in the majority of factories - in England, i. e., obsolete methods of produc- tion, bad lighting, lack of sunshine and poor machinery, and you get the reason why, in our opinion, you will soon be miles ahead of Eng- lish textile production, if you continue at the present rate of progress, Another. few, things which impressed us: the dining rooms, the workers’ wardrobes, hours of work (7) and the creches where you are rearing your future generation, a wonderful scheme this, and lastly the happiness of the workers. I say this only after careful and personal investigation. F, CONROY (England). . pa xi I would just like to say how pleased I am with your working conditions in your mills, I noticed how spacious were the different de- partments and how well lighted both by day and by night. It would be a pleasure to work in such mills, and everybody seems so pleased and so happy and asked how we. liked their mills. They seemed so delighted about it themselves. I have never. seen anything like them in our country. I come from Scotland, I work in a jute mill’ and would be only too _pleased if our mills were so well equipped and of chain banking. A survey made by R. S, Hecht showed that chain and group. banking- systems taken in the broadest sense of the term totalled 272. These 272 chains controlled 1,784 banks and about $12,500,000,000 in ag- gregate resources. Approximately 7 per cent of the banks in the country and 17 per cent of the country’s banking resources ‘were con- trolled ‘by these chains, The ‘first: twelve states in the number of chain controlled banks were Minnesota, Mich+ igan, New’ York, Iowa, Illinois, Arkansas, Washi yn, Nebraska, North Dakota, ole ornia, homa, Kansas... =.) © rent The chains-have made the greatest inroads in these, states where the’ individual “banks' were hit hardest. The foregoing’ statistical “data concerning chains can, hardly be consider- ed as precisely indicative df the recent prog- ress made: by chain and group banking. It is, not so much in’ these total figures that the story must be seen (tho the data is the best: ite had such breathing space, Fee A so your kitchens, we have sampled those also,. and it is wonderful this kitchen 4 way of getting good food me for, the workers ata cheap rate. your sple: clubs with concert and. pion hall combined, »} Your creches are marvellous, we ent have® anything so well equipped. Yahals put the lies down the try to condemn you. All power to the Soviet. Union, he ae Republic, the first workers”, govérnmetit in the world. I only wish other. cout tries will foll your example. ae The native capitalists of India, who lead the “Nationalist Congress” By Fred Ellis at Lahore, are the In control of the congress, the native property- owning classes pretend to yield to the revolutionary pressure of the masses of workers and agricultural toilers, but only to hold the revolution in check and to betray it to the British imperialists in order to serve their own privilege to exploit the masses, The so-called “left” wing of the congress is even more skillful than Ghandi himself in betraying the confidence By treading down these serpents, the Indian workers and le and native capitalist-landlord rule, and lib- The Crisis Brings More Bank Trustification available) but rather in the startling progress | made by particular groups throughout the | country particularly in the wheat states, the | pacifie Northwest, ete. Because of the present banking laws this | amalgamation of a group of banks on a state wide or interstate basis is impossible. It is necessary to make use of the holding company’s mechanism for effecting centralization, that is, a holding company (not a ‘bank). owns the capital stock of the bank in the groups. The petty bourgeois has yelped less than ordinarily about the growth of monopoly. The new holding companies are reported to have lists of scores of hundreds of unit banks asking if the holding company won’t please buy them out. Nine lean years have made it seem a godsend to thousands of unit bankers if a holding company buys them out. Wisconsin, the stamping ground of the La- Follettee petty bourgeoisie, has, recently passed a law putting hurdles and obstacles in the way of chain banking. Which law will either be declared unconstitutional or rendered im- potent through the cussess of some ingenious lawyer in making possible monopoly banking in Wisconsin despite the LaFollette petty bour- geoisie. The consolidation of the banking system of the United States will proceed at a very rapid tempo. This of cou does not eliminate the struggle within American finance capital. The crisis will be an important factor in determin- ing the length of this period during which