The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 2, 1930, Page 4

i an i all checks t Publi@hing Co., Inc., Y. Telephone Stuyv 0 the Daily Workei 8. Cable: daily, except Sunday, at 26-28 Unioh 16! AIWORK.” Union Square. New York. N ¥ ported to the District Office up to and in- | cluding December 31, 1929. uited = Per centage n organ- shop failure ew with- This is only n of a routes in the 1 by providing y in the shops For New Jer- od of building the d by a more vigor- he present drive. decided to severely Three, Four and Five, p to now is altogether miser- Xx These sections will ease their activity their to now poor able and v be required in order showing. to gre to make up for The District Organization Department must rply ques the seriousness of those Sec- and Un tionaries who were so boast- ne of the inauguration of the drive. We r t secure 75 per cent of our total quota by Lenin Day. Only three weeks ret This means we mus secure an average of 193 members during each of the com ‘ee weeks. his can and mus. be done if we are seri- | rmined to take advantage of the pre- able opportunities for building our The preparations for the Lenin Mem- orial demonstration can serve <; a means for reaching many workers in the shops and fac- tories. Toda few units ha ranged gate met id literature distribution. This accounts in a large measure for the poor showing of most of the sections and th of the District a whole which is sixth in proportion of quota secured. A banquet is being arranged for the new recruits who are brought into the Party be- tween now and January 18. At this banquet to which all District, Section, Unit and Frae- tion functionaries are invited a banner will be presented to the Section that comes nearest to achieving its quo of new members. sh All sections are required to hold open forum meetings at least once every two weeks to which comrades bring the prospective candidates for membership with whom they have contact. General membership meetings will be held in all sections during the week of January 5 11 at which the work of each section will be critically discussed and plans outlined for \ garian Fractions ten conduct of the campaign. All n must be present to these meetings. Our trade union and language fractions seem entirely unaware of the fact that a mem- ership drive is in progress, If they know of the drive then they are not conscious of the role of Communist fractions in mass organ- izations. Certainly many of our leading frac- tions will have to beereorganized and the com- rades now occupying, these posts replaced by comrades who realize that the test of our work is the extent to which we succeed in winning the workers with whom we are in contact for the revolutionary class struggle and for the Party of proletarian revolution—the Commu- nist Party. Some of the sections and units that have issued challenges to others seem to have for- gotten about it and will wake up after the campaign to find themselves disgraced. Unless they wake up right now and proceed to work at the factories in their vicinity. Determine right now on a quota for each week of the campaign. Organize for syste- matic distribution of literature and for meet- ings at shop gates. Sell the recruiting pamph- let wherever workers gather. Secure, sell and distribute bundles of the Daily Worker regu- larly to the workers in your shop, organization and neighborhood. More recruiting of Negro e further | workers; more support of the recruiting drive of the YCL. These are the urgent immediate tasks of every unit, fraction and member. ORG. DEPARTMENT District Two. “The Miscelaneous list includes the YCL with | four recruits; the Negro Department with four; the Women’s Department with five; the Work- ers School ten; the Marine Workers Fraction four; the Food Workers Fraction 5; the Hun- through N.O. 5; Needle Trade Fractions three; ete. An Explanation. An article under my name appeated last week in the Militant, organ of Trotzkyists who are trying to destroy the Communist Party of the United States. I have never had any connection with these counter-reyolutionists. I wrote the article for the Federated Press, a non-Party news service which has in the past been used by Party papers. I deny entirely the disloyalty to the Com- munist Party which is implied by the use of my name and writing in a counter-revolution- ary paper. I stand absolutely for the Com- munist Party and the Communist Interna- tional. GRACE HUTCHINS. Down with Machado’s “Labor” Congress! By ALBERT MOREAU. ! an Federation of Labor, an organ- by wit which t ecret carries on “labor activities” in order to fool the workers in the belief that the government gives full support to working Ss organizations, is now calling a fake La- ntrolled hado police bor Cong to be convened on January 5th in Havan: In accordance with the vesolution