The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 30, 1929, Page 4

(HE DAILY WORKER IN THE) T WORKERS ANSWER! ks to except Sunday, at 26-2 Cable the- Daily Wor D ALO quare, New York, 8 Union Baily Bas Worker Central Organ of the Ars Par p oiithe U.S A. By Mail (in New York City onl By Mail (outside of New York Ci SCRIPTION RATES: 8.00 a year; $4.50 six 36.00 a year; $3.50 si $2.50 three months months; $2.00 three months x months; RECRUITING DRIVE Ry M. Repr SILVER. (Daily Worker esentat A few shortcomin the recruiting dr member i strengthening our cally and in concent able elements, thereby and social composition of our the same time 1 he cent Party. We must make integral part of thi effective instrument in gett v join our Party and gc to the Daily Worker. However, at the beginning we find in our district corrected at once will tend Worker as an appendix in the That is, we will mention we used to end up e gro, youth we did not commit a right error and do not in the direction of making the Daily Worker part-and parcel of the Recruiting Drive orga aily Worker most the an the id women ar Some Shortcomings. The Organization Department he Cen tral | ee in; making application cards for ip did not provide a space to be used mbe as a subscription blank for the Daily Worker. At the first mass meeting in Philadelphia, three days after the opening of the drive, where Comrade Ben Gold made an appeal to yore present to join the Communist , he failed to mention the Daily Worker, alta of the fact that his attention was awn not to forget abovt the Daily Worker nd. When Comrade Minor, who spoke ¢ Comrade Gold, was asked to correct this he also failed to do so, with the result few workers joined the Party but no subscription was obtained. Our amin: District Membership Committee in ex- g applicants to the Party (and we had a number of them lately) is not making ough effort to get these new members to to the Daily Worker. We must correct these errors at the begin- ning of the which occur as a result from the top in order to come down to the lower units of the Party and mobilize them for this drive in the proper manner. We our have a big job on hand in convincing Comrades that the Daily Worker is our Central organ and collective organizer, and it is one of our major tasks to build it. Lovestone Organizes Party Enemies HE trio of Wolfe, ¢ zitlow and Lovestone press stheir poison gas against the Party and the Communist International into a container dec- ‘orated falsely with the label “We are Commu- mists.” . But inside the wrapper bearing th abel there i whatever bourg poison they cor y enough to injury to the Party and to the Commun International. Sometimes, through the care s of some of the poison monger of the ingredients leak through the wrapper. In such cases even those workers whose analytical abilities ordin- arily do not penetrate to its essentials can see the true character of Lovestoneist propaganda some The other day a Lovestone emissary in Buf- falo spilled some of the contents of one of his packages. A non-Party worker protested to him against the Lovestoneite anti-Party and anti-Communist International agitation. Hold- ing up the Counter Age, this worker accused the Lovestoneite emissary of attempting to destroy the Party and the Com- munist International. The emissary, a certain stupid school teacher by the name of Bert Miller, was nonplussed for a moment and blurted out: “Well, we rather see the Party destroyed than have it controlled by the pres- (the Comintern). This is the aim of Lovesione and Lovestoneism. To de- stroy the Party. The meeting in which this happened had been organized by the Lovestoneites. A num- ber of shonkeepers were there who spontane- yusly applauded Miller’s outburst. These ap- plaugjaig- gentlemen were never members of +, h@ Party. The Communist Party does not ¢) epresent the interests of the shopkeepers. Any { ‘litical scoundrel that may come along c @ ‘vt their sympathy and support if he prom S %4 » “destroy” the Communist Party. Even their P urse opens for such work. That is the main | ouree from which the counter-revolutionary 4 ge feeds. Loyestone, Gitlow and Wolfe (or is it Gitlow, folfe and Lovestone) are now “specializing” im calling upon non-Party members to populate ‘their meetings. They found that it is extreme- difficult to organize Party members against the Party and against the Communist Inter- national. Non-Party members can easier be gotten. Their non-Pa membership in itself. even though they may maintain an attitude of sympathy toward the Party, is evidence of some disagreement with the Party. Most of disagree with the Party oni discipline, and on the Party’s unwillingness to swerve from the revolutionary class strug- gle. Whenever a petty political peddler comes round to raise the ue | of “too much di line” or of “dogmatism” he can always find a favorable reaction in the fundamentally anti- Party souls of such “sympathizers.” Lovestone knows that, and he attempts to wild his