The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 17, 1929, Page 4

Published by the Compradail Square, New York City, N. Page Four Address and mail all checks to the Daily Wor Publishing C Y. Telephone 7-8. Cabl 8 Union Square, New TRUE FACE OF LOVESTO end ah and the gh hypocrisy ying pre- f the Lovestone propaganda is glar- ted by the actions of this group. Lovestone-Wolfe-Gitlow trio persists in damentally pro-Cemintern these protestations’ they try to ilarity of their propaganda aggle against the Comintern and against the Party with the propaganda and the struggle of the bourgeoisie. They use one sen- nce ticle to declare their continued a he Comintern; but the whole article ten wtih the object of alienating workers anist International, of defam- Demagogy, sophistry and lying methods of Lovestone. g the latter. are the This ou Leninism” on its tongue aganist the International The workers will do very y to let Lenin be their guide in their judge f Lovestone and Company; and Lenin’s e judgment of would-be revo- Judge them by their deels and words.” poisc f the Revolution. was their Words and Deeds. re Lovestoneism manifests itself in ac- sophistry can cover its anti-Comintern, rty, its anti-working class character. e here only one case to prove the is a glaring case, a convincing The Gitlow-Wolfe-Lovestone concern is a ring for all kinds of refuse that has been ejected previously from the Panty. Elements who have at some time or another. into conflict with the Party and who have, in consequence, been expelled are now “trying to get even” with the Party by displaying the shingle of the concern of Lovestone-Gitlow- Wolfe. And this concern, on its part, enthu- siastically accepts the merger. First, because, after all, “the tendencies expelled from the Communist Party are of one opinion on all important questions” (as Lore truthfully as- sures us) and, secondly, affiliations are scarce and one (the concern) can’t be too particular. Thus it came about that a group of fermer Party members from Detroit who had been pelled from the Party joined Lovestone. Thi group organized itself and some other non- Party and anti-Party elements in order to fight the Pa The controversy arose because tRe Communist Party decided that-its members in non-Party workers’ organizations should fight against the prevailing hall-building mania. These halls usually turn out to be intolerable | burdens for the workers organizations that or- | ganize and build them. Although these work- ers’ organizations are usually formed for some specific class-struggle purpose, yet with halls | on their hands they gradually sink into petty morass of a hall-maintenance society. And in the end, in spite of all they can do, the halls go bankrupt and the workers’ lose their pennies which they have entrusted to these halls as “safe investments.” The Communist Party con- siders it its duty to warn the workers away | basic com at 26-25 ( *DAIWO! York. N tral Ork woaily Ss Worker By Mail (in New ¥ork City only): $8.00 a year; ) six By Mall (outside of New York City): $6.00 a year; $3.50 six months; SUnsenieriON Rates $4.50 six months; three months $2.00 three months from plans and enc their fighting capa Detroit Firm of Lovestone. A group of Ukranians, under the leadership of. some petty bourgeois shopkeeper, came to the conclusion that it is a safer pastime to oc- cupy themselves with the maintenance of halls than to be active as revolutioni fore made a They there- “cabinet question” out of their demand to allow them to support the proposal th for building new halls. group sufficiently. It is unnece ry to furt investigate into the “revolutionar qualities of persons who prefer to fight the Party of the proletarian revolution to fighting ag: This characterise: ainst the hall-building illusions of some workers. | Under the leadership of William (“Red”) Miller and Charles Novak, and under the per- sonal guidance of Benjamin Gitlow and Jay Lovestone, this group of expell former Party members was welded into the Detroit branch | of the firm of Lovestone, Wolfe and Com This branch of the above-named firm has re- | cently favored the Central Committee of our | Party with a demand for reinstatement. This so-called “Appeal and Statement” of the De- | troit branch of Lovestone and Co. to the Central | Committee of the C.P.U.S.A. is a monument to the treachery of Lovestoneism. One Quotation will suffice to prove the point. These Love- | stoneites inform the Central Committee of the Party that if the Central Committee does not “come across” with a favorable dec December 8, there will be dire What they mean by that is expres: following unmistakable terms: n by nsequen ed in the ‘The Polish national home at Hamtraock, Mich., which we helped to build, to operate | and to control has always been in Party use. | The home (value $40,000) is going fast into the hands of the Polish fascists. If we hap- pen to withdraw our voting power, there would be no home left for the Party. Again we warn you” (of the consequences). Here we have Lovestoneism sans phrase— stripped naked. And the quinte: a laconic declaration to the