amalgamation will proceed. This monopolization will bring a degree of banking concentration to the banking’ system of the U.S. similar to that prevailing in Great Britain, France, Germany, Japan and. Canada. A few years ago, while still secretary of commerce, President Hoover, in an address before the U.S. Chamber of Commerce re- marked that U. S.: imperialism was almost unnoticed going thru a “revolution” in its econ- omic life (not to be mistaken, tho it sounds quite similar, for the well known “second in- dustrial revolution” of the Lovestoneites) and that we were passing from a period of ex- tremely individualistic action into an era of “associational” activities. Mr. Hoover is, now major domo for the capitalistclass of the United tSates and its “associational” activities. This step toward “association,” the*spréad of chain banking, indicates the concentration of the, finance power of:<he enuoity into fewer _gredit: Pople. « Investment ing houses, hrokera; eins, Savastnent etc, are gradually igh uses closely aligned among themselves and. with the great city. banks of the country. “The spread. of chain banking is one phase of ithe’ growth of monopoly’ capital within the ’ United States, C. B. Hazlewood, retiring pres- ident of the American Bankers Association, if I Were to isolate what 1 consider he r-tendency in tecent months in the business, I should say it is the in- ‘creased willingness of bankers everywhere to ‘consider no tradition too fixed, no prac- *tiee : jbeyond reconsideration, no intelligent ‘criterion unworthy to be heard. When you have such an attitude of humility and alert- Remeran ittitude never so true as now in iking history—accelerated progress will _:be made in a degree almost beyond pro- “pheey.” “In simpler language, the American capital- ist class under the leadership of finance capital ending its power, is enlarging its scope at ‘of action, is preparing as never before to figth Id markets. LENIN ON IMPERIALIST WAR Editor’s Note: In connection with the Lenin Memorial of the Communist Party, the Daily Worker will run a Lenin Corner throughout the month of January containing some of Lenin’s most important writings on Party or- ganization and the imperialist war. While the education of the working class in the teach- ings of Leninism is part of the every-day task of the Communist Party, the- popularization of Lenin’s teachings, particularly in these two respects, is of ‘special importance during this month, in view of the membership drive that is being conducted by the Party. The deepen- ing economic crisis of capitalism and the ever- sharpening danger of a new imperialist war makes it an absolute necessity for the work- ing class to understand the role of the Com- munist Party and the tactics it must employ in and against imperialist war. The present article is. taken from Lenin’s Imperialist War—The Struggle Against So- cial-Chauvinism and Social-Pacifism, which constitutes Vol, XVIII of his Collected Works, published in’\English by International Pub- lishers. From the first moment of the collapse of the Second International and the betrayal of the working class by opportunist socialism at the outbreak of the last imperialist war, Lenin exposed the true nature of the war and fought bitterly against the social-patriots of every stripe. Plekhanov, the “father of Russian Marxism,” and one of the most . outstanding theoreticians of the Second International, be- came a rabid supporter of czarism and of the Allied imperialists during the war. eee * Speech at G. V. Plekhanov’s Lecture on the Socialists’ Attitude Towards’ the War. Delivered October 11, 1914, Brief Newspaper Report. “Our theses, as prepared by. the Central Committee of the Party, have been forwarded to the Italians and many of them, unfortunate- ly not all, were incorporated in the Lugano resolution,” thus Comrade Lenin started” his speech, The first part of Plekhanov’s lecture, where he analyses the betrayal of the German Social- is very pleasing to the opponent, but he cannot say the same thing of the sec- ond part where Plekhanov tries’ to justify fully the position of the French Socialists. How can one defend French Socialism which is appealing to the Italians to join the war, Lenin asks, Even in the very elastic: res lutions of the International, he says, it is d ficult to find passages to justify that appeal. The present war, he continues, shows what a tremendous opportunist wave has risen. from the bottom of European socialism. To rehabili- tate themselves, the European opportunists have resorted to the old threadbare argument about maintaining ‘the ‘organization “intact.” The German orthodox Socialists have aban- doned their position in