business upon this knowledge. It is m this basis that he endeavors to organize is “mass action.” One of his salesmen, Ben Lifshitz, reports “We counter-revelutionary Age about a Balti- e “luncheon” in a private restaurant where t wing progressives out of the cooperatives, tkmens Circles and other organizations” @ invited. The report of Lifshitz is meant \ defense of his action; but it is in reality unanswerable accusation. It is an admis- “that the Wolfe, Lovestone, Gitlow concern organizing the non-Party elements in the ‘s organizations against the Party. _ Lif- itz’ report is a fit counterpart to the threat these “sympathizers” the Detroit Ukrainians that told the Party: you do not give us what we want, we will port the fascists against the Party.” Lif- @ tells the Party: “Since you do not give tt we want, we organize all opponents . Party against it.” Varkers! Join the Party of Your Class! signed, want to join the Commu- nd me more information. work The Party of the revolutionary proletariat must always expect the enemies of the pro- letariat to organize against it. From the petty stool-pigeon in the factory to the colossal ma- chinery of the bourgeois state, all forces of capitalism are organized and _ organized against the proletariat and against its revolu- tionary Party. It is nothing especially note- worthy that this formidable wall of enemies is strengthened by the after-all feeble efforts of a B. Lifshitz and a J. Lovestone. From that point of view, little need be said about it. But since the Lovestones and the Lifshitzs and the Millers and Gitlows wrap the bricks and mor- tar which they contribute to the wall of capi- talist enemies of the working class, in pack- ages bearing the label “We are Communists,” it becomes our duty to uncover their lying pre- tentions. They are enemies of the proletariat. They are agents of the bourgeoisie. Unemployment and the Negro, By EARL BROWDER. N the program for unemployment, recently published in the Daily Worker, there was a serious lack, inasmuch as it did not deal with the special attention which must be given to the work among the Negro workers in fighting un- employment. The primary reason why such special treat- ment must be given is not by any means be- cause we do not consider that the program for the working class as a whole includes also the Negroes. Of course our program is for Negro and white workers alike. There is n need for a special Negro program of unem ployment. But in dealing with unemployment as with every other mass activity of the move- ment, it is necessary to take measures to in- sure that the program will actually bb carried through, of organizing both Negro and white This is all the more necessary because there is still in our movement considerable indif- ference toward the vital question of really or- ganizing the groes and bringing them in large numbers into the active life of our or- ganizations. By all be broken down. be permeated with constant: vigilance, to watch every activity, to demand that special atten- tion is given to work among the Negroes to overcome and offset the tendency to neglect and indifference, which is a direct reflection of the imperialist ideology of white chauvinism. Any unemployment movement which does not put in the foreground the organization of the Negro unemployed, together with the whites, is doomed to failure from the start. Special attention and activity to mobilizing the Negro unemployed! Send Greetings to the Workers in the Soviet Union Through the Special Printing of The Daily Worker in the Russian Language! Lovestone, Cannon Are White Guazds, Says Farmer Rebel Dear Comrades: The bankruptcy of the counter-revolutionary Lovestone renegades can be seen in a circular letter just received signed by Benj. Gitlow, in which they ask for support for the “Coun- ter-revolutionary Age.’”* They are writing like they are part'of the Communist Party, when they say “The ‘Coun- ter-revolutionary Age’ is fighting to save the Communist Party, to maintain the principles of Leninism and keep Communist principles among the workers.” To think these renegades talk about Leninism and Communist principles when they themselves are throwing all revolu- tionary principles to the winds and organizing a disruptive group against the Communist Party of the U. S. A. and the Communist In- ternational founded by Lenin. The above should be enough to convince any honest revolutionist that they are not revolu- tionists but counter-revolutionists, We should regard them as we regard the white guards now fighting the workers of the Soviet Union in Manchuria. We farmers out here in North Dakota know the difference between honest, sincere revolu- tionary leaders as we have now in our Com- munist Party, and the corrupt, dishonest coun- ter-revolutionary clique of the Jay Lovestone and J. P. Cannon type. We have had some experience with the last named tribe-out here. Let us build the Party and show these rene- gades what a red Bolshevik Party we can and svill