The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 18, 1929, Page 4

Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co.. Inc., N. Y. Telephone Stuyve Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker. 2 Square, New York City, Page Four dails, nt OF MASS STRUGGLES By HUGO OEHLER. The Communist Party of America with its voluntary labor power and present social com- position has not yet been able to obtain the necessary degree of continuity and efficiency in the process of the class struggles partici- pated in. -This chaotic condition cannot be ex- plained ay because of financial and leader- hip handicaps, nor can we dismiss the problem pointing out wrong policies applied for immediate activity. The first stage of any struggle of the work- ers against the capitalist to be most effective must be preceded by a preparation stage where we organize our forces for the battle. Spon- taneous strikes and struggles are not preceded by the preparatory stage and in such cases, we are unable to choose the most favorable mo- ment. Spontaneous action of the workers with- enter the field months or weeks after the strug- le indicates the vanguard’s inability of its akness as leaders of the class struggle, un- such occur only in isolated incidents. If is a spontaneous struggle, we must march n and work as fast as possible and make up for lack of preparations. But if we continually go into battle without preparations or if we enter the field months or weks after the strug- gle starts we must realize our movement is onted with grave shortcomings and on ination and overhauling is essential. So often we find a situation where lack of m the center results in disastrous comings to be mechanically followed by n of the field fraction by the center. Criticism of mistakes committed by the field fraction do not make up for lack of policy from the leading committees. So often leading committees hand down policies without any ways and means of execution and without one iota of cooperation to assist the committee in carrying out instructions. Such decisions that read well are worse than no decisions because they create a false feeling of security and incorrect organizational status. The process of action in approving correct strategy and tactics cannot be separated from the execution. Details need not. always be taken up in leading committees but leading committees and comrades must see that details can be executed in proper committees other- gl w | wise we never pass the paper stage of or- ganization and do not reach the masses. @ One must nat become lost in organizational detail but a Lealthy reaction to the present period of polemics and theses with phrases meaningless to the masses and with speeches and articles somewhat of the German Philoso- phers type, that start with the gaseous stage of our planets and end with who knows, is essential. A special example of the opposite of the present stage is the short, simple and yet correct Marxism articles written by Lenin from time to time on the most vital problems facing the movement. If he had used our pres- | ent style of writing phrases (so no one could find deviations) he would possibly end like our present theoreticians so often end with phrases mechanically thrown together, with the life of the struggle and the means of executing | it buried before they were born. A very bad tendency is our regular habit to pull up stakes just as soon as the agitational benefit stage is past. In strikes and struggles in the peak of the agitational tage, when the majority are in movement and rally to our slogans it is easy to be “leaders of the magses” | and it is not easy to distinguish the loudmouth empty head from the real revolutionist. But the stage following this, when reaction sets in, when success or failure, or retreat or to re- organize or consolidate the fruits is necessary —this is the period to test the leaders and our forces and especially the vanguard. In the beginning of the struggle the leading committee must make provisions for the stage following the agitational stage otherwise even if we overcome the lack of preparations we will not overcome the pulling-stakes ending. | Preparations for the struggle and preparations for the last stage are essential. The masses support of the struggle recede with the agita- tional stage but we as revolutionists must suc- | ceed in the next stage, otherwise we move in a vicious and brutal circle. Every working class struggle holds its mass support as long as the struggle proceeds up- ward in its political level and when the tide turns or recedes, temporarily organizational ability of the vanguard must carry, through otherwise our forces will be unable to maintain our gains and prepare for a new offense. PARTY RECRUITING DRIVE Factory Nuclus Tasks in Recruiting The following plan has been worked out by the Detroit District: 1. Make the Nucleus a real factory Nucleus, and not only in name. This means that the nucleus must take up the problems of the work- ers in the factory, the building of