The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 12, 1929, Page 4

Published by the Comprodail N. Y¥. Te Addrees and mail all checks to the Daily Worker Square, New York City, Page Four LORE DEFENDS LOVESTONE, JDWIG LORE, editor of the New York Volkszeitung, is shocked by the impoliteness displayed in a recent article in the Daily Worker. In this article the lying pretentions of Lovestone, Wolfe and Gitlow were charac- terized. It was pointed out that these pre- tentions are the outgrowth of petty-bourgeois shopkeepers conception on the part of these gentlemen. It was shown that the tactics of Gitlow, Lovestone and Wolfe were the tactics of the type of storekeepers that subordinate everything to the chance of selling their article. They advertise shoddy for wool and gleefully rub their hands, in a self-satisfied contention that they “put one over” on their poor cus- tomer. L Lore feels sorry for Lovestone and comes to his defense. He even smells anti-Semitism in the term “Hester Street Concern of Love- stone, Wolfe and Gitlow.” This protest of Lore will unquestionably elate Lovestone. But it is doubtful whether ll have any effect on the intended vic- of the sales method of the concern of titlow, Lovestone and Wolfe. The workers know better. They know first of all that when one shopkeeper who sells his goods under false pretenses is defended by another, it is reasonable to assume that the defender also indulges in the same practice. But, and most important, they know that when a revolution- ist speaks of a petty shopkeeper’s phychology he refers to a class and not to a religion or nationality. We may have located the concern of Lovestone, Gitlow, Wolfe and Co. in the Irish territory of Hell’s Kitchen instead of the Jewish territory of Hester St., to suit Mr. Lore, we might have put it into Yorkville. The location could not cha anything. It is the type that we are concerned with. And in the type we are interes standpoint. Worker c ist or shopkeeper, th is the q sidering Gitlow, Lovestone and Wolfe from this point of view we point to the facts which prove conclusively that they are shopkeepers and not reyolutionists. L tone, Gitlow and Wolfe try to “do business’ under the firm name of the Com- munist International when their whole object is to fight agains the Comintern. In old tablished fire sale fashion, they advertise their wares as Leninism-Communism, when th known that they are in violent conflict w the theories of Communism and in reality, try to peddle cheap economies of bourgeois profes- sors. Their “bankrupt stock” advertises their conscious distortions of Comintern deci- sions as the real article. Mr. Lore can suit himself. He can give Loyestone an Irish, German, Italian or any other face he wants to; but behind whatever face he y give him there is and will be,the sm brains of the petty shopkeeper who hopes to maintain his existence politically or physically by per- petrating perpetual petty larceny on an un- suspecting clientele. ‘After Mr. Lore is through with changing the face of Messrs. Lovestone, Gitlow- and Wolfe, 1+ may invite the gentlemen to his house to receive from them the congratulations due him for his quick action in their cefense. ed only from a class ‘geoi | | | Party Recruiting---“Organization Is the Only Weapon of An Oppressed Class” By BILL DUNNE. HE statement that: “Following such and such a meeting in such and such a city, such and such a number. of workers joined our Party” is rarely if ever found in reports in our press. The recruiting of workers into our Par perhaps the most neglected part of our acti tics. In the dozens of mass meetings, et=., which absorb such a large part of our Party’s energies, it™is the exception to find that one comrade has been designated to make =n ap- peal for members. At mozt ‘meetings an ap- peal is not even made accidentally although there is plenty of abstract praise cf our Party by speakers. But the direct request for work- ers to sign an application and enlist in our revolutionary ranks is seldom heard. That our shop units are weak in recruiting is likewise true. Otherwise our membership would be increasing much more rapidly than it is. It is doubtful if very many members of shop units ever make an estimate of the Party possibilities for recruiting work among the workers in their shop or factory. Under such circumstances sympathizers.can remain out- side of the Party for years. Nothing can take the place of the direct request for them to fill out an application card. Many workers have the idea that Commu- nists are a select group and only by some fear- some test of loyalty to the working class and its party can they qualify as members. We must systematically correct any idea existing that the so-called ordinary (politically unde- veloped) worker is not eligible for Party mem- bership. It is precisely the ordinary workers who compose the proletariat in basic industry that our Party needs and must have if it is to become a real mass Party and be able to lead the struggles in which these “ordinary” workers find their way to disillusionment with and hatred of capitalism—and to the Commu- nist