The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 11, 1929, Page 4

Square, Address New York City, and Publigyéd by the Comprodaily Publishing Co. k N. Y. Telephone ail all checks to the Daily Wor NO VULGARIZATIONS HE Right danger which threatens the revo- lutionary clarity of principles of our Party, its indispensable readiness for action, and the promptness and concertedness of such action, does not only consist in wrong theories and policies definitely formulated and propounded by individuals or groups within the Party. It manifests itself also among other things in non-revolutionary tendencies which have pene- trated our movement and which raise head now and then in innocent looking ph and actions. The Right danger, in other words, is not only a danger where it appears fully armed and clearly visible, but it is equally dangerous where it is a wrong tendency or an incorreet approach. The difficulties of financing the activiti a revolutionray party are tremendous. result, quite a substantial portion of activities of our Party is devoted to the solution of this problem. In the course of time, the political activities and the raising of the necessa: i nances have become so inextricably inter that the dividing line becomes almost in’ Political affairs of major importanc glemonstrations, revolutionary and memorials have become means of ra’ funds as well as political affairs. Sometimes the money raising aspect of these affairs dominate the political aspects. A tendency of commercialism creeps in and gradually over- shadows the original purpose of the occasion. One proof of this is in the readiness with which our Party disregards political dates and ad- justs the demonstrations based on these poli- tical dates to the financial aspects of the ar- rangements. We find that November 7 dem- onstrations are heldgany time from November 1 to 15, Lenin Memorial dates are set at any time from January 13 to 30, and so on. Of course, the argument for these shiftings is that the Saturday or the Sunday or whatever date chosen promises greater mass participa- tion of workers. The underlying commercial tendency, however, translates this greater mass participation into dollars and cents. Because of this commercial tendency, the Party over- looks its duty to create a political tradition in the minds of the workers concerning the event which is being memorialized. The Bol- shevik revolution and the 7th of November are inseparable. Not only the event, but even the date itself have the greatest historic signifi- cance. It is the duty of the Party to convey to and impress upon the workers this significance, even though in the beginning the response of the workers will not be so great; the gradual success of the Party in the establishment of a mass following will find its expression in an equally gradual growth of mass response. The tendency of commercialism here char- acterized is a serious Right danger and must be very consciously com- batted. and very decisively Recently we met with possib! manifestation of this commercialisi ve were treated to a “Third Period Danc Through the columns of the Daily Worker we were in formed that the “mysterious absence of P: members from their unit meetings will an explanation in the dance.” In anoth column of the same Daily we were informed that while the southern textile workers are fighting, we, in New York, have to show our revolutionary quality by dancing at the “Third Period Dance.” The ticket to the affair t the information that those who register this “Third Period Dance” will be y the worst rty d at ‘credited with performing a task in line with the poli- s of the Communist Party.” The comrade who the originator of this brilliant idea of a “Third Period Dance” and who supplied the above cited publicity, unques- tionably intended to aid our Party through a financial success of the aff: would have supplied the D; some of the necessary funds for its existence. But the comrade’s intentions not decisive. The decisive thing is that he found no diffi- culty in stooping to such a vulgari serious political term as that of the third period in order to support the appeal for finan- cial help. The third period is for us the em- bodiment of an epoch in the history of capital- ism in which the inherent contradictions of the capitalist order are putting the proletarian revolution upon the order of the day. The vulgarization of this conception in a “Third Period Dance” should be expected only from an opponent of it. Here we have a case where the above criticized tendencies of commercial- ism have gradually killed the political judg- ment of the responsible comrade to a degree that he finds no fault in subordinating poli- tics to the commercialism. Instead of raising funds to support the political work, he uses the political work and political terms as ex- cuses to raise funds. This is such a crass manifestation of opportunism, such an inex- cusable outburst of commercialism that it should serve as a