The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 10, 1929, Page 4

RESOL UTION ON THE “DAILY WORKER” he Central Committee, Communist Party, U.S. A.| Thesis he O Plenum of the “The Right Da r further expresses it- self in a wh series of questions in an underestimation of the function of the Daily Worker by looking upon it as a journal of Communist infermation rather than as the leading political organ of the Party.” A “As part of this campaign we must aim at circulation of the Daily Work- er and the entire Party press. The Daily Worker must be made into a real mass organ connected with the masses in the shops through a whole network of factory cor- Jents. This is one of the best antees not only of establishing the contacts of the Daily Worker in the shops, but also of increasing its circulation. PARTY MUST BE MADE T THE IMPORTANT ROL. CENTRAL ORGAN AND TI If tO CONVERT ORG INTO A R the the Party ly Worker was bound to t, in an underestimation of ork by the Party leadership, ned with its production ecially during the fac- d under the nifluence of Love- ) retary and of Wolfe as prop Director, this process was st and resu Yr ‘ogn accuracy n a certain de- in treatment of political z the methods of the bourgeo those frivolity in cop ess, especia of papers (Hearst) whose p (in the case of the capitalist press) is primarily to dope the workers and the petty bourgeoisie. The final result was that, arising from this underestimation and its consequences, the Party failed to provide an ite Communist staff, the paper became and less of a leading Par gan, and to be effectively a journal of Com- nformation. So deep was this par- anifestation of the Right danger, ac- d by the factional struggle, that even er the receipt of the Address of the C. I., the Daily Worker is only gradually throwing off its bad inherita’ volutionary daily must be, first of all, Its purpose is’ to instil into gts an readers an undying hatred against capitalism and the will and determination to end cpitalism. It must do that by utilizing y event treated in its columns for agita- It m therefore specialize on cla: struggle events and on happenings which lie near to the worker's life and conception and must treat these events in the language of the workers. ator. Aside from being a consistent agitator, it must be an educator, a propagandist. This t is performed, first, by not only conveying » news of events and happenings to the reader in such a form that it creates resent- ment against capitalism, against the capitalist class and the capitalist state, but also dr conclusions from those events in the form of either proposals for action or theoretical con- clusions and, second, that while it speaks the language of the workers, it must elevate this language on a higher plane, politicalize it, so that it brings into the heads of the workers their own ideas and their own reactions in a higher form, synchronising the spontaneous re- action of the workers with the theoretical analysis and conclusions of the Communist editor. In certain respects an improvement has been shown. There has been more internationaliza- tion of the news and articles; the political edi- torials have been made the leading articles the paper responds more promptly and funda- mentally to ¢ t events; progress has been made in departmentalizing the work, strength- ening the staff, an] reorga’ ng the methods of producing and circulating the paper. One of the greatest assets of the Daily Worker is the deep loyalty and devotion of the Party members to its maintenance; the Party feels the supremely important role which the Daily Worker must play in the class struggle. This loyalty to the Daily Worker must be care- fully cultivated and deepened, especially by giving the Party and the working masses, @ constantly better paper. The necessary changes have, however, only started and by no means can the present sit- uation be considered satisfactory. The Poli- tical Buro therefore instructs the Secretariat to take the necessary measures in order to put into effect immediately the decisions ‘of the Central Committee Plenum which would make the Daily Worker the leading political organ of the Party and transform it into a mass organ. The Daily Worker must be the Party’s chief agitator, educator, and organizer. The following shall be the guiding lines in the transformation of the Daily Worker staff and its work: the masses—by making our pol- icy understandable and interesting to the workers. Fill the Daily Worker with the life of the factories, by workers’ correspondence. Broadcast the slogan: “Workers, this is vour paper; write for it!” 2 3. Shorten and sharpen every item that goes into the paper. long sentences, cle Cut out long words, long paragraphs, long arti- Boil it down. to easily-understood es- e the Communist viewpoint and in- terpretation of every important event IN SHORT NEWS ITEMS AND IN HEAD- LINES. 