The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 3, 1930, Page 4

mee Sean” snalieatie —" Published by tne Comproaaiy Publishing Co., Inc, daily, except Sunday, at 26-28 Union ail Page Four Square. New York City, N. Y. Telephone Stuyvesant |1 7-8. Cable: “DAIWORK Yy > ddres® and mail all checks to the Daily Worker. 26-28 Un Square, New York VN ¥. Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. Worker A. By Mail (in New York City only) 0 % By Mail (outside of New York City): $6.00 a year; $ SCRIPTION Narre: $8.00 a year; $4. six months 0 six month! .50 three months 00 three months P ARTY RECRUITI N cS DRIVE “LIBERTY WITHOUT FIGHT!” Flashes from the Recruiting Front. Those districts are the mo: For instance, ucting most mass activity successful in the Recruiting Drive. Detroit district reports that at their first Soviet Union-Haiti meeting, 14 ap- plicati received, while at a second series of 5 mass meetings on the Haiti issue, at which 800 workers attended, 28 new mem- hers were recruited, of whom 12 were Negro The total of 87 new members re- 1ited in the first two weeks of the drive up vere secured as follows: 28 at ghborhood mass meetings’ on s meetings on Stimson Note; her mass meeting; 10 thru contacts at unemployment meetings and the balance t recruiting by the factory and street nuclei, ly thru factory nuclei. were Detroit has conducted mass leaflet distribu- n in the past two weeks as follows: 40,000 leaflets on Attacks on Soviet Union and Haiti; 5,000 leaflets in connection with the Illinois strike; 20,000 “Hoover Prosperity” leaflets; 25,000 le iealing with local unemploy- ment situation At the convention of the National Textile } Workers Union in Paterson, the Party fraction | ecured from amongst the delegates 18 appli- cations for membership in the Party, eight of these came from New Bedford, 6 from the South, 2 from aPterson, 1 from New York and 1 for L.C.Y. This is an example of what should happen at every union convention. i Of the 30 new members recruited during the second week in Philadelphia district, 9 were recruited in Philadelphia; 9 in Chester; 6 in Baltimore; 4 in Washington and 2 in Wilmington. At the three demonstrations of the Party in California in connection with the Stimson Note, 54 new members were recruited. The total recruits of 70 to date have come from Frisco, 35; Oakland, 19 and Los Angeles, 16. California district challenges the Seattle district to recruit more marine and lumber workers than they and challenges Kansas to recruit more Mexican workers. Seattle will have to step lively if they want to keep in line with California. ° Minnesota reports that they are working hard to organize three mine nuclei amongst the metal miners in Minnesota. Their quota is 14 and they will have to step lively. Lenin on Imperialist War ASKS OF REVOL DEMOCRACY IN THE EUROPEAN WAR Resolution of a Group of Social-Democrats 1. The European and World War bears: the sharp mark of a bourgeois-imperialist and dy- nastic war. A struggle for markets, for free- dom to loot foreign countries, a tendency to put an end to the revolutionary movement of the proletariat and democracy within the sep- arate countries, a tendency to fool, to disunite, to slaughter the proletariat of all countries by inflaming the wage slaves of one nation against the wage slaves of the other for the benefit of the bourgeoisie—this is the only real meaning and significance of the war. The conduct of the leaders of the German Social-Democratic Party, the strongest and influential party belonging to the Second In- ternational (1889-1914), which voted for the military appropriations and which repeated the bourgeois chauvinist phrases of the Prussian Junkers and the bourgeoisie, is a direct be- trayal of Socialism. Under no circumstances, even assuming the absdlute weakness of that y and the necesesity of its submitting to the will of.the bourgeois majority of the na- tion, can the conduct of the leaders of the German Social-Democratic Party be justified. his party has in fact adopted a national- “gberal policy. 3. The same condemnation is deserved by the conduct of the leaders of the Belgian and French Social-Demoeratic parties, who have betrayed Socialism by entering bourgeois cab- inets. 4, The betrayal of socialism by a majority of the leaders of .the Second International (1889-1914) signifies an ideological and poli- tical collapse of that International. The funda- mental reason for this collapse is the actual prevalence in it of petty-bourgeois opportun- ism, the bourgeois nature and the danger of which has long been pointed out by the best representatives of the revolutionary proletariat of all countries. The opportunists had long been preparing the collapse of the Second In- ternational by renouncing the socialist revolu- tion and substituting for it bourgeois reform- ism; by rejecting the class-struggle, which at certain moments necessarily turns into civil war, and preaching instead the collaboration of classes; by preaching bourgeois chauvinism nd defense of the fatherland, under the cloak vf natriotism, and rejecting the