adopted at the convention of the Amer ef Labor in Toronto, calling for a convention the Pan-American Fed?ration of Labor on | January st in Havana, the tropical Musso- lini ef Cuba ordered his ciganization to :re- pare the ercund erd po; ize the convention which was to give sanctien to his regime of terror and nnirder. Growing Opposition to Wall Street. The class revolutionary unions of Cuba re- sented the decision and a series of protests immediately followed. The militant leader, Saritiago Brooks, in the name of his militant orzanization made a foimal protest against the arbitrary use of the name of the Trade Unions giving adhesion to the call of the Pan- American Tonventiont, thereupon, the furious assassin Machado had him murdered. One of the causes for the calling off of the convention by Mr. Green was the growing opposition of the Cuban workers to the treacherous imper- jalist labor lackeys of Wal: Street. It must be stated that the Cuban Federation Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu. ; nist Party. Send me more information. Name .. . Address ... « City MCCUPALioN ...6.seeevecsesccrvess AGCrrsoee Muil this to the Central Office, Cmmunist of Lab paper on is an organization that exists on The growing economic depression of the country has given rise in the last few weeks to a series of str’ of tobacco and millinery workers. These strikes took on a political character in spite of the repressive measures used by the government agents. At a meeting of young workers held in Havana a few days ago, the young working class mili- tants marched from the hall to the government palace resulting in a street battle between the | police and the hundreds of workers who defied the military rule of butcher Machado. Fight Terror in Mexico. The regime of terror installed in Mexico against the revolutionary workers and peasants also aims at the annihilation of the Cuban revolutionary emigrants, the recognized lead- ers of the Cuban oppressed masses. In the arrests of Junco and Barreiro and the tortures administered on Cotono, the black hand of Machado is clearly seen. The supreme master of both lackey Governments of Mexico and Cuba, American imperialism is the chief opera- tor in the attempts to crush the militant trade unions actively engaged in the class struggle and against Wall Street rule in the Carribean Region. Machado was forced to call this “labor” con- ference for January 5 in view of the postpone- ment of the Pan-American Federation of La- bor. He had welcomed Mr. Green’s coming to Havana where he expected to get his sanction for the hundreds of murders and jailings of which he is responsible. The presence in Cuba of Hoover’s labor rep- resentatives was the hope of the President to lull the hungry masses into a sound sleep. His secret police agents are now active in the convening of the Congress which promises to be the most unpopular gathering of “labor” fakers. Aims of Fake Congress. The aims of Machado-Guggenheim’s Con- gress are obvious: in the first place an at- tempt will be made to show the workers of Cuba that they have the “right” to assemble and form an organization of their own wherein the government agents can exercise full con- trol. Furthermore, the sharpening class strug- gle and the fighting mood of the oppressed workers can be appeased, so it is hoped. And in the second place, another attempt will be made to divert the workers from the regime of terror now in full swing in Cuba and Mexieo against their best leaders, into the so-called economic demands that they will be called upon to make at the fake Congress. But these trickeries will, of course, be of no avail, The exploited masses of Cuba know e“NEWS ABOUT HAITI” A letter smuggled out of Haiti recently Cayes. from the Haitian people. Baily SQs avoruer Central Organ of the Comm Stimson first said “five” and later “twelve.” sell ordered that news of the demonstrations led by Communists in the U. S. be withheld nist Party of the U. 8 A. By Mail Um New York City only) By Mail (outside of New York City): $6.00 a year; su SCRIPTION RATES 8.00 a year; § x months; 0 six months; $2.50 three months $2.00 three months revealed that “hundreds were killed” at Aux High Commissioner Brig. Gen. Rus- By P. FRANKFELD. | HE Party has never fully realized the im- | portance of the anthracite. There are 157,570 miners in the anthracite, including 81,- 642 American workers (white); 411 Negro | workers, and 57,517 foreign born miners. The anthracite is a highly concentrated industrial section; with mining, textile, and railroad shops as the main industries. The Party in the past was contented with leaving the anthracite go its way, and when sharp, bitter struggles would develop, a sudden splurge of attention and activity, and then back again to an at- titude of “hands off” and passivity. . This attitude of the past