The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 13, 1929, Page 4

it oe by the Comproda 1 Y N. Publish! Tele INT O A MASS ORGAN THE DRIVE FOR 15,000 NEW READERS FOR THE DAILY WORK HAND WITH THE PARTY RECRUITING DRIVE. We feel assured that the Party membership has noted a decided improvement in the Daily Worker. Rank and file comrades, Party func- tionaries, Party leaders have already voiced their approval of this improvement. There are still shortcomings, These the editorial-man- agement committee is giving attention to. The process of improving the Daily Worker will steadily continue. It will speak authoritatively to the Party membership, giving political line and directions for carrying out our tasks. It will become the agitator and organizer for the Party in the heavy industries and among the workers generally, voicing in clear, under- standable language the role of the working class in the coming crisis, in this period of in- tensified and broad struggles. Bolshevik self-criticism justifies any Party nember in pointing out shortcomings in the Daily “Worker, the official organ of every Party member. Concrete proposals to better our official organ are welcome. However, some of the criticism launched against the Daily Worker in the recent past was of an imper- missible character. The attitude of cynicism and ridicule adopted by some comrades, even some leading comrades, in the absence of pro- posals for improving our official organ, and without turning a hand to support and build the Daily Worker, can only weaken our o: cial organ. PROGRAM TO ASSURE THE SUCCESS OF THE DRIVE FOR 15,000 NEW DAILY WORKER But, just as serious working class criticism s”a welcome help to the Daily Worker—just to that extent all forms of thoughtless, frivo- lous and unjustified criticism must be avoided. Upon the basis of the very decid ment in the Daily Work« ization and every Party m enter into the tasks of building its prestige, of rooting it deeply among the m: in the basic, war and potential war industries Every Party member, unit, functionary must constantly have on hand for reference the pro- gram and directives for the Party Recruiting and Daily Worker Building Drive, printed in the Daily Worker November 8th ery ten- dency to limit this campaign only to enrolling new members in the Party, forgetting or mini- mizing the building of the Daily Worker as a in hand with task that goes hand Party re- cruiting, must be effectively combatted. T Daily Worker is the Party’s foremost inst ment in organizing a r s Com nist Party in the United Stat The Daily Worker must become the spokesman for the Party among workers in all ustries, among the poor farmers and the Negroe: ne broadest masses of workers must learn to know it and accept it as the only English dail; fights uncompromisingly for their interests and the proletarian revolution. READERS. The Communist Party will effectively par- ticipate in mass struggles of the deep-going character which the coming crisis indicates, when it has established its leadershp over broad proletarian elements in the steel, min- ing, transportation, power, other basic and war industries, and has won additional thou- sands of these workers as Party members. The Daily Worker must be made the major ins ment of the Party in winning these worke: 1, The first objective in every district must be to mobilize adequate and competent forces to invade these industries. In a great num- ber of steel mills, auto shops, mines, etc., our are weak or non-existent. A ialling of forces must occur if veach these workers, win them for the Daily Worker. It is better 1 workers for the Party and y than 5,000 dental mechan- undertaking must be well sively entered into. Factory ; free distribution to the work- tation for subscribers when the o to work and leave work, especially y; solicitation in the shop where we Je contacts; house to house solicita- tin in the neighborhoods where the workers In every mine, mill or shop where we e a factory nucleus, this nucleus must en- in a special and well organized campaign subscribers. 3. Every Party unit must secure subscrip- from workers in the industries within its iction. a sel of free distribu- . and then methodical solicitation wherever ovkers can be reached. Every Party member is obligated to se- cure subscribers from his fellow workers wherever he is employed. 5. Daily Worker subscribers among the me mbers of the revolutionary unions must be grea increased. Fractions in these unions must institute a campaign for subscribers in every local union. 6. All Party fractions in A. F. of L. unions must inaugurate a campaign for subscribers among members of the A. F. of L. Distribu- tion of the Daily Worker must be had at / F. of L. local union meetings. Every T. U. and sympathizer should be a subscriber. tions in the workers’ fraternal tions, in the I. L. D., W. I. R., all other working class organizations must ate a drive to secure readers for the Daily Worker from among the members of these organiza- tions. member P. of L. belonging to 8. Hundreds of meetings are held from month to month, under direct Par auspices or in which Party members are interested and which they help to organize, and at these hun- dreds of meetings the Da’ Worker never ap- pears. Bundle orders must be placed and the Daily Worker must be sold at ev workers’ meeting held. Wherever possible it must be introduced from the platform and an attempt must be made to secure subscribers at these meetings. 