the union, the unemployment situation, ete. Carry on regular and systematic activity in the shop, publish a factory paper, recruit new members, bring all the Party campaigns into the fac- tory, distribute the Daily Worker, Labor Unity, etc. The nucleus must become the leader of the struggle of the masses, constantly be on the look out for the possibility of developing struggles and not wait until they occur in spite of the inactivity of the nucleus. The nucleus must also take up all the political questions of the Party work among the masses and the internal life of the Party. The nucleus must see that every Party member is active in the factory. We must overcome the present condition when the agenda of the average nucleus of a certain factory may as well be the agenda of the shop or street nucleus anywhere in the country. Make the factory nucleus a real fac- tory nucleus. 2. In the present recruiting campaign the nucleus must double the membership at pres- ent. 3. The nucleus must from among the work- ers in the factory secure as many subscrip- tions for the Daily Worker as there are mem- bers in the nucleus. 4. The nucleus must sell twice as many Daily Workers every day, as there are mem- bers in the nucleus. 5. The nucleus must publish regularly a factory paper. Appoint at once: 1) An editor- ial committee to start preparing the material. 2) A finance and distribution committee to devise ways and means of publishing the shop paper, and organize its sale and distribution. 6. Every nucleus must sell the amount of literature as outlined under the tasks for every Party member. Also, every nucleus must aim to distribute 1,000 leaflets of every one issued by' the Party. 7. Every nucleus must secure in the drive at least 20 per cent of the new members, Negro workers. Attention must also be given to the recruiting of women from the factory. 8. Every nucleus must help build a unit of the Young Communist League in the factory. 9, Every nucleus must form a shop com- mittee or as in the case of the auto workers, a shop local of the Auto Workers Union. | 10. Every nucleus must organize for the Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. é PRO s as ds ss secs acces sarsesiveveneoss “Occupation PUMA Seikiveseine lk: Aahass Mail this to the National Office, Communist , 43 East 125th St., New York, N. Y. ne t 8, distribution of the Labor Unity, and the Auto Workers News in the auto industry. 11. Every nucleus must arange regular meetings to which sympathetic workers are in- vited, and an educational program organized. 12. Every nucleus must regularly organize discussion of the Party questions in order to educate the membership and raise their political and theoretical level. Organizational Tasks. 1. Beginning with the first week in Janu- ary, all nuclei must meet once a week. 2. Special visiting committees must be form- ed to get back into activity all those who do not come to the meetings regularly. These comrades can be seen in the shop or in the home. 3. The nucleus must complete the registra- tion of all comrades not yet registered. Bring all registrations to the district” office. 4. The second meeting in January is to be a reorganization meeting. Special efforts must be made to get a full attendance at this nucleus meeting. At this meeting the officers of the nucleus are to be elected. They are to be: (1) Secretary-Organizer. (2) Financial Secretary. (3) Agitprop Director. (4) Industrial Organizer. (5) Daily Worker and Literature Agent. (6) Negro Organizer. (7) Women’s Work Organizer. These comrades are to constitute the Execu- tive Committee of the factory nucleus. Fac- tory nucleus of less than 12 members should elect only an Executive Committee of 3 com- rades. 5. The nucleus must collect every week from every member two per cent of his wages as dues payments. Comrades unemployed must take exempt stamps if they cannot pay, and thus maintain themselves in good standing. The nucleus keeps 10 per cent of the dues payment. 6. The nucleus must keep a record of the activity of every member, and be ready at any time to report to the District Committee on, | the activity of every Party member. The District Committee is now taking steps to organize on a functioning basis the Sec- tion Committee. The Section Committee will be charged with helping the nuclei in the sec- tion to carry on their work. To get members | of the street nucleus in tia section to help the factory nucleus in its work, as for example: ’ distribution of shop papers, literature, ete. The | section wil! also organize local mass meetings, local affairs, organize local distribution of literature in the factories or from house to house. 