must definitely be broken with. The Party as a whole must real- ize the\ seriousness of the situation here; must | realize the splendid opportunities that ist for building up the National Miners Union, the Trade Union Unity League, and the Party. Otherwise, within a short time some more self- eriticism will be engaged in. “The Party lagged behind the radicalization of the hard- coal miners.” “The Party did not amply pre- pare itself to lead these struggles,” etc. The Party still has sufficient time to mobilize the miners for struggle. The Party still has time to make preparations for active participation in the coming struggles here. WORLD CRISIS IN COAL, The crisis that the coal industry of this country has found itself in (part of the in- ternational crisis of the coal industry) ever since ‘the ending of the last world war still | continues. The substitutes found to take the place of coal as a fuel are still in existence, | and are still being used. The coal markets of the world are not expanding; in fact are shrink- ing steadily. The coal industry is stil suffer- ing from the after-effects of the war-time over-development. This crisis has existed in a sharper form in the soft-coal fields. Nevertheless the anthra cite coal fields have not been exempt from this downward curve of production of coal. In 1918 there were 88,238,000 gross tons of hard coal mined. 1919—78,501,931 gross tons . produced. | Except for the years 1921 and 1923, when there was slight upward curves (yet fever reaching | the figures of 1918. 1923, which saw the high- est production since 1918; succeeded in reach- ing the mark of 83,338,401 gross tons); the output of hard coal has gone downwards, In 1926: 75,390,582 gross tons of anthracite coal | mined. In 1927 there were 66,934,756 gross | tons produced; and in 1928 this was further reduced to 63,135,057 gross tons. The Scranton “Sun” of December 24, points out that the | 1929 production lags behind that of 1928, and | that “this shortage was caused by the slump in production during the first seven months of 1929.” The Authracite Bureau of Information | dated December 13, in its monthly report on anthracite shipments for November, 1929, states: “Shipments of anthracite for the month of November as reported to the Anthracite Bureau of Information, Philadelphia, amoynted to 4,615,464 gross tons as compared with 6,477,- | 729 tons in the preceeding month of October, and with 5,759,031 tons in November, 1928.” In the New York Times of December 11, there appeared a report of the conversation between | the anthracite delegation and President Hoo- ver, chief business executive. The Times says: . “What was declared to be the prospect of a | severe depression in the anthracite coal in- dustry in the coming year was brought to the attention of President Hoover ani Secretary Lamont today by representatives of the An- thracite Cooperative Association of Pennsyl- the game of the tyrant. Brooks’ valiant de- fiance to the Havana Pan-American Federa- tion of Labor Convention will be followed by many more defiances and backed by the class conscious organized and unorganized workers of Cuba. Down with the fake Labor Con- gress of January 5th! Long live the reyolu- tionary unions of Cuba! i Big Battles Loom in the Anthracite vania.” “This means quite definitely that the coal operators themselves expect that the crisis will become more acute in the coming year in the anthracite region. The coal operators do not throw up their hands in despair and say “let it come.” On the contrary, the operators realizing the fact that the anthracite faces an acuter crisis, are adopting measures to meet the situation. The operators are rationalizing the anthracite coal fields, just as their brethren did in the soft- coal fields before them. 1) to cut wages, 2) to speed up producgion, 3) introducing labor- saving devises in the mines (loading machine, conveyor system, ete.). “he following statements made by coal opera- tors are most interesting. Mr. Wagner, gen- | eral manager of the Lehigh Coal Co., stated | that “he sees cutting the price of coal as one of the necessities for complete recovery of the lost markets. Like Mr. Pierce (of the Anthra- cite Cooperative sociation), he placed in- creased production by the miners as their part in the process of price reduction.” (Scranton | Sun, Mitchel Day write up. Our emphasis.) REDUCTION IN WAGES. In the report of the Secretary of Internal Affairs of the State of Pennsylvania, James F. Woodward (Nov. 22), we read: that wages paid to anthracite miners for the year 1928 amounted to 100 whereas the wages for the year of 1927 totaled 853,100. This means that within a period of one year there was a reduction of $16,298,000 in wages paid to hard coal miners. And this*reduction in wages earned by the miners was undoubtedly greated for 1929. From 1927 