Party and its revolutionary program. If the Communist Party of tke Soviet Union, previous to the overthrow of reaction and the seizure of power had turned its face from the “ordinary” worker and dreamed, as some comrades appear to do, of some ideal type of worker who comes, like Minerva from the brow of Jove, full-armed with Communist theory, to our Party, it would still be a perse- cuted sect and the Russian masses would to- day be plundered by the imperialist powers. This failure to do systematic recruiting among the workers, who read our literature, respond to defense and organizatino campaigns and generally follow the lead of our Party, is something more than neglect of technical measures—like the failure to have application cards at a meeting or to ask workers to join. In my opinion the roots of this weakness are to be found in what Lenin called “Communist vanity.” In essence it is a feeling of super- jority which leads to the belief that sooner or later all militant workers will be forced to ad- mire the intelligence and courage of Commu- nist Party members and_will then clamor for admission to the ranks of the elect. Nothing could be further from the truth. To believe such nonsense is to repudiate what Lenin called “the only weapon” of a suppressed class struggling against the arsenal of mighty wea- pons which capitalism possesses—the weapon of organization. Why should workers take seriously our many articles and speeches about organization of the masses if we do not constantly emphasize that our party is first of all the organization of the working class but that it remains so only if it brings into its ranks—actually fights for— every worker who accepts its program and car- vies out the Party tasks in accord with Party discipline? The main reason why the Comintern insists again and again on the proletarianization of all leading committees, on the “drawing in of new working class elements” into the Party and the leadership is because our Party was rapid- ly becoming a caricature of a working class party, capable of organizing and leading American workers in serious class struggles. There is nothing that can replace the build- ing of the Party by recruiting from the ranks | ‘The membership campaign must show results | in workers who have actually joined our Party. | ginning of counter-offe: of the masses brought closer to us in every | strike, demonstration, mass meeting, ete. The had social composition of our Party has been stressed t'me and time again by the Comintern. Historical reeons een be and have been ad- vanced in evr'enetion of this fact. But the time when such *xplanations play any progres- sive role is past. The way to change the social composition of our Prrty from its present preponderance ef skilled workers and heavy sprinkling of », j petty bourgeois and intellectuals is to bring in workers and this means systematic recruiting. It must not be just another campaign of state- ments and instructions by the Central Com- mittee and promises of fulfillment by district | organizers and other Party workers. More than this: The membership campaign must be made the method of correcting the present inability of our Party to carry on year around recruiting. Our Party revolutionary struggle but workers are not led unless they are organized. The Party as a whole must set an example in organization work to our cla: Recruiting new members is least of all a “professional” or “functionary” tas It is especially the task of those mem- bers of our Party who are the closest to the workers in basic industry. To these members of our Party every possible assistance must be given during the membership campaign and a real beginning made in starting a permanent flow of workers from industry into the ranks of our Party. The rising tide of struggle, the actual be- workers, must be reflected in our Party by the | entry of new battalions from metal, mining, transport, textile—Negro and white. Getting New Membérs On West Coast San Francisco, Calif. reports as follows: Functionaries meetings to be held in all im- | portant cities in the district to work out con- crete plans for the drive. District to issue a special weekly drive bulletin during the time of the drive, that they strengthen and revive shop nuclei in Frisco, Pittsburgh, Richmond, Oakland, and for agricultural work we con- centrate on Castroville, Salina, and Sacramento, Mimeographed leaflets be made announcing in advance factory gate meetings, that the following industries be concentrated upon, ma- rine, railroad, auto, ship building, agriculture, lumber, steel. That in the Kansas City, Seattle and Connecticut be chal- lenged to bring in more members during the drive. We secure list of the Party Press read- ers for the drive. Also 5,000 pamphlets or- dered “Why Every Worker Should Join* the Communist Party.” | Statement on the Expulsion of Wn. Streit. The District Executive Committee of District Three has expelled Wm. Streit as a renegade and traitor to the Party and the workers in the Window Cleaners’ Protective Union of Philadelphia. Wm. Streit was a leading member fn the Window Cleaners’ Union which