order to retain the formal unity of the party. He, Comrade Lenin, always points out the opportunism hid- den in stfch an approach to the question; he always fights against conciliation at: the price of principles. All the resolutions of Vander+ velde and Kautsky suffer from this oppor- tunist tendericy to take off the sharp edges of obvious contradictions. Kautsky in “his articl “On the War” even goes so far as to-justify everybody by declaring that everybody is right from his own. standpoint, since, subjectively everybody considers himself in danger and suby jectively everybody considers his right to exise tence destroyed. Of course, such sentiment om the part.of.the Frenchmen can be more easily, understood from the standpoint of the psy- chology of the moment, of humanitarianism, and it is therefore more sympathetic; still, Socialism cannot reason this way; it cannot proceed solely from fear of attack; and one must say openly that there is more chauvinism than Socialism in the conduct of the French. Plekhanov, says Lenin, criticizes those come rades who said that it was impossible to de- cide who was the aggressor.. The present war, in his judgment, is not at all an accident; it does not depend upon the aggression of one or the other, but it was prepared by all the con ditions of the development of bourgeois so- ciety. It had long been predicted in precisely the present combination, and on precisely the same lines. The’ Basle Congress spoke of it clearly; it even foresaw that Serbia would be the pretext for a conflict. Comrade Lenin then proceeds: to make clear what: the duty of: the Socialists is in time of war. Social-Democrats, he ‘says, fulfill their duty ‘only when they struggle against the chauvinist poison gases of their own country, The best example of how such duty is to be fulfilled is furnished by the Serbian Social- Democrats. Remembering the words of-Marx that “the workers have no fatherland,”. Lenin continues, the proletariat must not participate in the de- fense of the old framework of the bourgeois states, but it must create a new framework of Socialist republics. The broad masses of the proletariat cannot fail to grasp this by their true instinct. -What is going on in Eutope is a playing up of the worst and most deeply rooted prejudices. “Our task,” says Lenin, “consists not in swimming with. the. current our task is to turn the national, pseudo. national war into a decisive conflict of the proletariat with the ruling classes.” Lenin then criticizes the entrance of the So- cialists into the cabinet, and. points out the responsibility which socialists take up on them- selves when they identify themselves with all the government’s measures. “Better go into a neutral country and tell the truth from there. Better address a free, independent word to the proletariat than be- come a Minister,” were ‘tHe last’ words of Lenin’s brief remarks, Resolution on the Daily Worker (Adopted by the International Labor Defense Convention.) The convention of the International Labor Defense, held in Pittsburgh, Pa., December 29, 30 and 31, 1929, reeommends to all its mem- bers, branches, locals and districts to cooper- ate in supporting the Daily Worker and se- cure readers for this working class daily paper, the only one in the English: language in the United States. The Daily Worker is the central organ of the Communist Party, and although there are many members in the International Labor De- fense who are not Communists, it is understood by us all that the Daily Worker is the fore- most fighting organ for the masses of workers. The Daily Worker fights the attemp‘s of the capitalists of all countries to plunge us into a new world war; it defends the Soviet Union against the international exploiting class; it speaks uncompromisingly for full so- cial, racial and political equality for the Negro workers and poor farmers; it aids in the or- ganization of the unorganized workers into unions affiliated with the Trade Union Unity League; it battles for the liberation of the colonial. peoples from imperialist exploitation and their own native oppressors; it effectively exposes all reformist and reactionary labor leaders and organizations; it takes part in the struggles of the workers against the speedup, against low wages and long hours and fights valiantly in all strikes to help the workers: to victory. This conyention desires especially to com- mend the Daily Worker for the assistance given the International Labor Defense in all its fields of work. The Daily Worker supports the I. L. D. as the only working class organization in _the United States having correct program and policies. No matter where the I.L.D, engages in the defense