to 1928, more than 4,000. miners were forced out of the anthracite. What is the role of the U.M.W.A.? doing anything to prepare the miners gle in 1930 when the agreement expires? What will happen in September, 1930? The U. M. W. of A. is helping the bosses in their rationalization schemes. In the delega- tion that went to see Hoover there was a rep- resentative of the U.M.W.A. The policy of the U.M.W.A. is to create an atmosphere of de- feat and pessimism amongst the hard coal miners. The U.M.W.A. journal always speaks “about unfavorable market conditions,” about the part that the miners must play in over- coming the crisis. Whenever the miners en- gage in spontaneous walk-outs, usually directed against reductions in wages, the U.M.W.A. rushes to the scene and forces the miners to go back to work. The open company union role-of the U.M.W.A. is more clearly shown today than ever before. The U.M.W.A. earns its recognition by the operators by the services it renders in return; that of being the instru- ment to keep the miners in subjection while rationalization of the anthracite is being car- ried out. ‘i The U.M.W.A. is not preparing for a strike in September, 1930. Any one who cherishes any illusions that the U.M.W.A. will engage in struggle is simply underestimating the so- cial-fascist character of the trade union bureau- eracy. SOCIAL-FASCISTS AT WORK. There was an anthracite economic confer- ence held in Wilkes-Barre December 12. There were present the coal operators, the business men of the anthracite and the U.M.W.A. of- ficials. A resolution was alopted that states the following: Point 8.—‘The people have faith and confidence in the ability of the United Mine Workers to accept and discharge their responsibilities of the industry.” Point 4.— “Prosperity to the anthracite industry can come only through the application of all to a program producing lower costs and better ser- viee through good will, mutual confidence, and cooperation.” Point 6.—‘The reconstruction now going on in the anthracite industry is made possible by the intelligent understanding between the anthracite operators and ‘the AND LABOR By MYRA PAGE. s (Continued) Another example of the role which these so- called prog: ives are playing was given at the funeral of the Marion strikers, when Muste appealed to the “State of North Carolina to cleanse her hands of blood .. . and act to bring about higher textile wages and shorter hours.” (N. Y. Times, Oct. 4, 1929.) Whether such re- marks spring from gross ignorance or mere hypocricy is beside the point. What is to the point is that such talk and advice serve to con- fuse workers and raise illusions about the “State of North Carolina” being other than what it is: a mill bosses’ government, from which the workers ean only expect oppression. Furthermore, these progressives worked with union leaders in having a committee appointed to intercede with the governor to bring about a strike settlement, and on this committee “for the workers” were recommended a representa- tive of the Federal Council of Churches and’ a mill owner. Since when did mill owners side against their fellow profit-takers with the workers, and since when did mill workers need or trust mill bosses to push their cause, or depend upon arbitration to promote their in- terests? The entire history of arbitration re- veals it to be an instrument of the ruling class which is used against the wage-earners. The Marion workers showed themselves far ahead of the A. F. of L., U. T. W. and Muste- Ross-Tippet leadership in their courage, mili- taney and reliance, not upon bosses’ govern- ment, or churchmen, but upon their own or- ganized strength. Southern textile workers are beginning to see clearly the differences between the Na- tional Textile Workers, affiliated to the Trade Union Unity League, the American Section of the Red International of Labor Unions, and the United Textile Workers, affiliated to the American Federation of Labor. The first they have found to be a union which carries on a militant struggle in the workers’ behalf, on the basis of clearly formulated demands; the second they have learned through many mitter experiences, is an organization which fears all class struggle, but declares itself for peaceful United Mine Workers of America bringing about an era of permanent peace.” In a special sub-district conference called by the fakers in District Seven, U.M.W.A. to consider the activities and growth of the Na- tional Miners Union in the Panther Creek Val- ley, statements against a strike in September, 1930, appear more openly and brazenly. The Tamaqua Courier which reports this confer- ence writes: “Fortification of the U.M.W.A. is absolutely necessary now to assure the exe- cution of a satisfactory agreement in Septem- ber of 1930 without a strike.” (President Hart- neardy’s speech at