was built by | the f. U. U. L. The Party District Committee frequently criticized his Right tendencies which manifested themselves in an attitude of con- tempt for the rank and file members of the union and more especially for the Negro work- | ers who constitute about 50 per cent of the union membership. He secretly entered into negotiations with the A. F. of L. and without consulting the members of the union affiliated the union to the A. F. of L. With the help of a socialist faker Salpeter, who according to his own ad- mission came into the union as an agent of the bosses and with the help of the police who were stationed at the entrance to the union meeting hall and instructed not to let members of the TUUL enter, the membership was forced to ratify affiliation to the A. F. of L. By his action, Streit proved himself a most despicable fascist blackguard. All workers are warned against this indi- vidual and the members of the Window Clean- ers’ Union are especially warned against him, and his like. DISTRICT EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, DISTRICT 3, COMMUNIST PARTY, U.S.A. Building Work Goes Down Building contracts in New York City drop- ped $40,000,000 for the week ended’ Dec. 6, below the figure of last year, according to reports made by the I", W. Dodge Corporation. Hoover's talk about increased building is worse than the bunk. Building construction has been dropping for over a year and will continue to go down. The decrease is not re- stricted to New York but is nation-wide, is the leader of | spirit of “Revolutionary Rivalry” | | COAL MINERS’ ENEMIES — THE STATE, THE SOCIAL-FASCIST AND THE BOSSES— By Mail (in New York only): $8.00 a year: By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year; SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $4.50 six months: $3.50 siz months; $2.50 three months $2.00 three months By Fred Ellis ives on the part of ' | | passed, By JOSEPH NORTH. fee state police rode wild at Cheswick the afternoon of the day capitalism burned S: co and Vanzetti on the electric chair. he darkest days\of Czarist Russia had nothing on Cheswick. A crowd of 3,000 miners, with tightened belts (it was in the midst of the coal strike) came with their wives and children to a mass meeting on the Gajda farm. They wanted to hear why two of their fellow work- ers, Sacco and Vanzetti were being burned to death at midnight that night. They wanted y the blue-veined hands itching to pull ch. They were part of the hundred * the world proletariat which thunder- st’eots against the hideous crime of ‘olice had been given their orders, heswick, Sheriff Brynn of Al- eny County too had taken his orders. The crowd was standing peacefully and listening | “You killed Downey” they said to the man who to the opening words of the chairman, when | Lieutenant Martin of the State Police mounted the platform. He ordered the mecting stopped “in the name of the law.” The miners were accustomed to meet on this farm, Besides had they not held a Sacco-Van- zetti meeting July 10 and there had been no police interference? THE PA. COSSACKS. Somebody in the crowd, now grown restless, shouted he was a taxpayer and had a right to meet. Another miner yelled out “We fought in the war. We have a right to meet.” This was unlawful assembly. citing to riot and resisting an officer. was plenty of excuse for the order “charge the ponies” and the following bloodshed. “The crowd refused to move, so we moved This This was in- | | of the them,” testified Sergeant Downing, of the State | Police ter. And this is how the State Police “moved” the men, women and children. The “ponies,’ iron-hoofed and spirited, urged crowd, Tear gas bombs exploded. Clubs de- seended. Workers’ heads cracked under maces. Some of the miners fleeing from the over- whelming blows were snagged on barbed wire _ by their more brutal riders, rode down on the | had’ not even been at the Cheswick meeting. Aceorsi had been at his home in Russeltown, four miles away, fixing his flivver that after- noon of Aug. 22, 1927. They took Accorsi from his wife and three kids and extradited him to Pittsburgh, Pa. grand jury—it’s easy to find a grand jury of shopkeepe: nd _ bo Mellon’s part of Pennsylvani: ndicted a few mom- ents for murder You see, the State Police and the coal and iron cops are in extra bad odor since the Ba urderers were freed several weeks ago. his most fiendish murder of’ a miner aroused the workers of Western Pennsylvania more than any brutality so common since the iron and coal cops and State Police began to ride through their towns, The murderers of Barcoski had got off scot- free. Something had to be done to quell this feeling of rebellion and smouldering resent- ment. So the State Police went out “to get their man.” Any man so long as the man be a worker. Accorsi will surely be murdered in the electric chair by the same executioner who pulled the switch cco and Vanzetti unless the workers of a will rouse themselves to free him. got Salvatore Accorsi. Meeting Of Revolutionary European Miners (By Mail).