The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 16, 1929, Page 4

pete Page Four Comprodaily Publishing Co, Ne Y. 1] clgecks to the Dail Telept Central cr Be ene yas Wark tommunist Port By Mail (in New York City on By Mail (outside of New Yor SUBSCRIPTION RA’ $8.00 ayear; $ 3 $6.00 a year; 50 six months; 3.50 six months; 2.50 three months $2.00 three months F IGHT ON LOVESTONEISM IN THE ANTHRACITE By P, FRANKFELD. e anthracite is beginning an ve mobilization for the struggle counter - revolutionary Lovestoneism e Right danger generally. Those prole- ‘an Party members who supported Lovestone ing the factional fight have done that in belief that Lovestone followed the line of Communist International. Lovestone suc- d to misuse the revolutionary loyalty of proletarian membership in the anthracite his corrupt factional purposes. ~The fac- regime of Lovestone prevented the de- ent of real mass work and the estab- nt of the roots of the Party in the mines tories in the anthracite. he anthracite was simply nurtured along factional reasons, and the real situation s covered up. No real effort was ever made organize functioning mine or mill nuclei. No fort was ever made to put out regularly '¢ mine and mill papers (one mine s issued in New York). A very small of the Party membership was drawn r nining campaign. There is a large non-proletarian bloc. The result of all this the Party did not grow, nor did it move It simply continued to exist. was, ackwards. The Party played little of an independent jle in the various struggles that have taken ce in the anthracite. All kinds of wrong ited fronts were carried thru with fakers in the U. M. W. A., which hindered the growth of the left wing movement. The New Party Line. The change in line for the Party as a whole, and for the anthracite as well, was accom- plished by the Address of the Comintern. It is no accident at all, that the Address met with such sharp resistance on the part of a strong section of the local leadership, and on the part of a smaller section of the membership. Love- stone’s “motherly” protection of the anthracite for y had borne its fruit. The anthracite, relatively speaking, has given stronger support for Lovestone’s splitting line than any other section of the Party. In the anthracite, the Lovestone renegades openly developed their splitting line at a much faster pace than elsewhere. They opened up their own headquarters in Wilks-Barre. In the units of the Party, the Lovestoneites simply sabotaged all Party work. They car- ried on endless attacks on the Party, and the Lovestoneite supporters did not deem it neces- s to help the Party in any way. When Vratarich came to “appeal” to the membership of the Wilkes-Barre unit against the decision of the Central Control Commission, Brennen, a Lovestone supporter charged the Party with “being | stool pigeons,” “of being composed of fakers,” “of being agents of the bosses.” Bren- nen, of course, simply had his addresses mixed. But the important thing to note is the open renegacy of these elements. They use the same arguments and slander that the A. F. of L. fakers, the SP’ites, and all the Party’s enemies use, The Party in the anthracite sub-district held a plenum on Nov. 10. All sub DEC members, all functionaries, and the membership of Wilkes-Barre were invited to attend. All told, there were 33 comrades present. Even Bren- nen was permitted to attend. After the report on the line of the CEC Plenum was given by Comrade Benjamin, and the report on the sit- uation in the anthracite and the tasks of the Party by the sub-district organizer; discussion was opened for all comrades. Bankruptcy of Lovestone. The political bankruptcy of the local Love- stone group was displayed in full view of all Party comrades and functionaries. They con- tributed interruptions, attempts to disrupt the Plenum, slanders against the Comintern (like Stalin Comintern, disintegration of the CI, ete.), that the Party was being “wrecked.” They made no attempt whatsoever to deal with the situation in the anthracite, and when Stella Vretarich did mention the anthracite, she stated, “Let’s hope that the miners are being radicalized the way that Comrade Frankfeld told us today.” Plenum Decisions. The Plenum, in spite of the fact that the re- ports were not discussed sufficiently, that the concrete problems were not taken up in detail, nevertheless showed and accomplished the fol- lowing: (1) It proved conclusiv bership and leading functionaries of the an- thracite support the Party line. The votes were 20 for the Party resolution—11 against, 2 abstentions. And the Lovestoneites had a maximum mobilization of their followers at the Plenum. (2) It revealed the complete political bank- ruptey of the Lovestone group. All of the “arguments” advanced were slanders against the Party and the Comintern; and lies and rumors spread by the Lovestone center in N. Y. (3) The Party in the anthracite was firmly consolidated behind the line of the CEC, The Party Plenum continued its work in a most unified fashion, after the Lovestoneites walked out of the Plenum. A new sub-district