conference. Our emphasis.) Again: “Coal weather is needed to have the industry return to normalcy. Peace is the only salvation.” There will not be any strike if-the U.M.W.A. can help it. This opens up the widest field for developing independent leadership that the left wing and Party have yet had in the an- thracite. The National Miners Union must firstly be built throughout the entire anthracite. Organ- izers must be sent out. The miners in the hard coal region must be mobilized for strug- gle in 1930; since the U.M.W.A, will no doubt sell out. The first an! foremost task is es- tablishing strong organization of the N.M.U. in preparation for the struggle under its own independent leadership. The N.M.U. should and must immediately draw up an agreement of its own to present to the operators. This agreement must con- tain concrete wage demands (for higher wages) and general demands like the six-hour day, five-day week, unemployment relief, etc. The specific conditions of the anthracite will have to be considered, and specific demands raised accordingly (like a fight against the contractor system wherever it exists, etc.). The N.M.U, agrement will have to be popularized throughout the entire anthracite. Strike conferences should immediately be considered and preparations made for same. A strike apparatus must be built by the N.M.U. The slogan adopted by the National Board of the N.M.U. “For a General Strike in 1930!” must be made into a living reality and this fact brought to the attention of the hard coal miners. The Party must help the National Miners Union achieve independent leadership over the anthracite miners. Party members must be the first to join the N.M.U. (and are in most. instances); the Party must help prepare the miners for the struggle in 1930. Leaflets and bulletins will have to be issued in ever larger numbers and mine nuclei established on a live, functioning basis. The face of the Party must be brought forth early—now—during the pre- paratory stage. Party organizers will have to be sent into the field. Instead of few and limited forces, more language organizers, field organizers, speakers, etc., will have to be sent to the anthracite. The language press of the Party must help mobilize foreign born miners. The Party must not rest content with only participating in the economic struggle. The political character of the struggle will have to be sharply emphasized to the miners, and the lessons drawn for the workers. The workers in the anthracite are still quite backward poli- tically, but under conditions of sharp class struggle they can rapidly be taught to under- stand the role of the capitalist parties, and rallied in support of the Communist Party. Our Party, of course, must be on guard against right wing. errors, Which remain the greatest danger for our Party. The sharpest struggle must be conducted against the split- ters and renegades—Vretarich, Galio and Bo- rich who are the most dangerous enemies of our Party because of their loud protestations of loyalty to the Party and working class. But we must also be cautioned against proposing policies not in accord with the actual situation and that would only isolate us from the masses. We are now going through a preparatory stag>, in anticipation of terrific battles that loom on the immediate horizon. We must strongly prepare to meet the situation, other- wise we will be left behind—asleep at the wheel. Our Party must be galvanized into action a no more mere words and promises, but take “actual steps in that. direction, | methods of cooperation with the employers, and betrays the workers into false settlements which gain them nothing. The N. T. W.; they find, bases itself om democracy within the union, and proves, by actions,* its belief in southern mill workers’ ability of leadership and organization; the U. T. W., on the other hand, distrusts the rank and file and has stated at various times that it is impossible to organize southern mill hands. While the N. T. W. or- ganizes black and white workers on an equal footing in industrial unions and unites them in struggles for full economic, political and so- cial rights for colored as well as white, the U. T. W. either ignores Negro mill workers entirely or segregates them into separate lo- cals and neglects their interests. Also it usu- ally divides workers along craft lines. In times of strike, the N. T. W. actively partici- pates and gives organizational and financial aid, but the U. T, W. gives little of either. In consequence, textile unionists in the south are turning to the N. T. W., and not the U. T. W. for leadership. They are beginning to see that only through militant struggle on a national and international scale can they build their union and win their demands. The N. T. W., realizing its opportunities and tasks in the South, is proceeding on a carefully