Executive Com- | mittee of the Lovestone Party: “If you do not reinstate us by December 8, we will join the ence of it is | NE avors that tend to weaken | in their struggle against you.” This in just so many words: Either you adopt our fascist policies and methods as the policies and methods of the Communist Party, join the cohorts of Pilsudski and Mussolini, in @ their fight against you. This is how the al- legiance of Lovestoneism to the Communist Party looks in reality. This is the concrete form which the lying phrases of Gitlow, Love- | stone, Wolfe and Co. take when they are turned | into action. This is how the “Leninism” of Gitlow, Wolfe and Company look in the light of their activities. They are enemies of the working class. And, as Lore correctly re- | marked: All anti-Communist Party (anti-pro- | letarian) tendencies are of one opinion on all | important questions. The most important question for all of them is to fight the Party | and the Communist. International. District Challenges ee revolutionary competition between the ricts has started. So far we have had no news that would enable us to specify which district is leading in the drive for building and strengthening our Party. A table will be pub- lished every Tuesday showing the results of the drive. The challenging Districts are: New York challenges Chicago, promising to recruit proportionately more members and es- pecially more Negro workers into the Party than Chicago. Philadelphia challenges Detroit, Philadel- phia will recruit more new members and organ- ize more new shop nuclei than Detroit. Buffalo challenging Connecticut for more new members and distributing more literature during the drive than Connecticut. Cleveland challenges Detroit for more mem- bers in a shorter time. Detroit challenges Pittsburgh for more new members in the baie indutries. Chicago challenges New York for securing more than 1,000 new members. The Dakotas (District 11) challenge Kansas City to double quota of new members during drive. Detroit has been challenged by two districts. The following districts have not* yet notified us about whom they have challenged: Boston, Pittsburgh, Mnnesota, Kansas Cty, Seattle, California, Connecticut. The following Dis- tricts have not yet been challenged: Boston, Philadelphia, Buffalo, Cleveland, Minnesota, Dakotas, Seattle, California. Please notify us immediately about your challenges! Organization Dept. of the Central Committee. Decision on the Expulsion of E. Koppel | F. Koppel, until now a member of the Cent- ral Committee, has been expelled from the Party by the Central Control Committee for aligning himself with the Lovestone group of renegades and for open as well as surreptitious violations of Party policies and decisions in action and conduct, while at the same time, in words, trying to hide behind the mask of “I disagree, but I accept,’ worn thin by so many other Lovestoneites. Shortly after the receipt of the Combats Workers! Join the Party of | Your Class! | Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. y NOME... ese e sere oescencseseaecsensescmeres PAM ANCSS. oss ose dines onde CHYs vevaeces Occupation . sere Age.. Mail this to the National Office, Communist i Panty, 43 Eest 125th St. New York, N.Y. | there”); and, as a climax, he boasted of having | Circle | also established that right after this he accept- | qualifies Koppel for a leading role in the camp | of the renegades and disrupters very well, but | it cannot and will not be tolerated in the ranks ‘Decision on the Suspension of Address, Koppel made a statement accepting all Communist International! and Party deci- sions and dissociating himself from any group that did not accept them. Notwithstanding this, he found it possible secretly to attend the August 24th meeting of the Lovestoneites. When called before the Central Control Com- | mittee in connection with this, he denied haying | attended this meeting and pledged anew his | acceptance of Communist International deci- | | | sions and dissociation from Lovestone. The | fact that he did attend the meeting was. later admitted by himself. Then followed a number of similar double- | dealings: a non-committal attitude at the Octo- | ber Plenum of the Central Committee, but a, vicious attack against ECCI and against the | Party leadership at the District Plenum of District 2, as well as signing of an anti-Comin- tern and anti-Pz tatement together with Sam Freeman, Sidney Jonas and Pearl Hal- pern, which in the greater part follows word for word the statement of Benj. hitz, and | of which latter fact Koppel professed to have no knowledge; then he attended the Lovest: banquet of Nov. 2nd (“merely to see who wa: voted for the Party policy in his Workmen's branch, though disagreeing with it, which was found true, but on which it was ed place on a committee appointed by a right- wing chairman, and in that committee spoke and voted against the Party policy. Such political dishonesty and double-dealing | of. the Communist Party. Central Control Committee CP of USA. Eli Keller The Central Control Committee has suspend- ed Eli Keller for six months from the Party for a serious violation of Party policy in the fight against the disruptive activities of Love- stoneites in mass organizations. Wh''e occupying a responsil's post in the Textile Workers Union, Keller refused to take an uncompromised stand against Ellen Dawson, who was expellei from the Party some time ago, and who tried to disrupt the work of the union by writing an article in Lovestone’s fake Revolutionary Age, directed against the union policy. CENTRAL CONTROL COMMITTEE COMMUNIST PARTY OF U.S. A. Workers Delegations See Socialist Construction MOSCOW (By Mail).