—The annual Congress Revolutionary Miners Federation of France took place from the 7th to the 11th of October in Lens,,in the North of France. Following this congress, a discussion took place between French, Belgian, German, Saar and Brit miners. In this discussion, the representatives of the revolutionary miners of the countries mentioned dealt with the present mining situation and with the efforts of the PARIS | reformist bureaucrats and of the mine owners fences, blinded by tear gas bombs and beaten | into insensibility. The cops grabbed babies by the hair and threw them to the. ground. Mothers running with children at their sides were trampled to the ground. Tony DeBernardini, beaten till his skull was fractured, his arm paralyzed, bleeding from his nose and ears—a cripple for the rest of his life. Thrown unconscious in a truck and held on $1,500 bail in Pittsburgh until the cops. let him loose, fearing he would die on their hands. Mrs. William Mitchell, mother of four children, frantically trying to help on old wo- man from the scene of violence, fell ‘under the bludgeonings and lay unconscious until removed long after the attack. More than 300 men, women and children were badly beaten. The cops, dispersing the crowd, laughlingly washed their bloody clubs in the tubs of water which had held the pop sold on the picnic grounds, YOUNG MINER'S STORY. Here is the story as Joe Ptasienski, a twen- | ty-one-year-old miner on strike told it: “I had been working in the mines five years. It was the worst thing I ever saw. 1 saw women knocked down and bleeding and crying for help. and if anybody stopped to help, the police would club them down too. I saw a boy about seven or, eight years old ridden down by a horse. His neck was al! bloody and they pick- ed him up and threw him, in & truck. I don’t know where they took him.” The cops wére not satisfied. Many of them dismounted, ran down the lanes and beat all whom they encountered. One of these police- men, John J. Downey, was especially fiendish in his brutality. Swaggering down the street, he took swipes with his‘club at anybody who A shot rang out and Downey ‘dropped to the ground. Two years afterward, June, 1929, the cops came to Staten Island, New York and ar- vested Salvatore Accorsi, 34-year-old miner. é They were hurt and couida’t get up, | to bring about a so-called coal agreement. It was unanimously agreed that no agree- ment upon systematic production was pos- sible under capitalism. That which the reform- ists and the mine owners are aiming at under the cover of an agreement is nothing but the formation of a syndicate and thus the forma- tion of an international monopoly for the Brit- ish, French and German capitalists against a number of lesser coal-producing countries and in particular the Soviet Union. The formation of such a monopolist syndicate depends upon the conclusion of a political agreement of the capitalist powers in question for a military alliance against the Soviet Union. Buffalo Youth Gain Ten New Members The Young Communist League of District 4 has already fulllfilled one third of its quota although the drive has not started yet. How- ever, so as not to give the Boston District which we are challenging a chance to yell that we started ahead of time although our quota in members for the district is 80 we have set ourselves the task of getting in 50, the only reply which the Boston district sent us as that it compared us to a mouse while they classified their district as a lion. Well if their district is such a lion why are they afraid to accept our challenge instead of talking of send- ing us an official letter with the district seal on it accepting our challenge. Our answer to the Boston district’s effort to slip away from our challenge will be a more concrete mobilization of our forces and a fur- ther intensification of our efforts, We already have one of our organizers on the field touring the district and already have tulfilled one-third of our quota at the last meeting of the Erie unit and took in 8 new members, while the same week the Syracuse unit took in 2 new members making a total of ten, which means one-third of our quota set by the National Office. However, we have set ourselves the quota of 50 new members, and we say to Boston that if you are willing to make us run away with the victory from the begin- ning you are a hell of a district, SOUTHERN COTTON MILLS, AND LABOR This 96-page book by Myra Page, “Southern Cotton’ Mills and Labor,” is published by the Workers Library Publishing Co., 43 EB. 125th St, N. Y. C. and is ready for distribution. The price is 25 cents—an unusual low one for a 96-page book of first-hand information of | the class struggle in the South. Send in your orders now for “Southern Cot- ton Mills and Labor.” With its vivid portrayal of the conditions of the Southern textile work- ers, “Southern Cotton Mills and Labor” should | have a wide distribution, eee By MYRA PAGE (Continued.) Chapter I. ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SOUTH- ERN COTTON MILLS. OUTHERN mill hills, with their thousands like Tom, Marg, Sam, and Mrs. Rhoads, first developed in the period following the Civil War, when the industrial life of the South, centering around textiles, was born. While as early as 1810 the cotton mill industry had appeared in the South, and by 1860 had reached the extent of 165 mills with approxi- mately 328,000 spindles and an annual product worth $10,000,000, the ‘South’s economic life in this period was still predominantly agricul- tural, Then came the Civil War, when south- ern slave-holders fought to regain control of the federal government from Northern indus- trialists. Southern cotton mills worked to ca- pacity during the war, and following the con- flict, it was this developing industry which was largely responsible for the South’s slow but certain economic recovery. The older econ- omic order, founded upon slavery and the plan- tation system of agriculture, had now been destroyed by the machine age, and the slave owners vanquished by Northern industrialists. This defeated ruling class of the South now set about recapturing their former economic and political advantages. How was this to be done? Post-war agriculture offered little op- portunity, for equipment was depleted and agriculture generally demoralized. Further- more, these Southern aristocrats had learned the lesson of the war, well. They recognized that political power and wealth in modern capitalistic society was based on ownership of factories, mines and railroads and exploitation of wage-earners. Also they were finding it more profitable to work poor whites at the machines than on the land. So the surplus Southern land-owners were able to squeeze out of their colored and white tenants and farm- laborers, they invested primarily, not in agri- culture, but in cotton mills. The mill owners’ profits accumulated rapid- ly. Labor was plentiful and to be had for al- most nothing. There were also advantages of cheap and accessible raw materials, water- power, low rents, an! ready markets. No won- der that cotton mills sprang up like mush- rooms. Merchants and all others who had any | gions. | little as ten cents a day. money to invest hastened to buy cotton mill stoc From this period to the present time, the expansion of the Southern textile industry has been consistently rapid. In 1927, the southern cotton states had near- ly one-half of the installed spindles in United States mills, and over 4 per cent of the cotton looms. The number of active spindles was more than half of the country’s total. Nearly one-half of the cotton mill operatives were at work in southern mills. North and South Carolinas hold first and second place respee~ tively in the southern branch of the textile in- dustry, and from a national standpoint. they hold second and third place. Georgia has many mills, while Tennessee and Virginia are less important textile states. With the rapid trend of the textile industry southward, this region promises to play an even more predominant role in the economic and social development in textile. Consequently, social conditions in southern mill villages have wide significance. The method of developing a southern cotton mill, with its satellite village, was usually as follows: Having put up his rather modest mill, surrounded by a few frame shacks, the mill owner would send solicitors among the impov- erished. tenant-farmers of the lowlands and mountains. It was not difficult to get thou- sands of Poor Whites to leave the farm for the cotton mill, for the picture given of mill village life was a rosy one, and life on the land was desperately hard. The newly freed Ne- groes were also eager for work at the mills, but the mill owners employed only a few of them for manual and unskilled jobs around the mill. As profits swelled and the market. ex- panded, mill-owners sent their solicitors out to bring in more Poor Whites from the hills and lowlands. Thousands of these new recruits returned, disillusioned, to farming. Conditions in these early villages were of the worst, similar to those existing in the first period of the indus- trial revolution in England. In both instances, manufacturing inter took advantage of the necessity of unorganized workers and exploited them to the limit. There were no restrictions on hours in the first decades of southern in- dustry’s development, wages were a mere pit- tance, and child labor was common. Children as young as eight and ten years worked for as. In some cases a small child was paid twenty-two cents for a week’s labor. The Negro workers were segre- gated into the most unsanitary of shacks and | paid the least of all. While many teturned to the land, other thou- sands had no choice but to remain in the mills and bequeath to their children and their chil- dren’s children the heritage of being “mill hands.” Today there are nearly 300,000 eotton mill workers living, with their dependents, in hundreds of company-owned villages through- out the South-Atlgntic and South-Central re- Of these all but a few thousand are Poor Whites, the others being colored workers. (To be continued) Polish Masses Increase Struggles, WARSAW (By Mail). crisis of the Polish fascist dictatorship. “In the coal mining districts,” writes G. Henry- kovsky, “there is a rapid growth in the discon- tent