have for the workers and farmers of America! ANDREW ORNHOLT, Willicton, N. 1 means this indifference | The entire Party must | é By Fred Ellis <P ca ere et ee pene eer meron terete By I. AMTER. eS crisis in American industry is rapidly engulfing the country. Step by step Amer- ican industry is going into a slump, which threatens to have the most widespread conse- quences, The capitalists, acting under the in- | fluence of Hoover, are trying to cover up the situation; but little by little, despite the “as- surances” of Hoover as to the “soundness of industry,” the facts are coming out—facts that point clearly to the deepening of the crisis. The very fact that the manufacturers prom- ised ta#institute no wage reductions, followed by the pledge of William Green that there would be no movements for wage increases, suggested the idea to some workers, that a period of “stabilization” was at hand. How rude the awakening! Wage slashes are be lengthened. Speed-up continues with all its horrors! The number of children working in industry is growing. The number of the un- employed grows daily. And going hand in hand with it—and “defying the: allege? power of W""iam ‘Green—the number of strikes is | mounting, involying larger and larger num- bers of workers! | In the month of November uestaplajgnont increased 3.1 per cent, the slump in the auto industry amounting to 17.3 per cent compared with October, and 23.1 per cent comparéd with November, 1928. Wages decreased 6.8 per cent —and this in face of the “promises” of the manufacturers! That this is not a temporary phenomenon may be gathered from the periodicals written for the bankers and manufacturers. Thus the Annalist of Dec. 20 contains the following: “The decline in business continues, led by automobiles, steel and freight traffic. In other industries, with a few exceptions, cur- tailment appears to be spreading, with con- sequent losses in employment and wages.” Speaking of the decrease in business activ ity, the journal continues: -“This decrease stands, moreover, as the greatest which has occurred in any one month in the entire post-war period; and in all probability it represents the most severe decline in business activity that has oceurred in any oné month in the last half century, with the exception of those which occurred in the years 1893 and 1907... . The... consequences of such a swift descent in’ busi- ness activity cannot be set:aside as likely to be temporary and inconsequential. . . . “There has been so much loose talk on the subject, of a character which is misleading in the light of the facts brought out by the November statistics, that it is obviously time to face the facts as they are and not as the billboard advertisements would like to have them. “It is a question for serious consideration whether the business decline which is now well under way.may not, on the contrary, be prolonged and intensified by efforts to “talk prosperity.” The current recession, like al) those which preceded it, has been caused by deep-seated maladjustments in the national economy; when those maladjustments are corrected, and not until then, will business activity show lasting improvement.” This is plain talk. The bankers and manu- facturers of the “National Fascist Council,” who have practically taken over the govern- ment, or are working in such slose contact with the Hoover “prosperity” government, that to all intents and purposes, the government is directly responsible to them, admit: a “deep- seated maladjustment in the national econ- omy” and their own contentions reveal that it cannot be easily adjusted. Can it be adjusted? It cannot-—except thru a new imperialist ® The crisis has attached taking place with regularity, hours continue to- RATIONALIZATIQN The Crisis Grows Sharper | Germany and Great Britain vitally. The num- ber of v--mployed in these two imperialist countries is growing swiftly, and the financial condition of the countries is growing apace. In Germany, the government has reduced the unemployment dole, with the result that the unemployed workers in Berlin and Frankfort- on-Main fought in the streets with the police. | In Great Britain, the social-fascist MacDonald government does not dare to face the workers | even on the treacherous program oif which it was elected. The “nava. reduction” conference scheduled for London on Jan. 21 is breaking up before- hand. The contradictions between the imper- ialist countries are sharpening, there can be | no thought of reduction of armament, and the French imperialist government is deter- mined that no matter what is decided in Lon- don shall be referred to the League of Nations Assembly, where the French government, through its satellite governments, will be able | to thwart any plans of the other robber im- perialist overnments. Thus the “economic mal- adjustments” are resulting in an international crisis. } What has been the immediate economic re- sult in the United States? The result is that | 480,000 workers were discharged