9. Factory towns, dependent upon one or several industries, and in which in many cases the Party has no membership, must be invaded by our forces for subscribers. 10. House to house visiting in congested working class neighborhoods must be under- taken, the Party to supply adequate forces to canvass such neighborhoods, one at a time if necessary, for subscribers. 11. Wherever a strike whenever a strike occur: Daily Worker to all wor engaged in the struggle must be had, the: ues of the paper to contain adequate reports of the struggle. 12. News stand circulation, especially in lo- cations where wor go to and come from work, must be established. 18. All Party speakers making national or district tours must be accompanied by the Daily Worker, see that it is on sale at all meetings, commend it from the platform. 14. Every shop paper, every leaflet the Party issues must call upon the workers to subscribe for the Daily Worker. The Party language press shall steadily announce to their readers that all workers who can read the English language should subscribe for the Daily Worker. 15. To assist in financing the Daily Worker and its campaign for mass circulation, all meetings and affairs held by the Party and sympathetic organizations, shall be advertised in the Daily Worker. (To be continued) being organized, tribution of the The Right Danger and the Composition of Party Membership and Leadership | in Detroit, Michigan By T. ANTONOFF. wie were some of the Party leaders in the Detroit District of our Communist Party before the liquidation of the factional struggle? Novak, owner of a tailor shop; Dobiash, owner of a butcher shop; Miller, owner of a tire shop; Tzekoff, former lawyer; Marinoff, an old so- ial-democrat and pessimist to the core, etc., atc. It is clear that with such leaders among us, the Party, as a Communist Party, could not keep the correct line. Those elements could only organize caucuses in which to degrade the true proletarian elements. It is because of this fact, that the Party, in the intensity of the class struggle, could not keep up, and intro- duce the Bolshevist line. One example: Let us consider the strike of the automobile workers in Flint, Mich. in July, 1928, The strike broke out spontaneously on July 5. The Party in Flint did not know any- thing about it. The workers went to Detroit for leadership. Comrade Raymond came to Flint, stayed for a few hours and back he went. Most of the comrades in Flint were in hiding, and as a matter of fact, the strike was left practically without leadership for three days. In June, 1929, 1,400 workers at Buick Motor Co. in Flint went on a strike against 12 to 14 hours working day and 20 per cent cut in wages. The Party again pretended not to know anything and four days after sent comrade A from Detroit to study the situation, From the reports from some comrade, A has Jearned that a Party member, who had been working in the same department, had remained on the job, while the workers in the majority had gone on strike. Another example: The workers in Detroit erganized a cooperative restaurant. The co- operative committee, whose composition in the majority is of Party members, at one of its membership meetings raised the question about Negro workers being admitted into the rest- aurant. One of the members made a proposal they be not admitted. The member of the District Bureau, Tzekoff, gave his opinion in favor of them being admitted into the rest- ‘rant, provided they be charged double. Tzek- cl i hide wd i i‘ 4 C. and has His case is + Control Com- off is no longer a member of D.E been suspended from the Part; now in the hands of the Distr mission. This fact was concealed in order to preserve the prestige of Lovestone’s group. Tzekoff, in spite of that, continued to be National Sec- retary of the Bulgarian Bureau. For this act we, the members of the then majority group, were all to blame. We bring out these mistakes of the past in order to correct them and to avoid their fu- ture occurence. The Address of the Comintern pointed out to us the correct line and wiped out the factional struggle; taught us the kind of leadership we should have at the head of our Party. The address of the Comintern taught us what Bolshevist self-criticism is. By submit- ting ourselves to self-criticism we will correct our mistakes, will deepen our influence among the masses. The Composition of the Members and Leaders Toda. In order to correct our mistakes, to deepen our influence among the masses, in order to lead the masses in the class struggle toward victory, we must consider the composition of our membership and leadership. At the last membership meeting it was clear- ly pointed out to us, that in its majority