com- mittee of 15 was elected consisting of seven miners, two railroad workers, one cook, one housewife, the Lithuanian and ILD organizers, the YCL rep. and the sub-D.0. The elections were unanimous. (4) The Party was reorientated to the new line of the Comintern, was made to realize the new situation existing in the country as a whole, and in the anthracite, and the tasks of the Party discussed—even if done in a gen- eral fashion. Since the Plenum, discussions have taken place in three Party units on the Plenum of the CEC. The vote to date is 27 supporting and endorsing the thesis of the CEC, and only 1 abstention. The remaining units will have discussions in the immediate period, and units like Shenandoah, Minersville, McAdoo, etc., will undoubtedly unanimously support the Party line. The Party in the anthracite is getting down to work, Already, the Party finds itself at the head of various movements amongst the workers. In Tamaqua, Pa., where thousands of workers are in revolt against the Lewis-Hart- neardy machine, the Party has played a posi- tive role in developing this revolt into the NMU channels. In Scranton, Pa., a small de- partment strike of textile workers was lead by the NTWU; and the Party and League have helped give leadership to this struggle. Two successful 12th Anniversaty Mass Meetings were held in Wilkes-Barre and Seranton. All of these activities are only a beginning—be- cause the Party in the anthracite faces great struggles ahead. that the mem- Lead Coal Miners. a Our Party must prepare to help give leader- ship to the struggle of the hard-coal miners in September, 1930, when the agreement expires. This must be the main orientation of our Party. To accomplish this end, leaflets and bulletins must be issued, mine nuclei of the Party estab- lished, new, young native elements must be won for our Party. The National Miners’ Union must be built up. The Party must con- duct an energetic struggle against all rem- nants of the Right danger in the anthracite— which expresses itself in passivity; fear to join the NMU, fear to recruit new members for the Party, work limited to fraternal socie- ties at the expense of all other Party work; underestimation of the radicalization of the hard-coal miners, etc. Our Party is forging ahead. It has great tasks to perform. And with cleansed, united ranks, it will march forward to build the Party in the anthracite. News from the Recruiting Drive Front Note: All District Organizers—Every Tues- day in the Daily Worker, will be carried the results of each District for the week, the Party Recruiting and Daily Worker Building Drive. In order to be printed, the Weekly Reports on the DRIVE must be in the Party National Of- fice, not later than the preceding Saturday.) NATIONAL ORGANIZATION DEPT. District 1. Boston District has raised their quota from 300 new members to 400 new members and from 10 new shop nuclei to 20 new shop nuclei. A detailed plan for the district has been adapt- ed and is being carried out. In Boston a fune- tionaries meeting of Section 3 had 24 present. This week membership meets are being held in Boston, Worcester and New Bedford. A Dis- trict Conference of all fraction secretaries was held on Dec. 7th. Each section has been al- lotted specific factories to concentrate upon. The following are the quotas according to sections and cities: Recruiting Drive Quota. Section 1—60 members, 50 subs, 2 nuclei and 1 shop paper. Concentrate—Shoe, needle and metal. Section 2—25 members, 25 subs, 1 nuclei and 1 shop paper. Concentrate—Textile, needle and metal. Section 3—40 members, 35 subs. 2 shop nuclei «ud 1 paper. Concentrate—Shoe and textile. Section 4—75 members, 35 subs, 5 shop units, 3 papers. Concentrate—Textile and metal. Section 5—30 members, 20 subs, 1 shop unit, 1 paper. Concentrate—Stone, textile and pa- per. Section 6—60 members, 30 subs, 2 shop units, 1 paper. Concentrate—Metal, textile, paper and chair. Long Cove and Rumford—10 members, 5 Subs. Concentrate—Minerals. Brocton—10 members, 10 subs, 1 shop unit. Concentrate—Shoe, Quincy and Weymouth—-10 members, 5 subs, 1 shop unit. Concentrate—Ship and metal. Norwood—15 members, 10 subs, 2 shop unit#. Concentrate—Printing and leather. Maynard—10 members, 10 subs, 2 shop units, Soncentrate-—Textile and amunition. Peabody—20 members, 20 subs, 1 shop unit, ‘ ps « \ Concentrate+Leather, paper, textile. Haverhill—10 members, 10 subs, 1 shop nuclei. Concentrate—Shoe, paper industry. Lawftnce—15 members, 25 subs, 1 shop nu- clei, 1 paper. Concentrate—Textile industry. Lanesville—5 members, 5 subs. Concentrate on stone and metal industry. Lowell—5 members, 5 subs. textile, shoe, metal. Totals—400 members, nuclei, 14 papers. District 4. The following are among the decisions made in Buffalo: 1, To order 5,000 copies of recruiting pamph- lets. 2. Every member be held responsible for sale of 10 copies of pamphlet. 3. Every Party member in shops be held responsible for recruiting at least 2 new mem- bers to Party by end of DRIVE. 4, Every unit to distribute 2,500 copies of “Hoover Prosperity” leaflet. 