during the month of November, with a reduced payroll of $68,000,000. The bankers’ journal admits this much—but what is the actual truth? This can only be surmised, but unquestionably it is much more, for though the bankers are not inclined to publish too much openly and they conceal basic facts, there is also to be con- sidered that the Annalist has access to records of only certain groups of workers. The per- iodical states that the figures are “based on the roughest kind of estimates, they probably grossly under-state the actual results of the recent declines. . . . The influence (of these declines) is bound to be felt in every depart- ment of trade and to bring about important readjustments all along the line.” In 1928, the national income was 89.4 bil- lion dollars. Of this amount the workers re- ceived $32,235,000,000 in wages, while the capitalists pocketed $38,296,000,000. Compared with 1922, the workers’ wages increased- $7,- 682,000,000 while the income of the parasitic capitdlists increased $10,071,000,000! Between the year 1927 and 1928, the income of the farmers declined $123,000,000, and went still lower this year. The average wage of the worker in 1927 was $1,205, and unquestionably, owing to the wage campaigns of the employers in 1928, followed by the crisis in 1929, the wages of the workers are still lower today. Thus a worker has to be satisfied in this, the richest imperialist country, of the world, with less than $100 a month, while the bankers and manufacturers pocket unearned billions! Hoover and the “National Fascist Council” may wel] be dismayed by the present situa- tion. One can unlerstand why Hoover and the United States, Chamber of Commerce, with- out any decision of Congress, set up the “Na- tional Fascist Council.” The country is in a crisis; the workers are getting restive. The movement for organization and for fight is | growing. The message of the Communist | Party is meeting with deep response. The treachery of the social-fascist American Fed- eration of Labor and its “left wing,” the Muste group, of the social-fascist socialist party is becoming apparent to larger numbers of workers. » The Communist Party and the militant industrial unions of the Trade Union Unity League must be smashed—is the dictum of the fascists. The crisis is here—and the fight is on. » ‘What is the outlook? Annalist, we read: * “Itescarcely seems likely that there will, be as promt a recovery in 41930 as there Returning to the By MYRA PAGE. (Continued) In other words, the UTW offers management | its help in persuading the workers to accept the stretch-out and other rationalization schemes—against which the workers have been protesting so vigorously. In April the U.T.W. finally formulated a series of demands for | southern industry, which are: abolition of night work for women and children, “standardiza- tion” of wages, the forty-eight hour week, and introduction of rationalization schemes thru mutual agreement of union and management. | It is significant that more of these demands have been pushed by the U.T.W. in any of the southern strike situations under its direction. Also the omissions in the program are signi- ficant. There are no demands relating to abol- ition of child labor in the industry, equalization | of wages for women, and unionization of Ne- gro mill workers on an equal basis with the whites, with specific demands formulated to } take care of their problems. Form of organ- ization is not discussed, so it may be assumed that the’ U.T.W. will continue its policy of promoting its twenty-one craft bodies, although craft unionism has shown itself to be an antiquated, incompetent form of organization. Strikes as an organizational weapon are openly | deplored by U.T.W. officials. Each issue of “The Textile Worker” includes such statements is “We regret to report that Glanzstoff work- ers of Elizabethton, Tennessee, were compelled to strike,” and “There is a strike at Allentown, | which is unfortunate, to say the least.” Ar- ticles and editorials pointing out the supposed | common interests of labor and capital are | numerous. William Green, president of the | | A. F. of L., was quoted as saying, in connec- tion with U.T.W. activities in the south, “We do not want to hurt the mills. We want to | help the mills business and everyone.” In other | words, the U.T.W. will not attack the ‘mill | owners’ profits made out of child labor and | overworked, impoverished operatives. | The recent strike at Elizebthton, Ten- nessee, of 5,500 rayon workers gives in a con- crete form the policy of the U. T. W. in deal- ing with strike situations and workers’ self- | initiated unionizing campaigns. Also Elizabeth- ton furnishes another example of southern workers’ militancy. The rayon operatives | struck for the repeal of a fifteen per cent wage cut which had been given them sometime previ- ously, for redress against certain griévances, and for recognition of their rights of organiza- tion. The majority of those employed at