—The British, German, American, Austrian and other workers’ delega- tions left Moscow today. Shortly before the departure of their train a farewell meeting took place in the square before the railway station. The speakers for the workers’ dele- gates declared that their three weeks’ stay in the Soviet Union had strengthened them in the conviction that the workers of the Sovict Union were successfully building up socialism. They promised to snread the knowle’7c they had gained as far as possible among! the workers of their respective countries. BUTLER LETS THE CAT OUT OF THE BAG —By Fred Ellis “The opposition candidates in Nicaragua were declared to be bandits when it heeame necessary to elect our man to office.’—Major Smedley D. Butler. United States’ Imperialism Drinks the Red Blood, of Black Haiti By ALBERT MOREAU. HE effects of the fourteen years of American marine rule in Haiti have brought the down- trodden and starving peasants and workers into a sharp conflict with their masters and their blood-thirsty tool Borno. The events which de- veloped with the spontaneous strike of students followed ‘by the strike of the dock workers at Port-au-Prince in the early part of this month, cannot be regarded as an isolated incident. There is a deep rooted cause that motivated | My. Hoover to immediately despatth battleships, guns, airplanes and marine forces on the urgent call of Commissioner Russell who feared that the permanent presence of the 700 marines could not cope with the situation. The revolt spread all over the island and the courageous workers who, deprived of their arms, marched with sticks and knives to demand the end of foreign rule and oppression marks the deter- mination to put an end to the unbearable con- ditions under which they live. The Revolt Spreads. Since the forcible American occupation of Haiti in 1915, the black masses have been con- stantly robbed of their land and through Bor- no’s dictatorship the peasants have been forced to surrender.all their products to the American imperialist plunderers. Chattel slavery was re- inforced and the masses are compelled to keep on paying.the heavy taxes to the National City Bank and the high salaries of the cor- rupted, tyrant functionaries. The pulse of a general and widespread revolt was felt on the island. Port-au-Prince, Aux Cayes, Jacmel took fire. The workers am! peasants marched to- wards the government buildings demanding the immediate release of their leaders. Whereupon the marines fired, killing five and wounding many. Because of the martial law and the intended silence of the American imperialist press, further massacres have not been re- ported. All the enemies of the oppressed of Haiti joined forces to put down the revolt. Mr. Hoover, Borah, Senator King together with the reactionary press, rushed to save the millions of dollars invested from the “illiterate and ignorant Haitians.” The Pan-American Airway puts its airplanes at the disposal of the United States Government. The liberal and socialist press endorse Hoover’s “timely idea” to send a Commission to study the problem. Lest Amer- ican imperialism loses the control of the island, a united front of all reactionary forces was established to drown in blood the “savages” who dared to challenge the rule of the almighty, dollar. 5 The imperialist propaganda to the effect that the Negroes in Haiti are “savages” is merely the usual irrevelant nonsense to screen the true nature of the oppressions carried on. The Haitians are highly developed people whose present-day cultural shortcomings are largely to be trace! to the effect of American imperial- ist occupation, i War Base for Wall Street. The Island of Haiti and Santo Domingo con- stitutes a military strategic position and enables American imperialism to keep the Panama Canal free from intervention, It also serves as a station from wheih marines and battleships can be sent in case of an emergency 'in the island and other islands of the Caribbean Sea, when the slaves rise t6 obtain their independ- ence, The shameful treaty imposed on Haiti by the United States Government in 1915 virtually binds thé country into an actual colony and reduces it in a state of slavery for the peas- ants to turn all the riches of the island over to Wall Street. eT aly V the collected cus-. j | i] | | toms duties are applied by the general receiver as follow 1. “Payment of salaries and allowances of the general receiver, the financial. adviser, and their assistants. ’ 2. To the interests and sinking funds of the publie debt. 3. To the maintenance