warning to the Party. It should impress the Party with the necessity of combatting every and even the slightest manifestation of this commercialism. It should convince the Party that its political aims and purposes are everything and all the rest of its activities can only claim importance in the degree in which they tend to strengthen and This success Worker with to achieve these political aims and purposes. | Wherever the political aims and purposes are subordinated to fundamentally subordinate questions, indefensible vulgarizations must re- sult. They weaken the Party, undermine prestige, and tend to make it the laughing | stock instead of the leader of the workers. On the Question of Party Dues. The following letter hus been received from a member of the Party in New York City. We are printing this letter with answers to the questions raised, point by point. The Cent- val Committee is convinced that every member of the Party as a Communist and on the basis of conviction, and not alone discipline, will readily and heartily accept and carry out the decis‘on of the Party on normalizing the Party finances end inercasing the Party dues. NATIONAL ORGANIZATION DEPT. * 2 * Communist Party: The Political Commi (Polcom) decision to increase the present S payments in the Party, thru the establishment of weekly dues payments of 2 percent of the weekly wages, Central Comm has been met with a shock that was not easily absorbed. I do not know how the mem- bership will feel about this sudden increase in dues, but I am certain that every Communist will accept this decision and carry it out as we do all other Party decisions. I have given the question a thought, and many questions arose before me. I therefore place these before you for consideration and solution: 1. The Party Constitution says now: “Members 3 months in arrears in payment of dues shall cease to be members in good stand- ing. One who is 6 months in arrears shall be stricken from the rolls.” What will the Constitution be amended to now? Will three weeks be considered in good standing? And 6 weeks in bad standing? Or what? 2. Will the new dues basis, in substantially bettering the financial condition of the Party, do away with the national assessments, such as: Convention or Election? 3. Will the new dues basis do away with distribution of the (a) Labor Unity, (b) Labor Defender, (c) Negro Champion, etc? 4. Will the “Daily Worker” Fund. be abolished? 5. Will the present unit and section as- sessments for local rent, leaflets, etc. be elim- inated? 6. What will be the status of the house- wives, who are in the Party, but who do not work, and the husband pays his regular dues? Will the housewives be exempt from dues pay- ments the same as the unemployed? 7. Will the unemployed have to come to 4 “it meetings to claim weekly exemp- Sustaining -ill happen to those members who chronic absentees from the unit and who used to come in long periodic Will they be given a large number vt stamps at one time, when they come and claim that they have been unemployed all this time? These questions are the ones that struck me, but which I could not answer. They are surely in the minds of most of the Party members, and should receive the most prompt reply in the ‘Daily Worker,” and the other Party Press. With Communist Greetings, MAX KITZES * * * ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS RAISED. 1. The Statutes of the Party have been amended to read as follows on this point: “Members who are four weeks in arrears in payment of dues, cease to be members of the Party in good standing. Members who are three months in arrears shall be stricken from the rolls. No member of the Party shall pay ues in advance for a period of more than six weeks.” 2. Special assessments such as Convention Assessments will still be levied, but the con- tinual demands for assessments for this or that purpose, demanded each week, in every unit, will be prohibited and abolished. 3. All collections and taxes are prohibited unless by special permission of the Polcom; the “Labor Unity,” “Labor Defender,” etc., must get wide circulation thru the biulding of these organizations on a broad mass b: tak- ing in thousands of non-Party membe: The Party members who are in these mass organ- izations, must as members of them, also par- ticipate in the widespread distribution of these papers, but must direct their efforts primarily amongst the non-Party masses. While every Party member should be encouraged to buy all these papers and particularly to distribute them, there should be as few mandatory deci- sions as possible, but rather the convincing of the members thru idealogical means and thru development of interest in the papers concerned. 