5. Give the facts accurately—the facts are the best arguments. 6. Connect international events with the American workers’ Ife. 7. ORGANIZE THE STAFF INTO A COLLECTIVE BODY, with every member a responsible worker, with definite assignment of work and responsibility to each one. “A smaller and better staff, which works as an organization.” At-the same time the Language Department is instructed to prepare for the next meeting of the Poleom statement on the position of the othe y papers, for the politicalization and improvement of the methods of work. Throughout the work of the extire Party press the struggle against the Right dan; er be coneretized by stimulating self. cism from below, from the workers in shops work. The struggle renegades mu of “inner Par against the Lovestone not be isolated to the sphere problems, but must be inter- twined with every question of the class strug- | gle, from the smallest problems of building the revolutionary trade’ unions, of the fight against rational ion, to the defense of the Soviet Union and its socialist construction, and the struggle against imperialist war. _ Party Recruiting Drive Get 5,000 N Communist Party. The Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party decided upon a Recruiting Drive as one of our major tasks. The Drive starts December 10th and lasts to February 10th. The situation in the country the workers over-ripe for winning the work- ers to our Party. The intensified rational- ization drive of the bosses against the workers and amongst | —the increased unemployment—growing prep- arations for war—attacks by the state upon the Party and the working class as a whole (Chicago, Gastonia, California, Pennsylvania, Ohio, ete., offer excellent opportunit for the Party to win thousands of workers to its ranks. The aims of the Drive are: 1. Recruit 5,000 new members. 2. Establish 100 additional factory nuclei. 3. Secure 5,000 new subs for the Daily Worker. 4, Establish 50 additional factory papers. 5. Sell and distribute 100,000 copies of the new pamphlet, “Why Every Worker Should Join the Communist Par 6. Activize the Party nuclei. The Drive must not be an isolated activity but MUST be linked up with all the political campaigns and activities of the Party. Es- pecially must we connect the Recruiting Drive with the important task of rooting our Party in the basic industries and large shops. The Party must be built up in the basic industries and the large shops through organizing shop nuclei. To put over the Drive successfully, every member—every unit—every Section and Dis- trict Committee—every Party fraction—must be mobilized and imbued with a spirit of de- termination and “Revolutionary Competition.” The membershin must not wait for every de- tail to be decided upon by the higher com- mittees. Every unit, while following the line of the instructions of the Central Committee and also of each District Committee, should take the initiative to work out new methods and to push the Drive over successfully. To conduct the Party Recruiting Drivee and Build the Daily Worker Campaign success- fully, it is necessary to concentrate iny (1) the factories, (2) the Trade Unions, (3) the mass organizations, (4) to win back proletarian ele- ments who may have lapsed in their member- ship, (5) to utilize the Daily Worker Anniver- sary Compaign, (6) to utilize the Lenin Memo- rial Meetings. To bring our Party to the masses, popularly written literature is effective, in addition to personal contact. As a part of the Drive we have decided to print 100,000 copies of a new pamphlet entitled, “Why Every Worker Should Join the Communist Party. To put this job over every member must be mobilized. The pamphlet will sell at only 5 cents per copy in order to get a wide circulation. During the Drive the Daily Worker must be kept in the forefront. Especially must we link up the Daily Worker Anniversary Edi- tions and Affair: These must not exclude the Recruiting Drive but be a part of the Drive. Every