our membership is over the age of 35. The per- centage. of women is Jess than 10 per cent, the Negro workers constitute hardly one per cent. Let us take the workers in the automobile in- dustry, which is the basic industry in our Dis- trict. Seventy-five per cent of the workers are between 18 and 30 years of age. A large number are women, or rather young girls. In Detroit alone we have more than 80,000 Negro workers, and the whole district more than 200,- 000. Our Party has hardly 10 Negro workers in this District. The Young Communist League, unnoticable | in the past, begins to manifest its importance in the labor movement. How can we emerge out of the present situa- tion? 1, Every Party member should engage in MUST GO HAND IN By JAMES MO. 1 | JJ/ECEMBER 11 to 13 mark the second amni- versary of the Canton uprising. During the three days that “shook the world,” the heroic uprising of the Chinese proletariat established, for the first time in China and in the Far East, the Soviet government, The Red Flag of the crossed hammer and sickle flew all over the City of Canton. The Canton Commune lasted only three days. It was nipped in the bud by the united forces of the Chinese bourgeoisie, landlords, militarists and imperialists. Thousand of militant work- ers and peasants were then murdered and but- chered in cold blood by the reactionaries. Many able leaders of the revolutionary movement be- came martyrs to the Revolution. I, he span of two y s furnished us with authoritative facts to pass final decisions on the Canton Uprising. The Uprising opens a new era and a higher stage of the Chinese Revolu- tion. The bourgeois-democratic Revolution of cterized with anti-imperial- and was enthusiastically support- ed by the workers and peasants as well as .by the upper petty bourgeoisie. During that period, the Chinese working class showed increasing consciousness and power manifested in a series of gigantic political strikes. The peas- ants, at the same time, were aroused by the movement and started the Agrarian Revolution | against the landlords, the gentry and other feudalistie remains. The development of the bourgeois-democratic Revolution inevitably ex- posed and sharpened the contradictions of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Class differ- entiation was rapid and keen and distinct. The betrayal of the Revolution by Chiang Kai Shek and his gang in March, 1927 was the open and | direct attack of the Chinese national bourg- eoisie on the Chinese proletariat. The betrayal by the “left wing” of the Kuomintang in July of the same year meant the definite line-up of the upper petty-bourgeoisie with the nation- al bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie, in order to safeguard their position and interest against the growing power and solidarity of the Chi- nese proletariat, shamelessly turned their back on the Revolution and sought refuge and help in the arms of world imperialism. The most extensive and intensive white terror was launched by the bourgeois-militarist reaction against the workers and peasants, The Chinese as bringing at least one new member from the automobile industry. 2. Every Party member to subscribe at least one auto-worker to the “Daily Worker.” Relentless fight against white-chauvinism and to draw Negro workers into the Party. 4. The Party should form an active women’s department for the purpose of drawing into the Party the working women engaged n the auto industry. 5. To organize women, Negro workers and young workers as members of responsible com- mittees of the Party. 6. The Party members should give their full support to the Young Communist League and Pioneers. 7. Strong (relentless) Bolshevist self-critic- ism. 8. Uncompromising right danger. 9. To organize a state of, competition among the Party units for the purpose of correct ap- plication of Party policy. Comrades, let us all roll up our sleeves and seriously begin the building up of the Party in this country, as well as al over the world, to overthrow the capitalist order and to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. P. S. The Party leadership lately has been reorganized, and at the present moment we have 100 per cent proletarian leadership. But the District Bureau still has no Negro on it. This defect must be overcome,in the near fu- ture, 3 _ Struggle against the By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $3.00 a year. 38.00 a yeas; $4.50 six months? $2.60 six months; $2.56 three onthe % $2.00 three months a THE SECOND ANNIVERSARY OF THE CANTON UPRISING proletariat struggled determinedly for the Rev- olution and suffered defeats (as the Chang- Sha massacre, the failure of the Shanghai and Nan-Chang uprisings, the defeat of the revolu-. tionary armies of Ho Long and Yei Ting, etc.) in the face of the united forces of the bour- geois-militarist reaction and world imperial- ism. The workers and peasants in Canton, be- ing one of the most revolutionary detacliments of the Chinese proletariat, at the ebb of the revolutionary tide, heroically made the last stand against the rising reaction