the struck plants were: women, and there were also some children as young as twelve who had worked there. The first day after the walk- out, the strikers entefed the mills and brought out those few who had remained at work. Immediately the plants secured an injunction against the strik- | ers, and called in state troops. The strikers, | not at all intimidated by the company and state | forces, lined up against them, organized their | picket lines and not a man passed those lines. The pickets stood, their rifles with them, as guardsmen on post. They dug trenches around. the plants, and lay in them, ready for action, | should action become necessary. Whenever anyone not a probable strike-breaker came | along, every rifle disappeared down a trouser’s leg or under an apron. Glanzstoff and Bemberg For two days an airplane flew hour after | hour over the Glanzstoff plant, within twenty feet of its roof. Nobody except local leaders know where that plane came from, who flew | it, or where it went, but everyone felt sure it | was procured by strikers or friends. Ten cases of dynamite disappeared from the plant prop- | erty the first day of the strike. Again, no | outsiders knew where it went, but the rumor was that it was taken away by workmen and put where no one could use it in such a way as to blame its use on strikers. “A train load of strike-breakers was stopped. This act was | against orders from strike headquarters, where the U. T. W. had now taken charge and was attempting to bring the strike to a quick con- clusion. But the strike-breakers on the train did not get into the mill, and the\engineer of the train, when he learned the facts, said he would not run his train into the mill yards, | even if it had a clear right of way. Eyery- where labor’s ranks expressed a similar solidar- ity with the strikers. In the meantime, U. T. W. officials were successful in bringing the strike to a close, The settlement agreed upon with the company SUITE Rr SN Se sa Seiad aes Race Mea Meee 2 was in 1924. It will be several ‘months, at least, before the situation becomes suffi- ciently delineated to permit an adequate ap- praisal of future prospects.” This is. clear. Even the capitalists do not venture an opinion as to the ultimate out- come. They will not risk any analysis or con- clusion whatever ,at the present time. The decline will continue, the crisis will grow. The only way out will be thru war— war on the Soviet Union, plans for which un- questionably will be welded at the “naval re- duction” conference, to be confirmed at the Assembly of the League of Nations. This is their “prosperity,” with naked pov- erty and stalking unemployment for the work- ers; their “democracy” with a “National Fas- cist Council” ruling the country; their “war to end all ‘wars”—peace—with war alarms charging the air, and war plants working day and night in preparation for the coming war. The crisis is growing. The Communist Par- | ty calls on the workers to face the issue and to organize against it. Answer the challenge of the “National Fascist Council,” and its allies, the A. F. of L., the Muste group, the socialist party, and the renegades from the | Party—the Lovestoneites, Cannonites, Lore- | ites, who see no crisis, but only the “growing pains” of capitalism. Answer this challenge effectively by joining and building, up the ranks of the Communist Party, which is lead- ing the struggle of the workers for organiza- tion, mobilization and struggle against the ris- ing fascistization of the government, the in- creasing poverty,, unemployment, speed-up, and the danger of imperialist war against the Soviet Union. Young workers, join the Young Communist League! Workers’ children, join the Young’ Pioneers of America! Men, women, young workers workers’ children, white and colored—build up the army of the revo- lapenety Nera class and prepare to fight! | about 2,500 attended. ; count of this alleged special position. SOUTHERN COTTON MILLS| AND LABOR tipulated that there was to be no discrimina- | tion against strikers on account of union mem- bership | or recent activities, and a slight in- crease in wages was secured, although far less than the original increase demanded by the workers. The workers, dissatisfied, but not knowing what else to do, returned to work— to find that the company had no intention of living up to the agreement. One hundred’ and fifty operatives were fired the first few days, and within a short time the number had risen to three hundred. Indignant and amazed, the workers turned to U, T. W. for counsel—but the U. T, W. organizer had left town the day the settlement had been made. Thereupon the workers again took matters into their own hands and struck the plants for a second time. Immediately U. T. W. officials were again upon | the scene, and at their request, a Federal con- ciliator was called in. The following story of the events which followed, and the U. T. W.’s part i nthem is taken from “The Textile Work- jer,” and was written by Hoffman, U. T. We representative in Elizabethton. The story ber gins with Hoffman’s return at the beginning of the second strike: “Tues, Apr. 2.