elementary. truth of socialism, expressed long ago in the Commun'st Manifesto, that the workers have no fatherland; by confining themselves in the struggle against militarism to a sentimental shilistine point of view instead of recognizing the: of a revolutionary war of the proletarians of all countries against the bour- geois of all countri by making a fetish of the necessity of uti g bourgeois parliamen- tarism and bourgeois legality, forgetting that in times of crises illegal forms of organization and propaganda are imperative. One of the organs of international opportunism, the “So- zialistische Monatshefte” (Socialist Monthly), which has long moved to the national-liberal position, is consistent when it celebrates its victory over European socialism. The so-called centre of German social-democracy and of other social-democratic parties has in reality faint-heartedly capitulated before the opportu- nists. It must be the task of the future Inter- national resolutely and irrevocably to free it- self of this bourgeois trend in socialism. necessity 5. Of the bourgeois and chauvinist sophisms by which the bourgeois parties’ and the gov- ernments of the two chief rival nations of the continent, the German and the French, are fooling the masses most effectively, and which are being slavishly repeated by both the open and-covert socialist opportunists who are trail- ing at the tail end of the bourgeoisie, one must particularly note and brand the following. Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. % Name .,.....+.5 Address . Occupation .. eee Age.. Mai) this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 Eost 125th St., New York, N. Y. i, JTIONARY SOCIAL-| When the German bourgeoisie refer to de- | fense of the fatherland, to the struggle against czarism, to the fight for the freedom of: cul- tural and national development, they lie, be- cause Prussian Junkerdom with Wilhelm II at its head, and the big bourgeoisie of Germany, have always pursued a policy of defending the czarist monarchy and, whatever the outcome of the war, they will not fail to direct their efforts towards support; they lie because, in reality, the Austrian bourgeoisie has under- taken a predatory campaign against Serbia, | and Frenchmen (in Alsace-Lorraine); it leads an aggressive war against Belgium and France for the sake of looting the richer and freer countries; it organized an offensive at a mo- ment which seemed most favorable for utilizing its latest improvements in military technique and on the eve of the introduction in Russia of the so-called great military program. Simi- larly, when the French bourgeoisie refer to the defense of the fatherland, etc., they lie, be- cause in reality they defend countries that are backward in capitalist. technique and that de- | velop more slowly, and because they hire for their billions the Black Hundred gangs of Rus- | sian czarism for an aggressive war whose aim it is to loot Austrian and German lands. Neither of the belligerent groups of nations is behind | the other as far as cruelty and barbarism in war methods are concerned. : . 6. It is the task of the social-democracy of Russia in the first place and with particular emphasis to conduct a merciless and ruthless | struggle against Great-Russian and czarist- monarchist chauvinism, and against the soph- ism advanced by the Russian liberals, Consti- tutional-Democrats, a section of the Narodniks and other bourgeois parties, for the defense of that chauvinism. From the point of view of the working @lass | and the laboring masses of all the peoples of Russia, by far the lesser evil would be the defeat of the czar’s armies and the czar’s mon- archy, which oppresses Poland, the Ukraine, and a number of other peoples of Russia, and which inflames national hatred in order to in- crease the pressure of Great-Russia over the other nationalities and in order to strengthen the reaction of the barbarous government of | the czar’s monarchy. | | 7. The slogans of social-democracy must now be: First, an all-embracing propaganda of the socialist revolution, to be extended also to the army and the area of military activities; emphasis to be placed on the necessity of tur- ning the weapons, not against the brother wage- slaves of other countries, but against the action of the bourgeois governments and parties in each country; recognition of the urgent ne- cessity of organizing illegal nuclei and groups in the armies of all nations to conduct such propaganda in all languages; a merciless strug- | gle against the chauvinism and patriotism of | the philistines and bourgeoisie of all countries without exception. Against the leaders of the present International who have betrayed so- cialism, it is imperative to appeal to the rev- olutionary consciousness, of the working masses who bear the brunt of the war and are in most cases hostile to chauvinism and oppor- | tunism. Secondly, (as one of the immediate | slogans) propaganda in favor of republics in Germany, Poland, Russia, and other countries | and in favor of transforming all the separate | states of Europe into united republican