Member on the Job—5,000 new mem- bers. * Into the Factories—100 NEW NUCLEI. Increase the Party Influence in the Factory —50 NEW FACTORY PAPERS. Spread the Daily Worker to the Factories— 5,000 NEW READERS! FACTORY Notice on the Expulsion of I. Saffron. The C. C. C. has approved the decision of D. E. C. of District 9 to expel I. Saffron from the Party as a degenerate tool of the Trotzky- ites in Minneapolis. Saffron was previously suspended from the Party as a Ttrotzkyite. When, on July 3, he applied for re-instatement and signed a state- ment repudiating the Trotzkyites, this state- ment was published in The Daily Worker, but the re-instament was held in abeyance. His actions since then, however, proved con- clusively that Saffron was playing a double role against the Party. His degeneracy, typical of all right wingers, reached the extent of supporting, together with other Trotzkyites, the reactionary Zionists on the Palestine question, and of aligning with the right wing in the Independent Workmen's ¢ Cirele in their fight against the Party, going even so far as to attempt to throw out a Party member from a meeting by force. Such elements have no place in the Commu- nist Party, and all workers are hereby notified that Saffron is expelled from the Party. CENTRAL CONTROL COMMITTEE. COMMUNST PARTY OF U,S. A. on all phases of Party and trade union Jew Members for the | | By MARIO ALPI. N the 9th of December Salvatore Accorsi, a miner from Pennsylvania, appeared before the Court in Pennsylvania, charged with mur- der. The vicious capitalists have again manu- factured a frame-up and are planning to send another innocent worker to the electric chair. Salvatore Accorsi who was first imprisoned in the State of New York two years ago, was , recently transferred to Pennsylvania where the shooting took place. This is done at a time when the labor movement of the entire country is gaining in strength in its fight against capi- talist rationalization and for the right to or- ganize; at a time when the capitalist contra- dictions began to take sharper forms and the class struggle is accentuating. BOSSES WILL NOT SUCCEED. The vicious capitalists who have already condemned to many years of imprisonment the militant textile workers in Charlotte, while the | hired thugs of the bosses who murdered Ella | May and the Marion workers go free, are pre- paring to sentence Accorsi in order to intimi- date and terrorize the workers. It is imma- terial to the capitalists whether Accorsi is guilty or innocent; they want a new victim upon whom to lash their cruelty in the attempt to display their power and thus check the militant struggle of the workers. But they | will not succeed! The workers of America are on their guard. They are determined to free their fellow-worker and they will accomp- lish it! . Salvatore Accorsi did not kill, Salvatore Accorsi was not present at the Sacco-Vanzetti Protest Meeting held in Cheswick, Pa., where a policeman met his death while attacking a | workers’ meeting. The shooting of this thug was an act of working class colf ¢~ no one knows who fired the shot.’ But it was not Accor: He was miles away at the times» The police are well aware of this. Through Salvatore Accorsi the capitalists want to deal a similar blow at the working class as they did by the murder of Sacco and Vanzetti and by the infamous sentence in Charlotte. Salva- | tore Accorsi belongs to the working class of America and all the workers, regardless of race or nationality, must come to the aid of their fellow-worker; must definitely declare to the capitalists that they are ready to struggle and resist any new attempts at murdering their fellow workers. BUILD THE DEFENSE. The International Labor, Defense has for the past two years given support to the defense of Salvatore Accorsi and launched a broad cam- paign to mobilize the workers in gathering funds with which to defend Accorsi and sup- port his large family. The workers through- out the country have been responding to the call and especially the miners of Pennsylvania in whose ranks Accorsi belongs. Today, more than ever, when the I. L. D. comes to the help of hundreds of workers, and when it, with the increasing reaction due to the sharpening of tho elec ctvnowlo will have to come the help of greater numbers of victims of capitalist’ 4, 1b DecLies absolutely necessary for the I. L. D. to be strengthened into a powerful bulwark for the working class defense. In