4. The increased income from the new dues system will meet a part of the annual deficit The balance of this will All of the Daily Worker. have to be met thru special measures. special funds are abolished by decis Poleom in connection with the suce troduction of the new dues syste! Daily Worker will find an emer necessary it will have to present its case to the Polecom and have a decision made on the matter. The present financial drive which has been started, is to meet the prevailing situation until the new dues system is put into effect. 5. Yes. 6. Housewives pay 10 cents dues weekly and are not exempt. Ideas of dual dues stamps | are a remnant of Federationism. the local taxes upon members for the forced | ‘Mexican President Goes to His 7. Every member of the Party must at- tend unit meetings regularly and if he cannot must give acceptable excuse for non-attend- ance. Dues must be paid weekly and by regu- Jar attendance can easily be paid regularly. In European Communist Parties, failure to attend unit meetings results in the comrade being called before the Control Commission. In the U. S. A. we must instill greater in- dividual responsibilities in each Party member. The Party units are not “half way houses” where members drop in and out at convenience, but are the basic unit of the Party where every member must attend regularly. We recommend that chronic absence at unit meet- ings be the cause of calling the comrade in question to the Control Commission. 8. Answered above. Every member is urged to read carefully the statement of the Central Committee published in the Daily Worker of Noy. 30. on the New Dues System and make a thoro study of same. We urge the members and functionaries to write short articles favoring the new dues system. Boss in Washington. HOUSTON, Texas, Dec. 8.—Ortiz Rubio, newly-elected Mexican president with Wall Street’s approval arrived here today and was feted by all the reactionary elements. Rubio is anxious to meet President Hoover with whom he will have a long conversation. Hoover will tell him how American imperialism wants things done in Mexico. Rubio is anxious to disarm the Mexican peas- ants so Wall Strect’s will may be done in Me- ico, but the revolut‘onary peasants’ orpyniza- tions are putting up a stern struggle. ation of a | & By Mall Gin N By Mai} (outside of New York): $6.00 a year; SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $5.00 a ye w York only) $4.50 six months: $3.50 six months: $2.50 three months $2.00 three months —— By Fred Ellis The following articles on the Coal Police and State Police of Pennsyl- were written a few days before the opening of the trial, which began Monday, of Salvatore Accorsi-for hsi life in Pittsburgh, Western Pennsylvania. The Coal and Iron police have become the symbol f feudalism in industrial sections and tneir infamy acd savagery has become a by-word over the world since the Barcoski case and the coal strike of tore Accors know, grew cut of the liceman, John J demonstration 8. The e of Salva- e1s already shooting of a s Downey, at the gainst the execution of and Vanzctti, 2, 1927. Downey was killed by a s ome unknow7 per- son, while he was indiscriminately clubbing ves and children at and after he shooting of this thug was g class self ccfense. Twe years afterward, Accrrsi was arrested in Staten Island, where he y.0ved after being fo: on strik ear in th fields. He has a wife and three children whu are being ai-'led by th> International Labur Defense which has saved inem trom being dispossessed and thrown cut on the street. es yates Sa By JOSEPH NORTH. FEUDALISTIC tyranny, bloodier than any that weighed on the countless serfs of the Middle Ages, operates today in industrial Pennsylvania. The case of Salvatore Accorsi, 34 year old miner, who goes on trial Decem- ber 9, for his life, is a direct fruit of this bloody tyranny. The fascists of Italy may well come to this case and get many valua}:¢ pointers in technique. They will see how the helmeted state police of Pennsylvania are on the trail of another blood saerifice to ensure the profits of the secretary of the treasury, chief stockholder in the mines and steel plants of Western Pennsylvania, Before going into a history of the cases that have grown out of this abominable system, it is well to give a brief description of the insti- tution of Coal and Iron police and state police. ate police, the helmeted horsemen whose maces have broken many a worker’s head, work. nominally for the state. Actually they are at the beck and call of the big companies of heavy industt Coal and Iron police or the “Yellow Dogs” are responsible, openly, to nobody but the companies which employ them, They are armies of private gunmen who get state licenses. They are as criminal as the bodyguard of Al Capone, and many of them are directly recruited from the ganglands of the big cities. By far the major are professional gun- men and imported strikebreakers. Few are local men. About 3,000 of the Coal and Iron police are now at large in Pennsylvania—the majority of them in the western part of the state. Every member of the gunmen army it signed by the governor, John isher, himself a coal operator. Before him, the “liberal” Governor Pinchot, faced by a similar scandal, made