states | of Europe. Thirdly and particularly, struggle | against the czarist monarchy and the Great- | Russian, Pan-Slavist chauvinism, and advocacy of a revolution in Russia as well as of the | Kberation and self-determination of the nation- | alities oppressed by Russia, coupled with the | immediate slogans of a democratic republic, | the confiscation #f the" lanjownef's’ tands and an eight-hour work-day, | | | Group of Social-Democrats, Members of |: the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party. if Published for the first time in this volume from a manuscript copied by N. K. Krupskaya (Lenin’s widow). \Chicago Forges Past 100 Mark in New Members. - 19 OF THEM NEGROES. | With one-quarter of the time allotted for the Recruiting Drive over, Chicago has passed the century mark in gaining new recruits to the Party. Of the 102 workers’ recruited, the quotas are distributed as follows: Section 2, 13; Section 3, 24; Section 4, 14; Section 5, 28; St. Loilis, 4; Gary, 3. Milwaukee, which was lagging somewhat behind, has spurted to the front with 14 new members taken in during the last. week. The Drive in Gary, St. Louis, and Southern IIli- nois, is just getting under way and the re- sults, which .will start coming ip soon will quickly increase the Ch'-ago district totals. Milwaukee, 16; the German bourgeoisie oppresses Danes, Poles, | By Fred Ellis , G HAND, Growth ot Tendencies Towards Fascism E year 1929 has been one of developing re- sistarice of the workers to the increased pressure of capitalist rationalization. It has been marked by a steadily growing radicaliza- tion of important sections of the American working class, which found expression in bit- terly fought battles with the employers. At the same time, 1929 has witnessed the’ en- trance of new and heretofore relatively pas- sive strata of the working class, into the arena of the class struggle. _ The further trustification of American in- dustry, coupled with certain structural changes in the government in the direction of state capitalism, have exerted tremengous influ- ence on the form and content of these strug- gles. To a growing extent, big business is identical with the state power. The “economic conference” recently set up by Hoover, is typi- cal of+this change, Unter the administration of this president of finance capital, the pro- cessof direct open fusion of the state power with finance capital will proceed at an accen- taated rate. e Big Class Battles in 1930. The struggles of 1930 and the coming period which will unquestionably be of much greater proportions than those of 1929, will be pre- dominantly political struggles. They will be gigantic class battles with the class lines sharply drawn—with ever larger sections of the working class facing, not relatively small sections of the bourgeoisje, but’ locked in struggle with the capitalist clsap as a whole and its most posverful instrument of domina- tion—the state power. The bourgeoisie is not blind to the-signifi- cance of Gastonia, of New Orleans, of the growing strength and influence of the Trade Union Unity League. It recognizes them for what they are—forerunners of greater, fiercer class battles. And the employing class *ecog- nizes that these battles to an increasing ex- tent will be led by the one vital living force in the? American labor movement today, the Communist Party. , With the A. F. of L. tied to it by a thon- sand threads of common interest ywith Muste and the @eft” reformists of the ¢Lovestone, Lore, Cannon stripe, daily confusing and be- traying the workers, the bourgeoisie sees in the Communist Party its one implacable” ene- my, mobilizing the workers on all fronts for revolutionary struggle. Jherefore, in its preparation for the coming class battles at home, and for the war which is clearly close at hand, Yhe bourgeoisie directs its main line against the Communist Pafty and those or- ganizations under ite ideological leadership, Under this* procedure state laws, covehing .Sedition, criminal syndicalism, etc., are usually invoked. Such was*the case in the recent con- viction and railroading to prison of Cémmu- nist Party’ members, in California, Chicago, Woodlawn, Pa, and Martins Ferry, Ohio. Some 35 states have such laws on their statute books, relics of the wave of white terror of STE UE EE The district thas to maintain an average of about 55. new members each week in order to reach its total of 600 by Februgy 10. That this total'is practically realizable is indicated by the growing interest of the Party members in the results and the quickened pace of the recruiting. , ° | ' 1917-21, They are being pressed into service to smash the new upsurge of revolutionary struggle. The attack on our Party will grow in direct | ratio to the sharpening of the class struggle and the imminence of war. It is now in its preliminaty stage and is marked by three p& culiarities: (1) The drive against the Party is directed chiefly by city, county and state governments, The National Government, thru the Depart. ment of Jitstice, while sending every aid to local attacks on the Party, especially