4 Thru the establishment of a good function- ing machinery in the units in the sections wé will be able to improve our work, give better attention to all details, and overcome many of the present organizational shortcomings, with reference to assigning new members, etc. Tour in N. E. Distzict To mobilize every member and unit for the rec. ‘ing of 400 new members and 300 subs for the Daily Worker in the N. E, District of the Communist Party, the following comrades will tour the district and visit the following towne: Sunday, December 22. ub’ :rdson .......DEC Rep. C. Matson sesssssesDEC Rep, T. Mentyla Newport, Lebanon DEC Rep. “”. Paananen +R. Stephens, D, O. Lawrence NOTE—The accompanying material, re- ceived by mail, relates to the first state- ment of the leaders of the right wing in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, made on Nov. 25, last, admitting the mistake of their position in their controversy with the Central Committee. Yesterday the Daily Worker printed a wireless despatch from Moscow describing a second renunciation by Bukharin of the dangerous political line of the right wing group, especially naming his famous article, “Notes of an Economist,” in which Bulharin laid down an opportunist platform.—Editor. s 8 MOSCOW (By Mail).—The complete text of the statement to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union re- nouncing their former right wing position, made by Bukharin, Tomski and Rykov, on November 25, is as follows: “During the course of the last eighteen months differences existed between us and the majority of the members cf the Central Com it‘'ee of the Communist Party of the Ssviet Union in a number of political and practical questions. Ve documented our opinions in a series of statements and speeches at plenary and otter sessions of the Central Committee and the Central Con- trol Commission of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. We consi it to be our duty ‘> declare now that the Party and its Sentral Committee were in the right in these questions. The opinions expressed by us in a number of documents have proved to be in- correct. Whilst admitting our errors we promise to do everything possible together with the whole Party to fight decisively against all deviations from the general policy f the Party and above ali against all right wing deviations and against any conciliatory attitude to such deviations in order to dis of all difficulties ard to guarantee the spcedy victory of the building up of social- ism.” “* * The member of the Central Committee. of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Ugarov, has made the following declaration to the Central Committee: “At the last t > plenary s~ | Jentral Committee I supported the attitude | | of Comrades Bukharin, Rykov and Tomski. | | “ns of the In the meantime, however, I have come to the conclusion thr’ the opinions expressed by the above menticned comrades wer: in- correct and that therefore I was wrong in | supporting them. I am completely in agree- ment with the genoral + >licy of the Darty and cf its Central Commiitee and will do my | utmost to see that it is carried into opera- tion.” _* * Tl “Pravda” publishes a declaration of Comrade Kameney solidarizirg himself com- | 1’ ‘ely with the declaration of Comrade Zin- -iev pu’ “sled in yesterday’s “Pravda.” .... mee he The Party Is Victorious. (Editorial of “Pravda,” Moscow, Nov. 26, 1929) The language of our. everyday life, the lan- guage of uncompromising facts, the language of the millions of Party, members and prole- ta masses, in the end proved to be con- vineing to the* leaders of the >ankrupt right opposition. In toC>y’s paper the Party read the statements of Comrades Bukharin, Rykov and Tomsky, of the complete recognition of their mistakes in all political and tactical dif- ferences '~tween them and the Party, which they ~ intaine! for the last year and a half, and the statement of Comrade Ugarov—the .the greatest thet s A. By Mall (in New York City only): $ By Mail (outside of New York City SUMSCRIPTION RATES: six months; $3.50 six months; sat eta SS NERA S SI BELEN 50 thrée month¢ 2.00 three monthf . By Fred Ellis DEFEAT OF RIGHT WING IN USS.R. COMMUNIST PARTY only member of the Central Committee: who still supported the “trio” at’ the November Plena and who today also disassociated him- self from them. lt is necessary to point out the extreme stubbornness with which Comrades Bukharin, Rykov and Tomsky defended to the last min- ute the wrong and cpenly anti-Leninist views of the right wing. It was necessary to have success of the Party on all fre of socialist construction, recognized even by our class enemies, it was necessary to have blinding procf to show how the ideology of the right wing turned itself into a standard for the mobilization of all anti-Soviet and anti- proletarian elements in the country, it was necessary to have the tremendous pressur> of the Party masses, and finally, it was neces- sary to. have the resolution of the November Plenum, declaring that the advocacy of the views of the right wing opportunists and con- ciliators was incompatible with membership in the Party, in order to have Comrades Bukharin, Tomsky and Rykov do what the Party long ago tried to have them do. And they have done this after they were completely deserted by their followers, after th till tried to conceal and again and again trol by diplomatic