the case of Salvatore Accorsi we notice various, committees springing up here and there, through political speculators of the Tres- ca type, who under the pretence of defending Accorsi, aim to discredit the efforts of the I. L. D. The work of these gentlemen does not help Salvatore Accorsi but on the contrary, in creating confusion in the ranks of the work- ers because of their stand against the I. L. D., | they play directly into the hands of the Mel- Jons, Rockefellers and Company; objectively working against the defense of Accorsi— | | | \ ' Laman It te 25 Worker’. Communist Party of the Ry Mail (in New York By Mati (outside of New York): SUBSCRIVTION BAT $8.00 a vear $6.00 a year; ony): 4.40 six months: $550 sia months; $2.59 three $2.00 three rouths nopths SAVE SALVATORE ACCORSI! against the working class—they help the hang- man. UNMASK TREACHERY. In the campaign of Salvatore Accorsi, as in the case of all the victims of capitalist oppres- sion, the working class must keep a keen eye upon the treacherous vole of these gentlemen. It is high time that the workers of America once and for all put an end to all the various small and wavering politicians who decorate themselves with revolutionary phrases which have no substance. The campaign for Salva- tore Acccorsi will definitely unmask the treacherous role of these gentlemen. Today Salvatore Accorsi is being defended ty the American working class. Accorsi will be freed by the will of the American working class through its whole-hearted support of the only working class organization that defends the eeces of fascism and capitalist reaction—the . L..D, FORWARD TO THE DEFENSE VATORE ACCORSI! THE PROLETARIAT FREEDOM! OF SAL- DEMANDS HIS One More Seviet Achievement. K. VOROSHILOY. HE great practienl value of the flight of a distance of over 20,000kilometers from Moscow thru Western Europe, the Asiatic Con- tinent, Pacific Ocean and the American Con- tinent to New York, consists in the fact that we had again a chance to prove the high qual- ity of Soviet airplane building and also the high quality of the Red flyers, and also to start, so to say, the beginning of an airway between the two continents. The successful flight accomplished by the heroic flyers of the Soviet aviation proves bet- ter than words the great achievement of the entire aviation industry of the proletarian gov- ernment and which reaches, in this respect, the heights of the mos? developed capitalist coun- tries. The airplane, “Land of Soviets,” is not the only type of the Soviet metal, multi-motored airplanes. Many other machines built by the brotherly efforts of the workers and i of our industry have perfect qualities of the Sovies metal airplane construction. A short while ago a tri-motor, metal airplane of the passenger type, “Wings of the Soviet,” crossed all Europe, about 9,000 km. with a record race speed of 170 km. per hour. All of these flights had for their purpose a check of our possi- bilities and great undertakings. In this repect the flight of the “Land of Soviets” gives us new undeniable proof that By *we are on the right path in the construction and building of airplanes of the high level of our technical achievements. The flyers, Com- rades Shestakoff and Bolotov, the mechanic, Fufaev, and navigator, Sterligov, with great knowledge of their trade and with great cour- age, accomplished the most hazardous flight over three continents and oceans, Of all the ocean flights in the last years, we can hardly find another flight encounter- ing so many hardships and many natural ob- stacles as the Moscow-New York flight, which flight was accomplished in the fall, at a time when the meterological conditions are less fav- orable to overcome cyclones and typhoons. Comrades Shestakoff and Fufaev, Gromoff, Chuchnovsky, Babush, Nezsheraup, Moisieff, Kopiloff and many others, no less brave red flyers, are well known not only to the workers of the USSR, but far beyond the borders, for their flights inside of Russia and foreign countries, The crew of the “Land ef the Soviets,” the By MYRA PAGE. (Continued.) This 96-page book by Myra Page, “Southern Cotton Mills and Labor,” is published by the Workers Library Publishing Co., 43 E. 125th St, N. ¥. C., and is ready for distribution. The price is 25 cents—an unusual low one for « 96-page book of first-hand information of the class struggle in the South. ”” Marg turned back to me, “I tell you what’s on my mind. It’s my