in de- portation cases, has not yet launched a direct attack to outlaw the Party on a national scale, This stvategy has pad the bad effect of some. what localizing our campaigns of resistance. (2) The attack is declared to be essentially directed against individual members of the | Party and not yet-against the Party as such. | were a | charged with sedition and held under bond. The same method was used in Martins | | same treatment. The methods used ‘by the state in Chicago is typical of these attacks. Some 100 workers ; sted first. Subsequently 27, com- prising the entire district leadership, were heavy Ferry, Ohio, where three workers were re. cently railroaded to jail for 5 to 10 years at hard labor on the charge of criminal syndi- calism. The prosecutor in charge of this case stated that while the Communist Party as such remained legal, all individual Commu. nists brought before him would receive the This strives to more or less obscure the fundamental issues involved— namely the efforts to destroy ‘the Party. At the same time its practical effect is to seck to outlaw the Party. (3) Attacks on the Party are not confined to the police and courts. Extra-legal fascist attacks are on the increase. It is notable that those fascist attacks occtir as a rule (altho | not alivays) in sections where there is either no. law which can be readily applied to directly cripple the Party, or where for various rea- sons the local governmental institutions do not respond rapidly in putting such laws into ef- fect. This illustrates once more the well known fact, that changes in the superstructure | of society-—state, legal fortns, ete., lag behind changes in the relation of forces, the form and contenf, ete., of the class struggle, (4) Active participation of the A. F. of L. anl the reformists generally (the social-. fascis in these attacks on the Party. End- less instances of this can be quoted: the min- ers’ strike, New York needle trades strugeles, and the textile struggles in the South. It is the open boast of the A. F. of L. Executive Council, that the A, F. of L. is the gbest bul- wark of American capitalism in its struggles against Communism and the Communist Party. 4 The “worthies” enrolled under the, power of Cannon, Lovestone, Muste, have already dem- onstrated on numerous occasions, their readi- ness to serve their nfasters in much the same manner, The Communist Party and the revolutionary working class opganizations will* mect the growing threat of the capitalist class. It will defeat fascism and social fascism. They will not terrorize, us and we will not budge one inch from the leadership of the mass battles of the working clpes which will grow in 1930. , SOUTHERN COTTON MILLS | AND LABOR By MYRA PAGE. (Continued) In the textile industry the contradictions in- herent in its present organizations have reached the stage where a permanent international crisis exists. Only a fundamental reorgani tion of the industry can liquidate this is and furnish mill workers a decent standard of living, but such reorganization involves a new system of collective ownership and operation of mills, in a society which is under workers’ economic and political control. This, then, is the double perspective opening up. before southern mill hands: Under capi- talism, further enslavement to the job-owners, reduced standards of living, recurrent wars which are always “poor man’s war and rich man’s fight.” Under workers’ rule, freedom from bosses’ tyranny, constantly improving standards of living, and enduring peace. Dixie mill hands, in taking up the fight for unionism, learn that workers in all parts of the earth are organizing and on the march along this route, militantly struggling for better con- | “Sons of life. and for their socialist aims. They find the Labor Movement, of which they a.c wow a part, inereasing’ in gigantic strides, from ten million in 1910 to approximately fifty million in 1928, and including within its ranks, textle workers of the Orient, England, Germany, Poland, Russia, New England and Dixie. In contrast to their worsening conditions, southern operatives learn with astonishment of the achievements of the textile workers in Soviet Russia. Since the workers took control there, in 1917, mill operatives have reduced their working day from nine and one-half to sevenehours, andétheir real wages have in- creased by thirty-one per cent (Chase, Dunn, and Tugwell, “Soviet Russia in the Second Decade,” 1928, pp. 217-247.) While Dixie mill hands fight rationalization schemes, Russian workers. welcome them, for there these changes are carried through for their benefit, rather than at their expense. The gain in real wages is reflected not only in the pay envelope, but also in other ways; such as in the regulations for two week’s vacations with pay each year, unemployment imsurance, workmen’s compen- sation and a system of old age pensions. Also, women workers get leave of absence with pay for six weeks before and after child birth, free medical attention, and an allowance for the child’s care for nine months. Furthermore, all elements of the