5. That Buffalo challenge Connecticut Dis- trict that Buffalo will get more members and distribute more literature than Connecticut. 1 paper. Concentrate on 300 subs, 20 shop District 5. Pittsburgh District has worked out a detailed plan, which we give here in part: Concentration upon the steel, coal mining, electric apparatus, and glass industries. Spe- cific factories and mines are listed in each of these industries to concentrate upon. In addition to holding meetings of every unit in the district to discuss the DRIVE, special meetings of all Party members who are miners and steel workers are being called. Similarly meetings of all Party fractions in trade unions and language organizations. A special or- ganizer is being sent to the Coke Region and to West Virginia for a period of one month. Special meetings have been called of all read- ers of the Daily Worker and also of the lan- guage Party press. A special edition of 10,000 copies of the Daily Worker has been ordered in connection with Lenin Memoria] Meetings. At the meeting of Party coal miners, held on Dee. Ist, the following in part are the de- cisions: To recruit the following coal miners: Wash- REPORT ON THE UNEMPLOY- MENT SITUATION TS! By Fred Ellis By PETER HAGELIAS. eae unemployment situation is already severe, It has reached the point where our Communist Party must take definite steps in the direction to “organize the unemployed and connect up their struggle with the struggle of | The unemployment | the employed” workers. question is of great importance for our revo- lutionary struggle against capitalist rational- ization, and it must become from now on one of the basic tasks of our Party. The Wall Street crash has certainly had its effect upon the whole economic conditions of the country. In the last three or four weeks the unemployment has become more serious. Economic crisis and sharpened class struggles is the characteristic of the present period. Intensification of Labor. Generally speaking, rationalization of indus- try creates unemployment. But if we want to understand the nature of the present unem- ployment, in order to make it clear to the workers and mobilize them for a struggle, it is necessary that we understand all the de- tails and the different forms of the rational- ization process. Many comrades who are not closely connected with industry have developed the false idea that because introduction of new machinery creates unemployment this, accord- ing to their judgment, is “rationalization,” and that is all. This is absolutely wrong. Capi- talist rationalization is not only introduction of new machinery or technical improvements in the means of production. This is the capitalist conception of rationalization, and Lovestone’s theory of “heightened productivity of labor due to the technical advance” and the “second in- dustrial revolution.” This is only a technical progress which we cannot fight against. Ra- tional: ation means intensification of labor for every worker through different forms and methods. First of all, let us examine the results of the new and more developed machinery which the bosses are always trying to introduce in the textile industry. For example, in the picker room of a cotton mill a short time ago, they had in that room 3 separste machines, a breaker, picker, and intermediate. Two work- ers were working on ‘each machine. Now we find that all three machines are combined in one machine by conveyor belts and the result is that only two workers do the work of six, four workers being thrown out. In the card ington County, 100; Bronsville, 75; Allegheny, 75; Monongahela Valley, 75; Coke Region, 25; Central Penn., 25, and West Virginia, 50. District 6. Cleveland District has taken up the DRIVE in real earnestness. Already a RECRUITING DRIVE DISTRICT BULLETIN is being is- sued. The District quotas are as follows: Cleveland, Sect. 1—50 members; Sect. 2—60 members; Sect. 3—75 members; Akron, 35 members; Toledo, 25; Youngstown, 15; Cincin- nati, 15; Warren, 10; Ashtabul, 10; Canton, 1 Conneaut, 5; E. Liverpool, 5, and Steuben- ville, 5. The Cleveland bulletin, states as follows: “The DO of Detroit informs us that he was afraid to accept our challenge. Therefore he called a general membership meeting and placed our challenges before all the members. This only shows that Detroit is awakened to the situations which confronts them. Let us compare forces. The majority of the De- troit members never had a real fight. ranks are different. When we speak, we speak the language of the coal miners, the steel workers, etc, They have all been engaged in many severe struggles against the bosses. De-, troit is a city of Ford’s wage slaves who never had a real struggle against their bosses. Now the question is, “Will the Detroit auto work- ers defeat the brave red fighters of the coal and steel industries of Ohio?” We say, NO. And we will prove it by our actions, ’ Our © room the new vacuum machine took the place of many workers. The vacuum machine cleans the accumulated dust from the card in a min- ute a. ! also brings all the dust into another room without any human labor, The electric