of the workers. . . Both the miners and the metallurgical workers declare their readiness to fight.” “In the country, the resentment among the masses of poor peasants has reached its limits. Conflicts are reported between the police and the peasantry more and more frequently. “The symptoms of an approaching revolu- tionary phase and of a growing influence of the Communist Party of Poland are more and more apparent. “In this acute situation, the friction among the individual groups of interests within the possessing classes is interestingly marked. Con- trary to the opportunist assertions of our right wing, however, these differences in no way impair the united front of the bourgeoisie under the lead of the fascist government for the fight against the revolutionary movement and for preparation of the imperialist campaign | against the Soviet Union. “The comedy of resistance played on the parliamentary stage on the part of the social fascists and their national democratic allies under the leadership of that old traitor Das- zynski, serves but one purpose, that of deflect- ing the fight of the masses against fascism into the channels of a ‘defence of menaced de- mocracy,’ of blunting the revolutionary point of the mass movement and of disorganizing and demoralizing the masses.” Athens Gas and Tramway Workers Strike. ATHENS, Greece, Dec. 8.—The tramway and gas strike is being militantly fought by the workers. The government is using sailors to scab on the tram and gas workers and the strikers are resisting. Twenty-five were ar- rested. The tramway workers in Solonika have gone on a sympathetic strike to support the demands of their fellow workers in Athens. Burn. 4,000 Ikons GORLOVKA, U.S.S.R., Dec. 11.—A throng” | of 15,000 workers today participated in the burning of 4,000 ikons, symbols of “religion, the opium of the people.” The ikons were handed in by local miners after joining the Society of the Militant Atheists. The ikons were piled in a heap in the square and set on fire. Simultaneously the only church is this mining town in the Donetz district was closed. French Steel Workers Strike. PARIS (By Mail).—Two important strikes have broken out simultaneously in the steel i dustry. 3,000 steel workers are on strike near Valenciennes and a further 2,000 are striking in the Loire works in Nantes. The former are organized workers under revolutionary leader- ship, whilst the latter strike is being led by the revolutionary union. ‘There is a growing | | Union. Berlin Elections Feature in International Press. “The elections in Berlin signalize the inten- sification of the crisis and the approach of a revolutionary situation,” says Paul Langner, analyzing the victory of the Communist Party in the Berlin elections in No. 65 of the Inter- national Press Correspondence. “On the eve of the election day 25,000 workers assembled before the Karl Liebknecht House, headquarters of the C. P. On Sunday and Monday over a thousand workers joined the Communist Party.” J. Berlioz (Paris) writes an interesting poli+ tical review of the new Tardieu government in France. “The Tardieu-Briand Cabinet,” he says, “is composed of representatives of the most various bourgeois parties of the center and of the right.” An editorial from Pravda discusses the “re- sumption of relations between Great Britain and the Soviet Union,” which scores the im- perialist policy of Henderson and MacDonald. Of immediate importance is the article on “The Military Situation in China,” which is an up-to-date key to an understanding. of the present situation in China. D. Manuilsky (Moscow) writes on “The Oc- tober Revolution and the Soviet Union as the Source of Fighting Experience for the World Proletariat.” Other interesting articles on the revolution- ary struggles in all parts of the world will be found in this issue of Inprecorr, Organize a Collective Farm On the Volga. A collective farm, called the “Land of So- viets,” is being organized on the lower Volga region and will be under the patronage of the Friends of the Soviet Union, U. S. A. section. This is in harmony with the Five-Year Plan of the workers and peasants of the Soviet The tractors and trucks that have been purchased by the money contributed to the F. S. U. tractor and truck campaign will go to build up this collective farm. The peasants of this village have themselves voted through their Soviet to organize this farm, thus being drawn into the task of helping to build and carry out the Five-Year Plan. Through the solidarity and friendship of the American work- ers they will be able to begin next spring to plow and sow with the most modern of trac- tors and tools provided them through the F, S. U. Sears-Roebuck Increases Labor Time By 13-Month Calendar CHICAGO.—Sears-Roebuck and Co. which employs thousends of young workers at the lowest wages in the city, has adopted a 13- month calendar in order to squeeze more prof- its out of its already speeded-up workers. Whereas in Russia calendar reforms, rebound to the benefit of the workers government and the toilers on the job, capitalism, by every hook and crook, seeks to lengthen hours of labor;