of a native police.. force under American officers, 4, The remainder to be turned over to the Haitian Government for its current expenses.” These two and one-half millions of Negro workers and peasants are bound by the treaty to slave on the coffee plantations which pro- vide 80 per cent of the total Haitian export, all for the rapacious National City Bank. United States supplies 75 per cent of the total import in Haiti. The Haitian Corporation of America owns the light and power centers of Port-au-Prince and Cap Haitian. The railroad company operates the 55 miles of main lines, an exclusive gov- ernment concession given over te the American imperialist concern. The Electric Light and Power Company has the concession for the municipal lighting secured by pledge of gov- ernment revenues, The street car, wharves, warehouses, docks, railroads, mines, ete. are American owned. The National City Bank con- trols and finances all commercial undertakings through its branch, the National Bank of Haiti. All these government concessions were se- cured through President Borno who has sub- ordinated the very economic and political life of the masses to the Wall Street interests. Dic- tator Borno has abolished the popular electoral system since 1922 and appointed a National Council which in turn is empowered to elect the president of the “republic,” i. e. Borno. The Garde Nationale was organized under American supervision financed by American capital and paid back in heavy tages by the workers. and peasants. The native language and French patois, are being rapidly eliminated in the sehgols and English is compulsorily taught. Working class and peasant organiza- tions are rudely persecuted and are almost out of ‘existence in Haiti. Ruler Borno has sys- tematically persecuated and deported the lead- ers of the movements for the independence of Haiti that sprung sporadically in spite of the regime of terror, The revolt against the foreign oppressors and their national tools is not only confined to Haiti. The eastern part of the Island known as Santo Domingo is reported in a state of unrest. Santo Domingo is also suffering of the same oppression. The starving masses of both parts of the island try to find refuge in Cuba by emigrating into the land of the sugar kings. The black toilers of the land whose daily diet throughout the year is reduced to bread. and water have nursed a_ profound hatre] against their oppressors, against the rulers. The struggle for independence will continue in spite of all repressive measures, The pulse of this revolt is felt by all the op- pressed in the colonies of Yankee imperialism. Indians, black and white workers and peas- ants will unite as in the past, in this period of intensified imperialist exploitation in the colonies in a determined struggle to win their complete independence, The revolutionary black and white workers of this country must give full support to the revolutions which are shaking the very foun- dations of imperialism. The same enemy that exploits us here oppresses our brothers in the colonies. A powerful front of the workers in the United States with the workers and peas- ants in Latin America, black, white and Indi- ans will, under the Jeagershin: of the Com- manist Parties, destroy imperialism. SOUTHERN COTTON MILLS AND LABOR By MYRA PAGE. (Continued) HEN Poor White and colored laborers come to the cotton mills to work they find that they must live in a town owned and operated by the company, and in its sole interests. Wher- ever cotton mill operatives go, or whatever they do, they discover the long arm of the com- pany reaching out to dominate their thoughts and acts. The firm which controls their jobs also owns the wooden shacks in which they live, and usu- ally it owns the company store at which they trade. The small number of Negroes who work at the mill are not allowed to live among the white workers, but are segregated in a few huddled shacks which stand off by themselves, and their quarters and living conditions are even worse than those to which White Trash fall heir. Only a few mill workers live off the mill, for ordinarily this is impossible to man- age. Employers usually make one of the con- ditions of the job that the mill hand will move into the company house. Furthermore, wages are so low that mill hands can not afford the higher rents outside. They learn that their children, if they attend school at all must go to the second- or third- rate school, either owned directly by the com- pany or under its control. If they are still of a religious mind and go to church, they attend in a building owned by management, and listen to a preacher who is an employee of the com- pany and preaches only what the company is willing for him to say. If they want recreation or education, they must seek out the company-. run Y. M. C. A. or community center, if there is one in the village, or go to an evening class for illiterates, or take one of the courses of- fered on textile subjects. Should they desire to start a club or baseball team of their own, they must get management's permission to use company land or building—a