spooler is another highly developed technical machine which throws out of work 8 out of 10 workers. In the weave room, where a few years ago a worker was running only 4 or 6 looms, today we find that a weaver runs 40 to 60 looms. As we see, according to the above facts, new and more developed machinery creates unem- ployment, but this is not th> real form of capitalist rationalization, and certainly it is not the main source for the unemployment. Out on the Streets. Also, we must not forget the results of the competition, which mecns mergers and consoli- dations. one mill is shut down, where the other mill or plants are pro- duc:ag. New machinery is installed in-place of the old—the old machinery is re-arranged and set up scientifically in order to produce a maximum amount of cloth with less workers, In the last two years, in Fall River, Mass., more than 10,000 workérs were thrown out of work permanently on account of the mergers —many plants shut down completely. In New Bedford, only three or four days ago, the Acushnet Mill closed down completely—1,000 workers at once find themselves out on the streets. Under a merger, There are two more forms which in my opinion are the real forms of the rationaliza- tion in the textile industry, which, besides in- creasing unemployment, that is taking on a permanent mass character at the present time, is draining the physical strength of the work- ers, robbing them of their skill] and bringing | them into the ranks of the semi-skilled and un- skilled workers. These two forms are stand- ardization and speed-up. Under the standard- ization system, two things are taking place: (1) many workers are thrown out of work per- manently; (2) the worker who remains on the job has to run twice or three times as many machines. For example: In many mills in New Bedford, the spinners are working on 24 frames instead of 12, the carders are working on 32 cards instead of 16, speeder tenders are working on 4 speeders instead of 2, and so on down the line. Each operator is a part of the machine that he works on—all day he keeps performing only one ‘task. The worker becomes altogether mechanized. Struggles Grow. Speed-up through standardization and other schemes, and also the brutal speed-up where the machines are increased without the adding | of any help, or by adjusting the machinery, or the speed of the machines, where the worker is forced to go on working with the same speed of the machine, both of these speed-ups reduce to a minimum the ‘amount of workers em- ployed, and create severe unemployment. Fur- thermore, besides the standardization in the weave room, the speed of each loom was in- creased to 150 picks per minute. There are many other forms of inhuman brutal speed-up in all departments of the mills. Capitalist rationalization creates permanent unemployment which takes on more and more a mass character. It sharpens the contradic- tions of capitalism, and due to the worsening of their conditions the workers are aroused to struggle. In New Bedford today, as a result of this rationalization, we find that more than 12,000 workers are unemployed. Out of this number, we estimate that there are 5 to 6 thousand workers permanently unemployed. It is the task of our Party to take steps immediately for the organization of the unemployed work- ers and to mobilize them for struggle. ‘ By MYRA PAGE. (Continued) Where traditional feuds exist, the habits of family loyalty are broadened to include clan loyalty and activity. Outside of the family, there is little community life and therefore almost no community feeling. Continual “mov- in’ on” tends also to prevent development of community interests. Of the outside world, White Trash are almost totally ignorant. One evidence of this is the use of the word “for- eigner” for all born outside of their mountains or valley, When asked what they would call a person born across the seas, one lanky farm- er scratched his head in thought and then re- | plied, “I reckon them’s the outlandish.” However, their common economic hardships, their usually bitter experiences with creditors, their ostracism by the more well-to-do classes in the South have engendered in these “No Counts” a glimmering group or class con- sciousness. In the period from 1870 to 1890 when the price of cotton fell rapidly and many farmers lost their few acres of land, various movements of revolt such as the Grange and the Farmers’ Union, spread like wild-fire among the Poor Whites. Wall Street and the Trusts were now added to the list of farm ten- ants’ enemies, along with the southern city aristocrats. In South Carolina in 1890 Tillman was elected governor on a “mass versus class” issue by the poorer farmers’ vote. Later on he was elected to Congress. He definitely preached class war and won his support on this basis. While not as strong as the habits of individual- ism, there has existed since this period a group solidarity for common economic and political interests. Practices of hospitality are very common, as with most agricultural and peasant peoples. Many of these customs can be traced back to early