a gesture by examining the list of permits, and revoked some 8,500 of the 6,000 because of the criminal records of the holders. The institution of the “Yellow Dogs” remained, however, untouched. That the trail of blood let loose by these gunmen leads to Mellon’s door was admitted by Senator from Montana, Burton K. Wheeler, who wrote, for political reasons, after the murder of John Bareoski, “My thought about this matter is that Mr, Mellon complete- ly dominates not only the Pittsburgh Coal Compan; whose policemen committed this murder, but lik e dominates the republican party in Pennsylvania and likewise to a large extent the cconomic life of the western nart of the state. All he would have to do is to say to the jevislature that these private police men shou'd be done away with and the legisla- ture would no doubt pass a law prohibiting them, and he could likewise say to his com- pany that he did rot approve of them and they would be done’away with It is to keep the police of this type, and the state police in power, that Mellon demands the tore Accorsi, Burn Accorsi in the e somebody shot Downey and the miners will be i:‘:midated—the ] barons reason. Let the Downey shooting go “un- solved” and some miner will be encouraged to take another shot at a murd policeman, thinks Now of militancy of the miners, want more than ever a are out to get Sal- vators ars will let them. Note vill tell of the meeting wh police anid ken which a number up by of one of them ting wound rooper Downey, the cops on the raid. the state miner: proving fatal. The Che up in the shooting of the most vicious of a in received serious injuries, Communist Party to Have Six! Week National Training School] In connection with the present campaign of the Central Executive Committee to draw in new proletarians into leading positions of the Party, the C.E.C. of the Communiist Party of the U.S.A. decided to have a week Na- tional Training School in New York City, for a period of six weeks beginning with Janua: 27, 1930. The school will consist of a min mum of 31 students from all over the country. Of these students, 9 will-be Negro workers and 3 from the South. The students assigned to the various districts are: 5, 2 students 7, 2 student: t 8, 3 students; 9, 1 student; District 10, 1 student; ict 12, Istudent; District 13, 1 student; District 15, 1 student; Agricultural District, 1 student; Y.C.L., 2 students; from the Can- adian Party, 1 student; Gastonia, 3 students. Every district will have to raise $125 per student. This amount is to cover the cost of upkeep of the student and his fare. The C.E.C. National School Committee has also set up special requirements for the stu- dents. The following rules govern the election of students to the National Training School from the districts: 1. The sti acter and come must be proletarian in char- 2. The must. be icipated struggles, he d generally re- bilities for develop- who par in strike ac nd in mas: must be loyal to the Party liable and must show po: ment. 4, The student is not to be above 27 years of age. 5, He must have elementary political education. 6. He must be in good physical health. 7. He must be ready to be at the disposal of the Party at the end of the course for any assignment. 8, The final choice of the student is to be with the C.E.C. The following districts must include one Ne- gro worker emong the students to be sent to the National Training School; Districts 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 8, Y.C.L. and Gastonia, District 2 is to send tivo Negro students. All districts are urged to make immediate preparations for the selection of students and raising of the necessary amount to cover the cost of their upkeep and transportation, This 96-page book by Myra Page, “Southern | Cotton Mills and Labor,” is published by the Workers Library Publishing Co., 43 BE. 125th St Y. C., and is ready for distribution. The price is 25 cents—an unusual low one fo a 96-page book of first-hand information of the class struggle in the South. Send in your orders now for uthern Cot- ton Mills and Labor.” With its vivid portrayal of the conditions of the Southern textile work- ers, “Southern Cotton Mills and Labor” should have a wide distribution. oe * By MYRA PAGE. (Continued.) ‘The thing’s what’s wrong with me,” Katy | explained one day after one of her coughing | spells. “I went to work whin I wuz too little. Th’ mill stunted my growth, I wuz eight year whin Pa took a stroke, ’n there wuz five of us kids ’n me th’ oldest. I wuz only in school two weeks, when I had to quit ’n go to th’ mill to work. All we had wuz what I could earn, less than two dollars, I cried, ’n Ma ’n Pa cried, ’n all th’ littl’ uns cried, but what war thar to do? It warn’t th’ work so much, tho there wuz no limit to hours thin, ’n th’ lint ’n dampness wuz somethin’ awful. But it wuz, I wanted larnin’ th’ worse way in th’ world.” “But how could you live on two dollars a week?” I asked. “We had to. By doin’ without. In