permission which can be revoked at a moment’s notice. Mill owners like to describe this relationship of their to their employees as one of “pater- nalism.” According to the tradition which they foster and which city middle-class people accept uncritically, the relation is one of a benevolent but all-powerful father toward those whom-he considers mere children, who must be provided for, protected, and watched over as such. Mill workers are not expected to be in- terested in, or capable of, assuming social re- sponsibilities! Management explains that for all of the social services performed by the mill owners for their empleyees, only one or two things are asked in return: Mill hands must be faithful and regular workers, and too “loyal” to the company to join a union, ask more wages, or be “movin’ on” to another vil- lage. Also, they must send their children, when old enough, to the mills to work and not let them enter other trades. If this should happen, the entire family will probably be re- quired to leave the mill together. This policy of paternalism of southern mill owners intelligent workmen view as an insult to the people who work in the mills. They also see in it a shrewd attempt on management's part to keep the cheap, plentiful labor supply about which they boast, both cheap and plenti- ful, docile and stationary. Management’s lack of success in this respect, they point out, proves that they have greatly underrated the stamina which labor possesses. When company strategy of propaganda, iso- | lation and economic pressure on their employees fail and they form unions, then management collects all its weapons of job-owner, creditor, landlord, spy system and special police power; and discharges, evicts, denies food from the company store arrests, blacklists and drives from its mill and company town, the offending workmen. It is worth noting that the Southern mill vil- lage is typical in its characteristics ef the thousands of company towns which are spread- ing like an octopus over the industrial life of the United States. In industries like coal, cop- per and iron mining, steel, oil and lumber, as well as textiles, capitalists have set up their privately-owned villages in which millions of American working men and women and their families live; and in all of these the com- panies exert an absolute dictatorship. , No Political Rights on a Mill Hill. Company control of towns means that there are no political rights, as well as no economic rights, for workers on a mill hill. As the pri- vate property of the company, mill villages are not incorporated, so that as far as village matters are concerned, mill workers are dis- franchised. They are denied all opportunity to mobilize and express themselves politically on local affairs, such as those of housing, sanita- tion, school and mill conditions, and rights of organization. There is no local government, but the owners rule through their hired staff of special deputy sheriffs and welfare workers. (Where there are exceptions to this rule, as in Bessemer City, N. C., the workers almost invariably elect sympathetic officials.) “How do we rule?” A Greenville mill presi- dent proudly boasted to an inquirer, “Like the old czars.of Russia!” This is true. Czardom and paternalism go hand in hnd. A mill vil- Jage is similar to a medieval feudal estate, with workmer living in industrial rather than feudal bondage. Freedom of speech, assemblage and press, and self-government are absolutely un- known. Mill owners have bitterly fought all attempts to incorporate the villages, and thereby extend the franchise to their populations. Evidently they fear the potential political powers of their employees. Knowing that company political dictatorship makes its economic domination far easier to: maintain, mill owners are deter- mined to retain this political monopoly as long as possible. And when their autocratic policies sve chellenred, officials offer as an ‘excuse, that mill village populations are not capable of governing themselves! Political activities for the more than half million of adults who live on southern mill hills are lintited therefore, at the present time, to voting in county and state elections. But in the past this voting has proven to be a farce, for textile interests are a controlling factor in county and state politics as well, and mill hands have been banded about by the politicians of both parties: Moreover, the bulk of Negro population in the south is disfranchised alto- gether, through the use of various devices, such as the use of the famous “Grandfather Clause,” a revuletion passed by southern states following the Civst ‘sfranchise the | newly enfranchised Negroes, by requiring all | whose grandfathers had not had the vote, to pass qualifieation tests before being granted the vote. The primary system of elections is | also utilized for elimination of Negro voting, | while the Ku Klux Klan undertakes to deal with those few colored men and women who manage to surméunt the many legal difficulties placed in their way. As part of “the solid south,” those villagers who vote at all usually vote Democratic, but