pioneer days. A stranger is always grect- ed in friendly fashion, unless there is reason to suspect him of “a-spyin’ fer th’ govn-ment.” He is welcome to bed and board, the only pay- ment being his news of the outside world. A family is never too poor to share what they have, even though (unknown to the stranger) it may be their last pound of corn meal. In more recent years, however, a modification of this custom has been brought about, due to the frequent abuse of this custom by the out- siders, and the changing conditions brought about by commercial and transportation devel- opment in the south. Now it is mote customary to charge a small fee for such hospitality. Religion exerts a powerful hold over this poverty-ridden people. It is primitive and highly emotional in character, and furnishes the White Trash with a means of temporary oblivion to the harsh facts of their existence. These religious services of “shoutin’ Method- ists” and “holiness Baptists” abound in ecstatic trances and tremors and “wreckins of the spir- it,” intermingled with an illiterate preacher’s hysterical chanting, and singing of folk songs. These songs are usually written in a minor key and are burdened with a strange pathos and beauty. Finding this life “full of woe,” Poor Whites have turned eagerly to pictures of the “after life where all is res’ ’n peace.” The parson’s vivid descriptions of hell fire fill them with holly terror. Although unlettered, they can quote pages of scripture; and theological argument on such topics as the exact nature of heaven, hell, and sin, is a customary pastime among them. Religion also serves as a means of feoutral: ling social attitudes as well as the religious beliefs of these Poor Whites. Mission schools and: churches are established in the rural dis- tricts by the urban well-to-do, and “respect for law” and the social order which the city aristo- crats have built up is instilled in the breasts of these independent and rebellious White Trash. Religious activities also furnish this rural peo- ple with a little reeréational life. The “camp meetin,” which is held for one or two weeks each year, brings in all the families of the countryside. Between morning and afternoon service a picnic lunch is spread out on the com- mon table, each family putting in its contribu- tion and everyone helping himself to whatever appeals. Families visit with one another for the first time since last “protracted meetin.’ ” Funerals likewise are social occasions. In the more remote sections of the country, where a person comes but rarely, it is not uncommon for a service over the buried to be postponed for years at a time—until the parson’s next visit. Under these circumstances, it is not unnatural that the “mourners” should get a rather doleful pleasure out of the solemn gath- ering around the grave and the feasting which follows. Husking bees, log-rollings, square- dances (where not considered a sin), and fiddle contests are the only other forms of recreation. While ‘the life of Poor White farmers has always been hard, life for Negroes in the south has been even more difficult. Brought over here from Africa against their will, they were forced into slavery and made to labor like beasts in the cotton, sugar cane, and tobacco fields. Economic, political and personal rights they had none, and less than one-fifth were al- lowed to become literate. On their backs the plantation owners rode into great wealth and political power.. Over thirty revolts of Negro slaves against slavery occurred in the south before the Civil War, but these revolts were local and spasmodic uprisings of desperate men, and were ruthlessly crushed.’ The cataclysm of the Civil War destroyed the slave-holding system, but the Negroes soon found that while their status had changed from that of slaves to that of day laborers and ten- ant farmers, most of the evils of their former life remained and fresh ones had developed. The land workers’ burdens of poverty, land. lordism and creditor-rule, child labor and illi- teracy have always been especially heavy for colored folk, for the caste system presses on them at every turn. Tenancy is two and one- half times as prevalent among Negro as among white farmers in the south, while illiteracy rates run from four to ten times as high, Vari- ous methods have been devised for keeping the colored race disfranchised. Schools open to Negro children are notoriously poor and in- adequate, with five to fifteen times as much being spent on each white child by public school authorities as is spent on each colored child. These conditions of life for Negroes inevitably reflect themselves in nigh rates of illness and death... In South Carolina, for example, nearly thirteen per cent of Negro babies die before they reach one year of age, while the death rate of Negro women at childbirth is four times that for women in the country as a whole, and ‘ nearly eight times that in England and Japan. The death rate for the colored population in this state is forty per cent higher than that for the white.