—The police officer and sheriff came to confer with me on the situation. I assured them that if the company would en- force the agreement there would be no trouble, and that we were holding down the workers and keeping them quiet to the best of our ability; They expressed anxiety over what another strike would mean to the business men and feared it would mean bankruptcy for the town. They left satisfied. A mass ‘meeting was held at night (just a ‘pep’ meeting), and McGrady (A. F. of L. representative) spoke and so did I. The same night McGrady went to the Chamber of Coms merce and addressed their board of directors, advising them to try to alleviate suspicion (i, e., of workers) and talked along the line of co-operation. “Wed., Apr. 3.—Early in the morning the board of directors, through the secretary of the Chamber of Commerce, asked McGrady to | come to their offices for another conference, He met the company doctor and employment | manager of the Bemberg and several other men | and had a two and a half hour conference with these men on bringing about an understanding between the workers and the company. Some degree of understanding was reached. In the afternoon, the president of the local met with the employment manager and they went over cases of discrimination together.” According to its own story, the U. T. W. directed its major attention towards co-operation with the Chamber of Commerce and the owners of the plants against which the workers had struck, while its policy with the strikers was one of “holding them down as much as possible,” and “keeping them quiet,”—at the very time when | the workers were looking for leadership to ! direct their struggles on to victory. (To Be Continued) ‘Communist Congress in Sweden. Fights Right t Wing Renegades STOKHOLM (By By Mail).--Comrade Dengel, the representative of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, at the con- gress of the Swedish Communist Party, spoke briefly concerning the international situation and then dealt at greater length with the situ- ation in Sweden, He refuted the contention of the Swedish renegades that Sweden. occupied a special position in the capitalist economic system and declared that this contention was put forwarl in order to admit hypocritically the new policy of the C. I. as correct for all | other countries, but not for Sweden on ac- The renegades declared that Swedish capitalism was highly developed and that the Swedish workers were comparat:vcly well off as a result of which, they alleged, there were no signs of radicalization. Based upon these false assump- tions they demanded a different policy for Sweden and put forward the slogan: “Rap- prochment with the social democratic work- ers!” For them, however; this slogan meant rapprochment with the social democratic party. The right wing renegades attempted to camouflage their fight against the C. I. by using radical phrases, but in their newspaper “Folkets Dagblad” they published all the usual bourgeois infamies about the Soviet- Union without comment. They already denied that the Soviet Union was a socialist country, though the same persons when they were the leaders of the Swedish section of the C. I. de- clared exactly the opposite for years. Opportunism in the Swedish Communist Par- ty was not confined to the Central Committee, it had its roots in all the party organizations and its lowest units. A thorough’ party dis- cussion must now destroy opportunism in the party root and branch. The party should do its utmost to bring new masses of the workers into the party in place of the renegades, but. not at the Cost of opportunist concessions. Op- portunism must be destroyed particularly: in the leadership of the party. This was: the preliminary condition for the .recovery of the party and for its Bolshevization, .The losses caused to the party could. only be made good as a result of the final elimination of all social democratic traditions in ‘the party: |. The idéological level of the party would Have | to be raised, and more energetic self-criticism developed. Only thus woull it be’ possible to, defeat the renegades and destroy their’ influx ence. This was also the way to’ develop’ the. economic struggles of the working ¢lass ‘into - political struggles and thus prepare the way for the proletarian revolution, French Exploitation Kills : Negro Masses in Africa PARIS (By Mail).—French imperialist ex ploitation of the Negro masses in, Equadoral French Africa has ‘caused a tremendous in- | crease in disease and death emong the masses. The Newrox are employed in-“portage” as carriers burdened with heavy loads, and are driven across unhealthy and infested. moun- tains without any protection. In order to save the rapidly dying population so they can_ be further exploited, the French government has increased its medical expenditures in <li j ‘ he ©