toiling population have se- cured educational opportunities through their unions, co-operatives and clubs, which they never had before, while the new public school system which thgy Soviet Union has built up furnishes unusual educational opportunities to their children. In the South the Struggle for unionism and workers’ demands is just getting under way. In t ruggle Dixie mill hands will undoubt- edly play a foremost role. With the growth of the forces of miltant labor both at home and abroad, southern textile workers can count on strong support. Southern workers, on their part, are learning that the problems which they face in the cotton mills are basically the same as those which. textile and all other workers struggling against capitalism face,.and that therefore they must. unite forces for joint action on an international scale. Also,they are beginning to see that labor solidarity can recog- nize no division along race, sex, or craft lines, and that in the south, as elsewhere, this in- volves a feangess struggle for full economic, political and social equality for colored.as well as white workers. Their experiences are teach- | ing them, too, that struggles for economic rights are political struggles as well, with the whole machinery of government utilized by the mill owners against them. This is no acci- dent. Every strike, every serious unionizing campaign is a threat to the power of the bosses and to the security of the “democratic” gov- ernment which they have built up and control, and so as soon as the wage-earners in cotton mills or in any other industry begin a fight for their demands, they find the local, state and national government working with the owners, in sending in troops to protect strike- breakers and shoot down militant workers, in | giving sweeping injunctions. against strikers, making wholesale arrests, evicting from com- pany dwellings, and in framing up leaders and railroading them to long-term imprisonment or to the electric chair. Under the guise of “public interest,” the local or national gov- ernment may step in, as it did in the. Eliza- bethan strike, to act as an “impartial mediator,” but again it works in the interests of the owners, luring the workers back to work with false promises and so betraying their strike. Altogether, “American Democcary” has proven itself a hoax, used by the mill and other owners to blind the workers to the fact that the gov- ernment is an instrument of the bosses, the ruling class, which is used to maintain their power against the onslaughts of the working class. Since the workers, in fighting for union- ism and their elementary rights have to fight the state as well, they must have political as well as economic weapons with which to fight. It is obvious that the old parties have nothing to offer them, since these parties are likewise controlled by the bosses. Therefore Dixie mill hands must organize politically and together with the rest of the working class, push on until both economic and state power are wrested out of the hands of the capitalist bosses and securely in their own. : This is the perspective opening up beforé southern mill workers. They know that in labor’s organized strength, alone lies the prom- ise of the future. Renegades’ “Unity” in Mass Organizations By LEON PLATT. [Ree the Party successfully exposed the’ true face and meaning of tne policics of the renegade Lovestone group to the broad working masses ‘under the ideological influence of the Communist Party; after the Party ex- posed the counter-revolutionary character of these policies; after these renegades were com- pletely repudiated and condemned by the non- partisan workers in the left wing mass organ- izations and after the non-partisan workers refused to telerate in their ranks active agents of American imperialism, whose main task is to overthrow tle leadership of the Communist Party and the Comintern and attack the So- viet Union, the rfegades issued the call “for proletarian unity in mass organization.” This demagogic move on the part of Love- stone is only part of the general policy of a discredited, unprincipled faction, practiced by all renegadegin their struggle against the revo- lutionary leadership of the working class. The unprincipledness and corruption of this group of leaders without an army is being best ex posed by the fact that while-in the January 1, 1930 issue of the “Revolutionary Age” Love- stone and Lifshitz call “for proletarian unity in mass org&nizations” in the December 1, 1929 issue they called for the overthrow of the Communist Party and the Communist lead- ership in these mass organizations. “The winning of the Party means: The mobilization~ of the Party membership and the revolitionary workers for the overthrow of the ‘new leadership’ and its destructive political and inner-Party course. This is our objective and perspective.” Lovestone, however, was not the first rene- gade to raise this question. It was raised by Lore when he was’expelled from the Party. It was. raised by Cannon, when at a certain LL.D. convention the workers could not under- stand how one can