of workers arrested for their activities in the labor movement, the Daily Worker loyally assists the I.L.D, to mobilize masses of workers against the exploiters and their government for the freedom of the de- fendants. Gastonia, Pittsburgh,, Chicago, Cal- ifornia—everywhere we find the Daily Worker fighting uncompromisingly against the terror- ism and “justice” of the capitalist class and” its political lackeys. The Daily Worker has been of first assist-: ance in our effort to make the I.L.D. a work- ers’ mass organization. It steadfastly calls upon all workers to.join our organization.. We must help to secure new readers-for the Daily Worker, especially.among the workers in the basic and war industries and by so doing, we will at the same tim secure these new readers as members of the.I.L,D, We must also make use of the Daily Worker by inserting advertise- ments and publicity about, our’ defense cam- paigns and, the affairs. we hold to raise money for defense of class war victims. By assist- ing the, Daily. Worker we build the I.L.D. All delegates to this convention ate iearnest- ly requested to discuss: this resolution in: their branches, locals and districts and in this way to widen the circle of readers and supporters of the Daily Worker. Notice!» ‘ The article in " yesterday’s edition entitled “Growth of Tendencies Towards Fascism,” ‘ written by Comrade Tom Johnson from Si Clairsville, Ohio jail. Hot Air. The Secretary of Labor Davis and His “Safety. Talk.” : By GRACE M. BURNHAM > Labor Research Association. “Safety on the Air” is the title given to an editorial in..a».recent issue of the National | Safety News, official organ of the National Safety Council. This private organization of less than 6,000 employers, safety engineers, and sympathizers, undertakes the “voluntary’ reduction of accidents in contrast to the com- pulsory regulation of industry to safeguard workers, now prevailing in every other indus trial country inthe world. The ediorial praises the: newest ‘method of | advertising the achievements of the employers, a series of weekly addresses broadcast “te some 30,000,000 (?) radio fans.” “Big League stuff—carried out in big league style,” one of the employers characterized this stunt. In the course of this radio stunt this employers’ agency was able to introduce to the American public among other “outstanding leaders in American life,” Charles M. Schwab, open shop, union-hating head of the Bethlehem Steel Cor- poration, and Secretary of Labor Davis,’ beth equally satisfied with the trend of aceident prevention in this country. The speech of the Secretary of Labor de« serves special analysis at the hands of class conscious workers, for it contains the very essence of the government's attitude towards the employers in their defiance of any inter- ference with their running of industry for their personal aggrandizement. The See speech accepts the National Safety Council as the proper and effective medium for Protecting workers in the United States. In spite of- the fact that»less. than ten per cent of the employers: of .the country: are co- operating in safety work, jp spite of ‘the fact that “only 2,000 employers: were kind: enough (our emphasis) to give the National Savety Council access’ to their records”—and even a smaller number weré “pursuing safety work in keeping with the Council's plans”—in spite of the fact that between 25,000 and 35,000 workers are killed in industry in the United States each year, in addition to about three and a quarter million annually injured non- fatally, the Secretary of Labor sees no’ need for governmental control. He is “proud that América is’ pioneering in this great mo" for the safety of the people of the earth” mt Actually. this bombastic language is nething but a smoke screen to hide the terrifically high rate of deaths and accidents which continue to mount in the United States year by year. Detailed comparisons with, the accident rates of other countries are only possible for certain industries and general classifications, but in each instance they reyeal the price’ workers “pay in the United States for lack of regula-~ tion. The death rate for coal miners in this country, for example, is four times the rate for miners in. Great Britain and five times the rate for miners. in Belgium. In 1924 the. rate for all accidents in the ~ United States was 76.2 per 100,000 For England and Wales’it was '34.1, For Aus- tralia, 48, The figure for Canada in 1928 was 56.5, while for Belgium in 1922 it was 28,3, An English expert studying American condi- tions in 1906 estimated ‘that risks in com able trades ‘in the Unite! States vent ten times ‘higher than for England. » (To be contniued.)