means to avoid an open Bolshevik admission of their grave mistakes, after they tried “to reason despite and in spite of the facts” in defense of their self- evidently bankrupt views, they continued to struggle against the Party with all weapons, including the weapon of slander. Every rank and file Party member, with all the satisfac- tion with which he will read the statement, will say that Comrades Bukharin, Tomsky and Rykov delayed them too long and too much misused the patience of the Party. And he will wait to see how Comrades Bukharin, Ry- kov and Tomsky will carry out in practice their statemen! of their imperative duty of defend- ing the general line of the Party against all difficulties and all deviations, against the right wing and conciliators in the first place. It is self-understood that the Central Com- mittee will give them an opportunity to do this before the entire Party. The Party and its general line are victorious. Was it long ago that the Trotskyites began their infamous march with fire, swor] and trumpet, of unpardonable petty-bourgeois phrase-monge-ing and self-praise, against the line of the Party? And what is left of Trotsky- ism today? We think that among the argu- | ments that pushed the leaders of the right- wing opposition to ce~itulate before the Party (‘hough how late this capitulation was!) not the least factor was the fate of Trotskyism, its short but in great measure instructive his- tory, which passed before the es of the en- tire Party and shamelessly ended itself on the ‘low pages of the bourgeois press. In the difficult moment for the Farty, Com- rades Bukharin, Rykov and Tomsky began to vacillate, to deviate from the general lire of the To. y, when the Party after the Fifteenth Cor_ ‘ess faced great difficulties, wien the kulak, strengthened during the years of exist- ence of the NEP, tried through sabotage in the grain collection to take the Soviet Power by its throat, when we expected the treachery and betrayal in leading cadres of our industry (the Don Basin affair) when we, through a short period, clearly sensed the vacillation of a sec- tion of the middle peasantry in the struggle between the working class and kulak. Precisely at this moment, when the Party had a right to expect from its leadership the maximum of consistency, iron Bolshevik firm- / ness, struggle in spite of all difficulties and | hardships, not to turn the Party rudder from its correct course laid down at the Fifteenth Party Congress, Comrades Bukharin, Rykov and Tomsky began to deviate and oppose the policy of developing the socialist offensive The Role of the Church By MYRA PAGE. (Continued) Village churches are one of the most effec- tive means of company propaganda. Poor White and Negro labor is traditionally reli- gious, and management has utilized this fact to its own advantage. rare exceptions, has one or more company owned churches and company-employed pas- tors. From one-half to two-thirds of the vil- lagers, in the places where we worked, at- tended Sunday church services regularly, for this is one of the few diversions and social gatherings which life on the hill offers. There are few mill workers’ families who are actively engaged in church affairs, how- ever. Church leadership depends primarily on the minister and his family, aided by social workers, teachers, and mill superintendents and foremen and their wives. Like their fo fathers, mill villagers are largely Baptists and Methodists and the gospel they hear preached is “the good old religion of soul- saving and repentance,” of exhortation to meek endurance of this world’s hardships with faith in the reward hereafter in a heaven of peace and glory, warnings to the wicked and unbelieving that eternal damnation in a hell of fire and brim- stone shall be their fate. It is a theological and irrational doctrine, emotionally preached and emotionally accepted. Superstitious be- liefs are commonly accepted, about god’s in- terference in a most minute way, in human affairs, either to incite or to p! nt some act, or to reward oy punish some individual’s or group’s conduct. Accidents, coincidences, illness and happenings in nature are frequent- ly interpreted as “signs from heaven.” The social doctrines which the pastors promote are extremely reactionary, including eulogies of the family as the basis of christian civiliza- tion and laments on its signs of decay, ac- ceptance of things as they are as right and inevitable and part of god’s will, and the nec- essity of being faithful and appreciative work- men. Mill preachers do not concern them- selves with the significance, from a social and “Christian point of view,” of child labor, long hours, low standard of living and the denial of the right to form unions. They keep silent on these matters altogether, or mention them only to denounce the “reds” who would upset the peace and harmony which is supposed to exist on southern cotton mill hills. The rare minister who has favored some social reform has been quickly removed from his post. Of four ministers