two year my brother come into th’ mill too, so thin it wuz easier. But I navah got back to school.” “But you can read.” “Sure, I larned myself how. But I doan know how to write. Looks like somethin’ wrong, with kids wana larn, ’n doan git th’ chance?” “You bet, there is, Katy.” “There wuz a man thru here las’ winter ’n he tole us in secret about a country, Rushia, what all kids git a real chance at schooling. Schools are free, like here, and th’ government sees that every kid has dothes and vittles 'n a place to live while he’s agoin’ to school . . . Hush up, honey,” she turned to take up her squalling baby and feed it a little warmed tobacco juice. As she raised herself once more and pushed her hair out of her eyes behind her face took on one of those queer, eing looks. “What’s that thar Rushia? Why doan we hev it thata way here?” This Monday afternoon I found Katy fran- tie. “My baby’s gonna die! Oh, I’m afreat’ my baby’s off of th’ bowles. It’s from these stinks ’n flies, ’n my baby what's all I got sinkin’ lower ’n lower. My Gawd, what ’m I gona do?” The baby lay in a little home-made cradle on the porch. It was covered with sores which the flies tried to reach thru the mosquito net- ting. At each feeble whimper Katy moaned. “Hush honey, thar now, honey,” and waved away the flies. By evening Katy’s baby was dead. A few evenings later we were sitting on Jim-and-Sally’s front porch; Annie, Frank and I. Marry and Sam had come over with their brood, and a friendly but determined religious controversy was waging between them. Jim and Sally were Methodists, and Mary and Sam, Holynests, and the argument seemed to be over the origin of Sin. Innumerable kids crawled over and under as we talked and chewed and spit tobacco juice into the blue night. Jim had been a Georgia farmer, a Poor White, farming five acres. He and Sally and the littl’ uns had worked from sun to sun in the cotton patches, trying to pay off the mortgage. Then the boll-weevil, one year, and a “banner cotton crop” the next drove him off the land and set him to wandering from one cotton mill to the next.. And the funny thing was, Jim did not blame the bankers who took his land, nor the system which made big crops & disaster, but “those dam niggers.” Here he, an Anglo- Saxon, white man, had to turn mill hand while some of those colored farmers had held on to their small plots of ground. Tom was studying mechanics in the evenings, after work, so as to be able, as he told me, “to larn my boys a trade ’n give ’em a chance. All th’ young uns of us poor people, all they got to look forward to is goin’ into th’ mill or on th’ farm. I’m gona make it different fer my boys.” Sam and Mary had no plans for their kids, nor did most of the mill hands with whom I talked. When asked, “Do you want your kids to go in the mills?” the answer was usually “Naw,” stating that the life was too hard and they'd like to see their kids get an education and make something of themselves. “But what else,” they invariably added, “kin they be?” Somehow the discussion of Sin had led Jim to a denunciation of the last war. “Yep, it wuz a rich man’s war ’n a poor man’s fight, sure enuf,” Sam echoed. + “Wahl,” Jim went on, “thar’s another war acomin’—between th’ rich ’n th’ poor. A rich man over in Atlanta sed that war th’ only war he afeart. ’N it was a-comin”” “Do you think he is right?” “Ya, I reckon so.” “Sure, we workin’ people can’t go on like this forever.” “Do you want to see it? How’ll it turn out?” “Wahl, I figger it this way. God’s gona be on th’ side of th’ poor because it’s us what sup- ports his work. Th’ rich may give th’ money, but it’s us poor what goes ’n does His work.” Sally rocked approbation. “Ya, it’s us poor’ll 4 Ej “How come you got to bring God into it?” Frank asked. “We'll win because we get thousands to their one, ’n if we all stick to- gether they can’t run a dam mill, or train or ship or mine. We'll jes’ take ’em over ’n run ‘em for ourselves.” e “By gorry,” Sam exclaimed, “How come you evah thought it out so plain, Frank?” “Jim, has there ever been a union here?” All looked at one another, then Mary spoke up crisply. “I'll say thar war. Sam here wuz among th’ first to jine ’n th’ las’ to give ” : The story followed, one I heard often on the hill, since they were sure I was not spying for the company. During the war, “th? L.W.W.” had come. A woman organizer who posted | } SOUTHERN COTTON MILLS AND LABOR bills, made fiery speeches, and pleased and frightened their souls by the evil things she said of the company. Everybody was for join- ing the union, The news spread to all the vil- lages that someone had come to help them at last, and there were spontancous strikes with nobody to lead them, Like over in Judson mill, where around nine thirty one hot morning all the spinners walked out and sat on the ground in front of the mill. The boss spinner ran out, demanding, “What you doin’ here? Why ain’t ye workin’?” Nobody moved. “We ain’t acomin’ back ’till