support the struggle of the American working class and at the same time attack.the Soviet Union and therefore refused to seat the delegate from the Trotzky group. The slogan “for_proletarian unity in mass organizations” was again raised by Can- non, in order to cover up his struggle against real unity of the working class in its struggle against capitalism under leadership of the Communist Party in the case of John Watt, former president of @e National Miners Union. who . negotiated with the Lewis machine. viciously attacking the left wing trade unions and the Communist Party. This experience shows that the course of all renegades and enemies of the working class is the same. The call of the, renegades “for proletarian unity in mass organizations” in practice re- solves itself into unity of the renegades with social democracy, against the Communist Par- ty. The renegades for some time already be- gan to pave the way for this unification. Their attacks on the Comintern for characterizing the leadeyship of social democracy as social fascist, Lovestone’s apology to Cannon for the struggle of the Party against Trotzkyism, Lovestone's attack on the T.U.U.L. program for including the slogdh of “class against class” and his attitude towards the progressive Muste group considering it a “lever for the develop- ment of a clear cut, broad, left wing move- ment” (Communjgt, May, 1928). Their policy of collaboration With the socialist party in the Workmen's Circle conclusively proves this. The counter rgvolutionaty activities of Lovestone already reached such a stage that the “Friend” the organ of the Workmens Circle controlled by the S.P. came out’ with a statement: “Not all the left wingers in the Wor'mens Circle | trol of command, lost their consciousness and their common sense.” The unity of all enemies of the working class, demands. from the Party, the intensi- | fication of the united front policy from below. | The decisions of the October Plenum in this | respect must be carried out more energetically. “The task of winning the majority of the working class under the banner of the Party” the thesis of the October Plenum of the Party states, “calls for the energetic application of the tactics of the united front from below on the basis of the immediate needs of the work- ers particularly in connection with the strug- gle against rationalization (unemployment, speed-up, lowering of the standards of the working class, growing insecurity, ete.) link- ed up with the political struggle.” The Workers Should Discuss the Inner Party Differences. . The political struggle in a Communist Par- ty is not @ struggle between individuals. It is a struggle between Communist ideology and principles against opportunism. It is “more | difficult for the right wing opportunists to maintain their base in a Communist Party whose membership is well.trained in political struggles, than in the mass organizations where the working class has less political ex- perience. This in itself’ demands from the Communist Party as the political Party of the working class to explain to the workers its inner political differences which originate in the very struggles of the workers against capitalism. It is the duty of the Party to teach the workers the lessons of inner Party struggles. Lovestone, however, refused to rec- ognize this Leninist principle, and when the workers in the mass organizations refuted and condemned their slander against the Party and refused to tolerate them in their ranks they raised the ery against the Party introducing the inner Party differences into mass organiza tions. “\... proposals are made by the Party leadership of the union (the I.L.G.W.U. LP.) to organize forums in the union and ‘to dis- cuss’ the present inner Party struggle.” (Revolutionary Age No.5). i : Lenin taught us that: “The Party is the directly managing vanguard of the proletariat; it is the leader” and as such the Party”has nothing to conceal from the working class whose interests it represents.. The Party does not become the leader through mechanical con-" It acquires the confidence of the masses only through its correct policy and tactics, through the experiénce in the class battles on all fronts during which the working class learned the sincerity,gdevotion ang ability of the Party to lead thelr struggles against canitalism. In the words of Comrade Stalin: “The Party does not and can not effectively lead unless its policy is sound...” There- fore in a struggle for a correct Communist policy and tactics as against opportunism, the Party will not be a true Party unless it ex- ‘plains to the workers the differences and’ sets them in the right direction, < i In addition to this the workers must, also know that’the Communist Party es their leader will not be able to fulfi!l its duty unless it cleans itself of all opportunist and social demo- cratic ‘elements: “With reformists and mensheviks in our = ranks, we can not hope to lead the revolu- tionary proletariat to victory, or to preserve the gains of victory. This is fundamental.” (Lenin in his “Lying Speeches About Free- dom."), ee.