and imperial- ism and openly declared that “the Kuomintang Flag of the White Sun in the Blue Sky has be- come a symbol of terrorism; the Red Flag of the Crossed Hammer and Sickle is our only revolutionary banner.” So on Dec. 11, 1927, at three o’clock in the “quiet morning,” in the historical city of Canton, they started the up- rising, the heroic rear-guard fight of the Chi- nese proletariat against the suppressing forces of reaction. tl. Under the leadership of the Chinese Commu- nist Party and with the aid of the revolting garrison, the workers and peasants Canton, organized into red guards, hitherto untrained ng and fighting, some armed with modern machine guns, rifles, bombs; some with sickles, fashioned guns and pistols; somé with sickles, bamboo-swords, clubs; some with nothing ec- cept their blood and flesh, fought unrelentingly against the mercenary army of the Kuomintang militarists. After several hours of bitter fight the Red Guards succeeded in driving their foes out of Canton and occupied important govern- ment and public buildings. Before dawn the whole city of Canton became “Red” and “Bol- she The Soviet government was establish- ed. A full Soviet program was adopted and enacted. The feverish and systematic achieve- ments of the Chinese proletariat in the upris- ing remain a red-letter page in the history of the Chinese and the world revolution, The uprising was a thunderbolt out of a y to the militarists and the imperialists and its success surprised them so much that the reactionary militarists ceased fighting among themSelves and united against the work- ers and peasants. The imperialists were great- ly responsible for the suppression of the up- rising. Japanese and French warships fired on Canton and gave rise to great fires. Eng- lish, Japanese, American and French warships blocked the Pearl River to prevent the Red Guards from crossing it to pursue the beaten Kuomintang army. On the second day of the Uprising, the militarists with the help and pro- tection from the imperialist gunboats launched desperate attacks on Canton, but were repeat- edly repulsed by the Red Guards. It was only on the third day of the Uprising that the Red forces were crushed by the united, better equipped, more experienced and larger forces of the militarists and the imperialists. Iv. ing did not last longer than three days. But its historical significance is great and permanent. After unmasking the counter-revolution of the national and upper petty bourgeoisie of the Kuomintang, it points out the utter incapability of the Chinese bour- geoisie to accomplish the revolution, It also proves that only a Soviet form of government can colve the fundamental problems of China. After the suppression of the Uprising, the hourgeois-feudalist-militarist Kuomintang has surrendered completely to the imperialists and not a tentative step was taken for the solution of the basic. problems-—labor, agrarian and other social problems. The grave and gigantic antagonisms and contradictions among the mili- pricts rervecentine eonflieting provincial bour- geois and feudalistie interests caused in- cessant civil wars. And instead of continuing the bourgevis-demoeratic revolution against imperialism, the Kuomintang militarists, “left” and right wings, et al, have sought support and protection in the arms of different im- perialists and became their willing tools. Be- sides a long litany of pro-imperialist records to their credit, the recent provocation on the The Canton upri SOUTHERN COTTON MILL«) AND LABOR (Continued.) | By MYRA PAGE. This 96-page book by Myra Page, Cotton Mills and Labor,” is publi: Workers Library Publishing Co., 4 St, N.Y. C., and is ready for The price is 25 cents—an unusual low one for a 96-page book of first-hand information of the class struggle in the South. | “Southern ee 8 Chapter III. OUTHERN coton mill workers are descen- dants prim&rily of agricultural Poor White: while & small proportion of them trace the ancestry back to Negro slaves. Their economic and sacial background throws considerable light on their present problems and outlook. Large plantation agriculture, manned by Negro slvae labor, established the southern Poor Whites a geographically and socially isolated class. These small farmers, descen- dants of those colonists who came to the south- atlantic colonies as debtors or indentured ser- vants, soon found competition with large plan- tation owners so one-sided that they were forced on to poorer and poorer land and into greater and greater poverty. This process went on for decades, First they were pushed into the foothills. Many of them retreated into the Appalachian and Blue Ridge mountains, there to cast in their lot with those Pennsyl- vania Dutch and tch-Irish settlers who had migrated southward. Seemingly, this section of the Poor Whites preferred the illusions of semi-independence and social equality which their greater isolation gave. Here in the moun- tanis there were no plantation owners or mer- chant aristocrats, no Negro slaves. The com- | as no less real, bug more indirect. A petition v These