whom I ran across in the villages, all had nothing but praise for what the textile industry and its benevolent owners had done for southern labor; and all referred to mill workers as shiftless and generally ir- responsible! Two of them thought, however, that mill people had some latent powers of leadership. One pastor ardently defended child labor, saying that mill people’s children were healthier and happier in the mlls than combined with continual | against the capitalist elements, which in fact meant capitulation before these elements. Now every one—and in this are included also these comrades who signed the statement published in today’s paper—can clearly see how destructive it would have been for the Party and for the Soviet government to ac- cept this capitulating opportunist conception of “narrow places” in the tempo of industrial- ization, “unbreakable concessions,” liberal “nor- malization of market relations,” e' . .Today, when the Party has succeeded in bringing the country out of the grain crisis in spite of the most vicious opposition of the kulaks, when the Party succeeded in developing on basis of self-criticism the activity of the proletarian masses to a degree hitherto unknown, and to reach a record-breaking tempo of economic development, succeeded in strengthening the ties with the middle peasants and d the tremendous movement for collectivization, involving the broad layers in the villages—it becomes clear for all sincere supporters of the proletariat that the Party was correct in its streggle with the right wing opportunists. Therefore, for the Party the short history of one and half years of difference of which Comrades Bukharin, Rykov and Tomsky write in their belated statement, become an instruc- tive lesson, on how dangerous are even the smallest deviations from the line of the Party and hew far they can lead. The Party will continue with the same de- termination and decisiveness to fight these and similar deviations as it did with the op- portunism of Comrades Bukharin, Rykov and Tomsky. Today’s declaration of these comrades, which the Party secured through its stukborn, un- comrromising struggle, becomes a heavy blow against’ the right opposition in our Party,:the leaders of which were Comrades Bukha-in, Rykov and Tomsky and the right elements in the International Comm nist movement who orientated themselves on the right opposition in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. This, however, does not remove even in the slightest the responsibility of our Party and the Comintern mercilessly to struggle against the ideology of the right-wing opposition and conciliationism, from which Comrades Bukhar- in, Tomsky and Rykov disassociated themselves today, but which remains in existence and more definitely becomes a direct weapon in the service of our class enemies. The Party with all determination will have to draw or- ganizational conclusions, which flow from the decisions of the November Plenum, of the in- compatability of the advocacy of the views of the right opportunists and conciliators with membership in the Communist Party. Here- tofore, as in the future, the ideology of the right wing opposition and its reflection in practical work, were and remain a hindrance in carrying through our tasks laid down by the Party in the field of further socialist con- struction, After the ideologists of the right wing have capitulated, we must with special force hit the right wing in its pracuce. The Party will even more stubbornly and determinedly continue its struggle against the ideology and practice of the right wing, mob- izing around its Leninist general staff—the Central Committee—and with its strong hand directing it through all difficulties and hard- ships and through the elimination of all devi- ations, to new victories, Every village, with*) | | SOUTHERN COTTON MILLS AND LABOR when running the streets and sating candy. also stated that there was uot a family in age which could not have everything it needed (although many families hadonly nine dollars a week on which to live), except for the foolish waste of money on ginger ale anu such. He was in close contact with manage: ment and much opposed to unionism. Another pastor stated that conditions: were far better now than some years ago, in fact just about ail that could be désired, and that past changes had been brought about by manage- ment for its people and that in good time it would further improve conditions, should such be needed! A third preacher referred to the low standard of living of village people but seemed to consider it due largely to their shiftlessness, and he also said he was opposed to unionism. The fourth man had but one plank in his social platform, beside religion: he, wished to see mill people take up farming on the side as_a health and income aid. All four} stressed thé necessity of spiritual rejuvenation and their mission as reconcilers of capital and labor, and of town and village. What they said was merely a repetition of the content of speeches made