* In struggling against these conditions, Negro agricultural laborers, like their Poor White brothers, have been handicapped by their lack of understanding of the value of economic and political organization for improving their lot, and the necessity of common action of both colored and white. However, in recent years both sections have begun to organize coopera- tive societies. Another serious handicap for Negro people, one which they also share with “No ’Counts,” is the hold which religion has over them. Colored churches exert an excep- tionally conservative influence, presenting to their memberships a totally wront slant on this subject race’s problems and methods of dealing with them, Out of their hardships and isolation, Negroes have developed a rich culture of their own. Some of their music, folklore and dances they brought with them from Africa, while much of their art dates back to slave days, or has been added since by cotton pickers, longshoremen loading cotton bales, or work gangs on the highways or along the railroads. Although most of this literature and musie reflects the working class nature of their lives, only oc- casionally does a song or story give forth a call to the toiling and oppressed of this race to revolt against their enslavement. *G. Croft. South Carolina,” p.p. 28-42, Williams,* “Social Problems of The State Co. S. C., 1929, (To Be Continued) Decision on the Suspension of Albert Weisbord. The Central Control Committee has sus- pended Albert Weisbord for one year from the Communist Party of U.S.A. for a persistent maintenance of a_petty-bourgeois non-Com- munist attitude toward the work and the lead- ership of the Party, and for continued refusal to accept and to carry out the decisions of the Party. : By action of the October Plenum of the Par- ty, Weisbord was removed from the Central Committee of the Party for his opportunistic conception of the line to be applied in the mass struggles, for deserting his post in the Textile Workers Union at a critical moment of the struggle in the South, for his petty-bourgeois reactions to Party decisions and his opportun- istie syndicalist tendency to separate the mass organizations from the Party. The CCC established that there has been no change, since the Plenum, in Weisbord’s petty- bourgeois individualitistic conceptions, a part of which is his idea that by merely donning a pair of overalls and taking a job in a factory he has become a real proletarian, deeply rooted in the masses and fully qualified for leader- ship in the Communist Party; also that he is still maintaining an impermissible non-Com- munist attitude toward the Party and its de- cisions, taking upon himself to decide which decisions of the Party he will carry out and which other decisions he will fight. In view of this the CCC has suspended Weis- bord from the Party. CENTRAL CONTROL COM. CP. OF USA. + British Colonial Unrest Grows: LONDON (By Mail).—Britain’s colonial troubles are becoming more and more pressing. There is an agitation at present going on in Uganda for the replacement of the native par- liament there by an elected one. The existing parliament is composed for the most part of chiefs, and in the past it enjoyed a considerable degree of autonomy. During the last few years however, the policy of the British administra- tion has been to curtail this autonomy as far as possible, and last year the native secretary of the parliament was removed at the instance of the British authorities. The Hilton Young report on East Africa re- commended the administraive unificaion of Uganda and Kenya Colony, and any consider- able degree of autonomy, not to speak of an elected native parliament, would be a hindrance to the achievement of this end. In the meantime the British are trying to secure absolute control with the assistance of a few “safe” native chiefs, whilst at the same time frightening the native students who are studying in London from having anything to do with the League against imperialism. Letter From a Workers’ Child Dear Comrade Editor: In our school we have to go to church every Wednesday beecause the principal wants us to. And when we ave in church, the teachers say } we ought to be thankful for our homes, and our mothers and fathers. But lots of children don’t have a mother or father because they are killed by the bosses. And they say that you should bring some money every time you come, to give to god. But when the priest gets it, he just puts it in a bank, or in his pocket and goes around in his machine to have a good time. They want to make money, so they won't have to go to a mine and get killed. But I’m not going to give them money when I need it my: self, to buy clothing. Your friend, Bertha Brosky, age 12, Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. i 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to tee the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. Name ..i.ccserssiseroeervseesesVeuued 4 Addtesa ss. salty chee pets Occupation 6 .seicicscstesvevar Wes chet Mail this to the National Office, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St., New York, N. ¥, at ‘ SOUTHERN COTTON MILLS) | . < AND-LABOR _ ,