differences in the situation of high! and lowland Poor Whites led, after some erations, to minor differences in the peaattieas of the two, but these have never been funda- mental enough to affect the basic unity be- tween them. Poor Whites have generally shared the traits characteristic of southern culture: Democratic politics, belief in states’ rights. and in Anglo-Saxon superiority, and strong prejudices and practices against the Negro. Mountaineer Pgor Whites, however, have tended to be more independent, often Re- publican in politi and less intolerant of Negroes—as long as isolated from them. While lowland Poor Whites fought on the southern side in the Civil War, many mountaineers, be- lieving that the slaves should be freed “f “the Union preserved,” volunteered for tt Federal Army. coming submerged in the many existing among all Poor Whites a tenant and day-labor farming cla e highlanders and lowlanders form a homo- geneous group. Anglo-Saxon in physique and medieval in social habi they are set off from the rest of the southern population and stigmatized by them as “White Trash,” “Poor Whites,” and “No Counts.” Each state has its additional nicknames for them. In North Caro- lina they are called “Tar Heels” and “Dirt Eaters”; in South Carolina “Sand Hillers,” and in Georgia, “Crackers.” The professional poli- ticians of the democratic and republican parties refer to them derisively as the “one-gallus boys” (one p of bed-ticking holds up their trousers. For “gallus” read suspenders). All of these terms are significant as indicating the inferior social status of the coton states’ agri- cultural poor. (To be continued) Here the differences end, be similarities th New Moves Toward “Unity” of the Renegades By EARL BROWDER. LREADY it has been clearly shown how Lovestone-Cannon-Lore have worked out a common program and a united front in all im- mediate issues before the movement. They find all mutual polemics unnecessary in the face of their need for concentration of all forces against the Party and the CI. In the course of their common struggles, old differ- ences melt away and new unified “theories” pave the way for future amalgamation. The few remaining obstacles to this consummation are now being rapidly liquidated. One of the great obstacles wes thet on'v 2 year ago Lovestone was maintaining his posi- tion in the Party by participating the urea struggle against Cannon and Trotskyism. That old struggle has now become embarrassing, not only in relation to Canrion in the U. S., but also in view of the international rappreche- ment between the right wing and Trotskyism. Lovestone makes his contribution toward re- moving this embarassment in the third issue of his renegade journal. He publicly apolo- gizes to Cannon for his part in that struggle, in the following word: “All of us, at one time or another, have participated in various phases of this non- Leninist activity. The campaign against Trotskyism, for example, suffered from these anti-Leninist methods, especially in its last phases.” Lovestone follows this apology by opening the doors of “citizenship” in his “new inter- national” which he and his friends are build- for Cannon and the Trotskyists of all Is. He says: “This concent aa takes place largely in the ranks of the international opposition movements arising in the struggle against the revision of Leninism.” This political courtesan even stops to caresses upon Zinoviev and Kamenev, giving them a belated justification for their errors of 1925-27 which they themselves have already bestow Chinese Eastern Railway against the Soviet Union is the most glaring. In short, the sup- pression of the Canton Uprising and the pro- longed regime of the Kuomintang definitely testify that the bourgeois-feudalist-militarist counter-revolution is utterly incapable of solv- ing the basic problems of China and is there- fore utterly incapable to accomplish the Chi- nese Revolution, Trotsky and his followers, together with the social democrats ery that the Canton Uprising (which they call a putseh and a blind military adventure) is the “last outbreak” of the Chi- nese Revolution, ate them “the Chinese Rev- olution is no more” They therefore poke fun at the Comintern Sixth World Congress for its defense of the Uprising and the Chinese Revolution. This opportunistic attitude has been displelled by facts during and after the Uprising. The Sixth World Congress was correct when it de- clared that the Uprising is not a putsch but an heroic rear-guard fight of the Chinese pro- letariat and a transition to the higher and new stage of the Chinese Revolution, the Soviet Revolution. The antithesis to the incapacity of the Chi- nese bourgeoisie to solve the basic problems is that the Chinese revolution continues. The Canton Uprising notes a transition to a new, higher, Soviet stage of the revolution in which the Chinese proletariat, in place of the bour- geoisie, will take the hegemony. The revolutionary tide in China is coming. The renewal of-the civil war among the Kuo- mintang militarists, the deepened imperialist exploitation, the profound