worked-out plan of organization. A network of mill com- mittees is being organized throughout the cot- ton region, and union forces are solidifying North and South. Especial attention is being given to the development of local leaderships, and the development of rank-and file under- standing. When southern unionists and na- tional leadership consider the time is ripe, a widespread strike will occur, and this time southern workers expect to wage an effective fight and establish militant unionism as a permanent factor in the southern textile in- dustry. Chapter VIL. OUTLOOK FOR SOUTHERN MILL WORKERS. HE conclusions which stand out from the facts of southern mill life are clear and unmistakable. While the southern press, pul- pit, and schoolroom, with few dissenting voices, have combined to praise the cotton mill own- | ers’ paternalism and treatment of their em- ployes, the mill workers are living in company- ruled towns and are being exploited at a tre- mendous rate. Also their children, who in a few years must go into the cotton mills, will be spared a similar existence only through the determined efforts of mill workers themselves to change conditions. Furthermore, in the period following the World War, the mill owners have shown them- selves determined to increase this exploitation even further. Wages have been reduced by nearly one-fourth, while the stretch-out “and various other systems of speed-up are being introduced. Southern manufacturers are urged on, in these policies of rationalization, by their desire for greater profits, and by the fierce competition which exists among textile own- ers around the world for markets for their | product. In this competitive scramble, it is the textile workers not only of the southern cot- ton states, but also of New England, China, Japan, India and England, who pay the price, in lengthened hours, lowered pay, speeding up and increasing unemployment, As markets be- come more and more flooded with textile goods and competition grows therefore ever more fierce, the manufacturers will attempt to drive the workers’ standard of living even lower, so that they may be able to undersell competi- tors. ‘ But all these efforts for greater and greater output at less and less cost simply increase the world-wide chaos in the textile industry, for the market demand for textile products fails to keep pace with the mounting output of the mills. One main factor in this situation is that the wage-earning class which forms the vast majority of the population of all coun- tries, receives under capitalist rule such low wages that workers can not purchase suffi- cient of the products of industry. So long as capitalism exists, where goods are produced solely for profits of those who own the textile mills, steel plants, railroads and mines ,etc., this.chaos will go on; for it is not possible in a system based on private property to have a scientific organization and central plan of pro- duction and distribution of goods in line with the actual needs of consumers. (To Be Continued). ° Ou Self-Criticism of Our Pres: To the Editor of the Daily Worker: A few weeks ago I read in the Daily Worker that a number of Communist language papers have been corrected on their confused writings for the working class, One of these papers is the Rovnost Ludu. For quite some time a number of us workers discussed the articles.in the Rovnost Ludu and found a good many, of them mild—mild is the term used here in Detroit, until the time one of us read the mis- takes®pointed out and corrections made by the Daily Worker. This goes to show plainly that the comrades editing the Rovnost Ludu must apply the cor- ect political line writing for the working class, instead. of using a wrong policy based on un- derestimation of events in the present pericd. As a reader of the Rovnost Ludu move than once I was asked. to explain the absence of tie emblem of the hammer and sickle oa the Rov- nost Ludu. It is lagging behind with.the tempo of the old federation groups to leave out of the symbol of a vanguard of the workers and farmers which stands out as an inspiration to the toiling masses the world over, + What we want to read in the Rovnost Ludu is: (1) Why every worker should read the Daily Worker. must be active undor the direction of the dis- trict. (8) How to activize the housewite. (4) By Fred = COU THERN COTTON MILLS (2) Why every Communist * Why children of workers should be in the Pio-. neer movement. (5) What is discipline. (6) Bow to change from being isolated from the. labor movement.. (7) Why we mast attend a workers forum. (8) What is a right danger. (9) How can we tell it? The above is why workers support tho Rovnost Luda, not beesuse to a great extent it is acting as a report sheet of a sick and benefit society. “en es A veader of the Daily Worker and Roy, | Lada, Samah ean