you raise th’ rate five cents a spool. Th’ Bible says a workman's worthy of his hire.” “Hell,” says the boss spinner, which is also in the Bible. “Wahl, I reckon I kin get me some more hands to take your place. You kin jes’ set here.” And he went back into the mill. So they sat for a hour, some arguing to go back, and some ty go home. Weavers and carders peeped out a; the windows at them. Nobody on the grass thought about trying to get them to come out, too. After another half an hour, somebody started moving toward the mill. Then every- body got up and went insde, Over here on Hutchins hill, they had 85 per cent joined up, and had held secret meetings with the organizer. Then, as they found out afterwards, a company tool got himself elected secretary and everything started going wrong. Right away the workers took to quarreling among themselves. One night a bunch of rowdies, hired by the company, came from an- other hill and threw rotten eggs ‘and stones at the organizer and drove her out of town, and threatened her to ever come back. She did come back, once, and held another secret mect- ing but it looked like things was all wrong, by them. And that was the end of the union. Since then the company had kept the sheriff and spies to keep a watch out. “There was two main troubles,” Sam threw in. “One wuz us not stickin’ together good enuf, ’n th’ other we hadn’t no money to hold out. verybody owed the company store, ’n we'd sure run out of vittl right off. Next time it'll be different. We'll hev to git money ahead from somewhere.” “But th’ union’s th’ right thing fer us mill people. Frank, you sed you belonged to a union up North, how’d yours work?” | “Yessir, I belonged, in Jersey, ’n it worked fine. Say’ I'll tell you about it whin you come over to our place, tomorrow night, to tell Myra goodbye. It’s too late to start tonight.” On Saturday evening we all gathered in Mrs. Crenshaw’s parlor, these four, Marg and her two young’uns, and Mrs. Crenshaw’s house- hold. Even Katy had roused herself to come when she heard I was leaving the hill for a visit home, having been called there by a family illness. I shall never forget their faces as Frank told of the struggles of the northern textile work- ers for a union, how they had suffered, been defeated but finally had won out; what condi- tions were like before, and what they were like now. Things were hard for them still, but much better than they were here. Mrs. Crenshaw sitting, as she did in church, with unnoticed tears slipping over her twitching mouth, Katy, wide-eyed, pressing her empty arms to her flat chest. Doris, fired up, but restless, They listened without a word until the story was ended. Then questions began to pour in. ] “We kin do that, too,” Jim declared, “See| if we doan.” As Katy left, she plucked me by the sleeve and whispered, “You'll send me a letter ’n doan mind if I doan answer, becus you know I kin read but not write. ’N cut you send me a book tellin’ about that thar country what all kids kin go to school?” (To be Continued) Morrow On Way To Armament Conference. Dwight W. Morrow, Wall Styeet Ambassador to Mexico arrived in New York on his way to the naval armament conference in London. When in returns, Morrow will take the lead for Hoover in the Senate. When asked whether he will take the senate job, Morrow said he would have to consult his fellow-imperialists in the State Department. Morrow will meet with members of his firm, J. P. Morgan and Co.'to discuss Mexican loans. Wants Gigantic Radio Trust. WASHINGTON, Dee. 10.—Owen D. Young, testifying before the Interstate Commerce Commission, recommended gigantic trustifica- the United States. Young is very much in- terested in consolidating all existing radio and telegraph companies under his control as ead of the American Telephone and Telegraph Co. and the Radio Corporation. This step was necessary, said Young, in order to compete with other capitalist powers. BE SME RG ay A.F.L. Weaker in South. WASHINGTON.—Frank Morrison, secre+ tary of the American Federation of Labor, has announced that the A.F.L, does not know how many members it has in the South. This is terpreted as merely the A.F.L. way of evad- ing a confession of collapse there, due to the outrageous betvayals it committed in the New Orleans car strike, and the Elizabethton and Marion textile strikes, tion of the radio and telegraph companies “| Strikes Increase in France. PARIS (By Mail).—“L’Humanité” publishes { interesting statistics showing the increasing radicalization of the French working class as | expressed in 145 strikes. Most of these strik- es were for wage increases, whilst 24 of them were sympathy strikes with other striking work- evs. 59 strikes ended in October and 63 lasted into November. In 30 strikes the workers were completely successfvl whilst 13 strikes were lost. The strikes took place in the metal, chem- ical, clothing, food and drink trades, textile and building industries and in transport ian, 4 Saanany e ‘ 7