discontent of the masses with the present regime, the intensi- fied suppression of the workers and peasants, the increased strikes together with further class differentiation and the consolidation of the proletariat, the growth of the Chinese Com- munist Party, the activities of the Chinese Red Army, all prove that the Chinese revolution is going on and that in the coming revolutionary wave it will be the Soviet Revolution as started by the Canton Vprising. The Canton Uprising, therefore, confirms once more the Leninist thesis that the Soviet is the basic and historically inevitable form in which alone can be accomplished the revolutionary emancipation both of the proletariat of the leading capitalist countries and of the toiling masses of the backward and imperialistically oppressed countries, ! | renounced, and crudely repeating in public the maneuver made privately by Bucharin during the period of the VI World Congress, when ha offered an alliance with Zinoviey and Kaw anev against the Central Committee and it policies. Cannon has already responded to the over- ture. The ranks of the Lovestone group, he ys on December 7th, “belong to the Lenin- t Opposition.” And if the ranks belong there, surely some way will be found to bring the leader also, especially as all “ranks” of the renegades are so thin! Many obstacles still remain to the final amalgamation. First, there is still a division of labor between the two groups; their fol- lowers are not all ripe for such a move, and many of them will be disillusioned by it, fall away, and some will even return to the Party. But the logic of politics is inexorable and pushes them along this path relentlessly. And from purely practical considerations, they are already balancing off the possible loss in fol- lowing with the advantages of a unified direc- tion and a single organ for their common pro- gram. Lovestone-Cannon are still publicly unre- sponsive to the love-songs directed toward them by Lore. They are non-committal; ther is plenty of time to accept these overture; “Everything in its due course” is their mottc Their present ability to take to their breasts the Finnish right wing in the cooperatives (Halonen & Co.), is, however, sufficient guar- antee for Lore and his friends of a certain fu- ture consummation. They will be patient. In the meantime Trotsky gives the broad political program to this maturing bloc of rene- gades. Just a few quotations from his pen, as published in Cannon's organ, should make its counter-revoluticnary nature clear to any worker, At a moment of tremendous mass upheavals in China, with the new release of the vast forces of the peasant revolution, Trotsky finds the perspective for the Chinese revolution one “of a terrific debacle and of an adventurist degeneration of the remains of the Commu- nist Party.” The Berlin “Vorwaerts” could do no better! At a moment of the beginning of a tremen- dous transformation of agricultural economy in the Soviet Union, with the streaming of mil- lions of peasants into the collective and Soviet farms, which even bourgeois journalists are forced to hail as a movement of world signi- ficance marking the entrance of the peasants upon the road of socialism—at this moment Trotsky can only repeat the bourgeois-menshe- vik propaganda that the peasantry as a whole has lost by the revolution, that the net result is “a minus for the peasant class that can be estimated at several hundreds of millions of rubles.” ‘ At the moment of the most determined “| successful advance of socialist construction the Soviet Union, Trotsky sees the main cha‘ acteristic of the period as “a time when the Soviet Republic and the International are in the greatest difficulties and contradictions.” At the moment when it has finally been proven that with its own resources the Soviet Union can make greater progress in socialist industrialization than history has ever shown in capitalist industrialization, Trotsky reiter- ates his counter-revolutionary dogma that “a leadership, even the most correct and perspica- cious, could not lead the USSR to a building of socialism within the national frame-work if it remained closed to world economy by the monopoly of foreign trade.” At a moment when the Soviet Union is at the highest point of its development, and be- ginning to fundamentally challenge capitalism on the economic field, Trotsky can only wail his defeatist slogan, which accepts the inevita- bility of the triumph of imverialism—‘the U. S. S. R. must make the dictatorship last as long as_ possible!” This Trotsky, against whose stubborn resig. tence the Communist Party of the Soviet Uni has achieved its great triumphs of constru| tion, who repeats in his latest diatribes, “ repent nothing and we renounce nothing,” i now giving the general political line of the Lovestone-Cannon-Lore Company. He who says “A” must say “B’! The logic of a political line is inexorable, The rene- gades proceed steadily into the same camp. Meanwhile the clouds of imperialist war mass_ upon the horizon, The workers must prepay for war by smashing the renegades, Set eae 1 ¢ a