there are a number of Republicans among descendants of the mountaineer Poor Whites. The feeling worked up around election times sometimes becomes intense, leading to bitter quarrels and street fights. method of starting trouble is for a Democrat mill worker to call after a Republican, “there goes a nigger vote.” During election pan paigns, politicians of both parties manoeuvel to “line up” mill village votes for their candi- dates. According to workers’ stories, before elections they are treated and flattered and various promises are made them of what the candidates will do for working people, if elect- ed. In some cases petty bribery is used, the politicians paying from one to five dollars for each voter a village carries to the polls, and automobiles are furnished so as to make it easier for the prospective voters to exercise their “rights of citizenship.” “Voting” in the mills with the ballots and ballot boxes super- vised by superintendents and foremen is not uncommon, | And after elections, we’re no more’n dirt to ’em, til nex’ election rolls around,” one woman complained. “TI tole my husband I warnt agoin’ no more. What's th’ use? It doan do no good.” Many others expressed a similar disgust with these election practices of American democ- racy. A general disillusion has grown up among the mill hands concerning the power of the ballot in “poo’ folks’ hand so long as mill interests control the only parties in the field, while only a few as yet realize the power of labor as an independent political force. Mill workers are naturally dissatisfied with the conditions of village life, and are quite ready to state the changes which need to be made, before anything resembling a healthy community can be built up around southern cotton mills. All agree that higher wages and shorter hours are the first changes which | necessary, so as to raise the general standard of liying on the hill and give the workers more™ free time in which to develop their social ac-~ tivities. More than half of the hundreds of mill hands with whom we talked emphasized the fact that establishment of unions on cotton mill hills was the one method for securing | these better conditions. Further, unionism would protect operatives against comnany tyr- anny, and be the first step toward the estab- lishment of economic and political self-govern- ment on mill hills. So long as the villages re- main the private property of mill,owners, con- ditions there will be dictated by the companies and the many needed improvements will not be made. For the companies care nothing about the welfare of the villagers, but are only in- terested in the profits to be made out of them. Therefore it is of prime importance that in- | dustrial and political control be wrested out of the hands of the companies and be placed in the hands of those who know and care about village life—that is, in the hands of those who must live and work there. i (To Be Continued) Sidney Webb ad Capitalism LONDON, Dec. 16.—Sidney Webb, who got the aristocratic title of Lord Passfield for his “labor” service in the interest of British imper- ailism, is now preparing to bring the Domin- ions closer to Great Britain. Lord Passfield will represent British imperialism at the Im- perial Economie Conference which is to meet in London next Fall. British, Dutch Tea Monopoly Cuts Output AMSTERDAM, Dec. 16.—Dutch tea pro- ducers have made an agreement with British and Ceylon tea producers to restrict the output in 1930 by 10 per cent. The two imperialist powers have a monopoly on this product and this is a move to raise the price. The British and Dutch imperialists act like Siamese twins. Dutch rubber growers follow the British lead, while the Royal Dutch Shell Oil Co. is in reality a British trust. French Imperialists Spend Millions for War . PARIS, Dec, 16.—Edouard Daladier, petty, bourgeois deputy, exposed the government wa expenditures. The budget for war put the mili tary ependitures at $259,000,000, while Dalas. dier declared the facts showed the French im- perialists were spending $560,000,0Q0 for war purposes. Daladier does not oppose these big expenditures, but asks honesty in reporting the amounts, as more would be required. a ee Crisis in Turkey. CONSTANINOPLE, Dec. 16:—Mustapha Kemel’s government is facing a severe economic crisis. An immediate stoppage of all kinds of government purchases requiring payment in foreign currency is one of the drastic measures adopted to attempt to counteract the severe financial crisis. Mustapha, the representative of the Turkish petty-bourgeois, finds it tough sledding apeing the capitalist governments. Changing the Turkish alphabet or replacing the old fez by a fedora hasn't improved the conditions of the masses. Italy Sends Troops to Lybya. ROME, Dec. 16,—Italy, which seconded th Stimson war threat against the Soviet Union under the ise of the Kellogg “peace” pact, is send‘ “oops against Lyba. Italian Sa- hara 1 commanded by Duke Apulia, hoisted alian flag at Brach in the heart of the i region of Lyba, Italian imper- ialism ing its territory in Lyba by armed invervention, One customary ° Se GND