by the main spokesmen at summer conferences of Southern Baptist and Methodist ministers, published in handsome book form by the Manufacturers’ Record, a notorious open shop organ, and presented gratis to all the local pastors for their edifica- tion. These “Christian” organizations and social doctrines, which are quite acceptable to man- agement, have had a most decided effect on mill people’s point of view. For instance, in discussing their living and working conditions and unionism as an attempt to remedy their grievances, a number of workers made some such sti nts as, “We mustn’t concern our- selves with earthly things. It is all in God’s hands,” or “Unionism might be a good thing but I ain’t got no time, my thoughts is all on the world to come.” One woman, after a recital of fifty years of poverty’s hardships, ended with the words, “But for my belief in God and His Goodness and His reward here- after, I coulden go on.” “Some also stated themselves as opposed to unionism and gave as their reasons that unionism would prevent 1 employers from acting as ch an quoted the bible as proving opinion! Of course, many mor mill workers quoted scripture to prove god’s approval of unionism! Needless to say, this interpretation of the matter they had not re- ceived from the church but had worked out for themselves, to justify their stand. While mill villagers are still a very reli- gious people, there are some indications that religious actvities are playing less of a role among them than formerly. In transferring from agricultural to industrial life, many reli- gious practices have been abandoned, and a smaller proportion belong to the church than belonged in rural days. Among the village populations, the younger generation is less apt to join church, more irregular in attendance and less orthodox in its point of view than its elders, although the teen-agers often use a Young People’s Society as a social center. The reasons for this lessening hold of the church over village populations are many, in- cluding the br up of church-going habits through villagers’ continual moving from place to place; the decrease in illiteracy and growing sophistication especially among “| iJ young people, the tempting opportunities t violate some of the religious taboos. on th city’s attractions of movies, theatres, dancing and mixed swimming parties; and the develop- ment of other organizations which can meet their emotional and social needs, such as lodges, clubs, athletic societies and unions. The most fundamental factor at work is the growing feeling on the part of mill workers that the church is not only not fulfilling any useful, practical purposes in their lives and offers no real help in the problems of daily work and, life which they as mill workers must face, but also that the village pastor and the village church are really a part of the com- pany’s machin for controlling their actions and thoughts. s feeling has become defi- nite conviction when, in times of union agita- tion and strikes, they have found pastors sid- ing with the company and serving to under- mine Jabor’s solidar No doubt as union- ism and class-conscio ess grow on the hill, mill hands will emancipate themselves more and more from the reactionary influences of the company church. i: (To Be Continued) Statement on Lovesteneism By E. SMITH. Although T have, from the moment of the ap- pearance of the Comintern Address, aecepted and endorsed and fought for the line of the, Address, and therefore I have had no “evel y. izational or political relations with the Love stone renegades I have, however, had personal. relations, of a family nature with these rent- gades, T now re: tinue relations, even though they be of a family nature, with people who are enemies of the Party, and therefore enemies of the Soviet Union and of the working clas: The action of my brother-in-law,» Martin Reed, in using his position, as assistant busi- ness manager of the Daily Worker, for his counter-revolutionary activities (stealing of connections); the action of my sister, Ellen Lee, in caucausing with the self-confessed de- partment of justice spy, Mr. Jackson; the ac- tions of my father in ordering the arrest of comrades at the banquet at which the counter- revolutionist spoke (Ben Lifshitz), in stealing the Freiheit Bundle containing the statements of Comrades Bucharin, Rykov, and Thomsky all show that these people are enemies of the proletarian revolution, are, in the words of Comrade Lenin: “Lieutenants of the bourgoisie within the ranks ofthe working class.” With such people a Communist cannot | any connections. He must realize that evexv enemy of the Party is an enemy of every Com rade. We must ruthlessly fight every enemy of the Party, every enemy of the working class, We must organize the working class despite Lovestone, Cannon, Lore andCo, and all other , enemies of the Comintern. Long live the Communist Party! Long live the Comintern! Long live the unity of the working class! ize that a Communist cannot con- + — | c ; 1 ’ € 1 1 t ‘