boy, Tom. He wants to be an e-lectrician, in th’ worse way. Ever since he wuz a littl’ boy, he’s harkened after machinery ’n things like that. He’s buy ed books’n fixin’s of all kinds. Well, his sis ’n him ’n me been savin fer seven year now; so’s he cud take th’ course. By corryspondence, they call it. It cost one hundred and fifty dollar, but seein’ as Tom was so anxious, they tole him ‘he cud ‘tek it fer ninty-five. But we jes’ can’t seem to git that much ahead. Sick- ness, or th’ mill runnin’s slow, or somethin’ jes’ sets us back. Tom’s twenty-seven now, ’n I doan know’s he ever will.” “Couldn’t he take it up around here, at school, say?” “Naw. They doan learn ’em no trade that but mill work. I tell you, honey, these mill owners wans to keep us in th’ mills. I knows, I've a-watched ’em forty-five year now. My gal tells me I shud keep my mouth shut. But I know Marg peered through the green vines at an- other visitor coming up the walk. “That you, Miz Rhoads?” “Yes’m, it’s me. Kin I hev ’n ear ’o corn?” “Help yourself. Only git ‘em ripe. ’N woan ye set a spell?” Marg lowered her voice. “We, live in common like, us six families here.” With her right thumb she indicated the houses fronting the little square of dirt before us. “Each one’s got a litl’ patch. Wages bein’ what they is, we coulden git along without. One raises beans ’n peas, another, yellers’ tatters. ’N me, I raises corn. Whin meal time comes, we ‘jes’ go ’n help ourselves. “Now, th’ drouth 'n hot weather is killin’ our crops, ’n th’ mill’s only runnin’ part time. I tell you, they’re gittin’ us lower ’n lower. They wan us on our knees, that’s what. We ain’t low enuf fer ’em, yit. Millionaires they are, Mr. Hutchins ’n th’ res.’ ’N I remember him as a littl’ boy so poor he’d no breeches to cover him. “They made their money out of us. I look at their fine houses whin I go into town, ’n I thinks to myself, ‘You made that out ’o’ us. By Fred a Ellis | S O U TH E R N CAs FON MILLS AND LABOR If we waran so poor, you’d not be so rich.’ 'N I rememba what th’ Good Book says about th’ rich ’n th’ por» They'll git their when they die.” “Hell?” T ast Marg spit a bro. rails. “What else?” she answered. “Well, that idea doan satisfy me,” I replied, and we were off on an argument. On Monday, after working hours, I went over to see Katy. Katy had come over from Brandon to stay with her married sister and 1 neatly between the mind her kids, while her sis ed in the mill, Katy’s baby was. still little and sickly for her to go back to x. aing, yet. Her sister’s youngést child was six months, and her oldest, nine years with a chain of five between. This system of working between ba- bies and minding the neighbor’s just before’ and after your new one came, so they can work awhile, is well worked out. Luckily, the babies are not all born at the same time of year. Now, since no child under fourteen is allowed to work in the mills without special permit, there is another system. The oldest child, below working age, whether eight, nine, or twelve, takes its Ma’s place in the kitchen and minds the string of little ones, and Ma goes into the mill. There is a compulsory school law for those under fourteen, but no one pays attention to that—except some of the kids, who “want learning,” and ery and beg, and get their parents to crying, too. But in the end, they usually have to quit soMa can work along of Pa. Katy’s brother and sister lived on the edge of the village where the poorest cottages stood. No trees or flowers here. Only yellow dirt. flies and sizzling heat. Around their shack ran a high chicken-wire fence, and the gate was locked. Inside stood, Katy, minding twelve half-naked squalling children. Katy herself was as small and undeveloped in body as a little. girl of ten. When you saw her face for the first time it came like a shock to you that she wasn’t a grown woman. The more you ilooked at her, the more puzzled you became. She looked ten and she looked fifty. Her once blue dress hung like a sack straight from her flat chest to just below her knees, she was bare-foot, and her straw-colored hair ended irregularly below the margin of her ears. Al- together, with her skinny arms and legs and her wistful eyes, she was a child. But her pal- lor and drawn look around the mouth right- fully belonged to old people. There are many in the villages like Katy, whom the mill has gotten too young. (To be Continued) Gus: MACHADO, secretary of the Ven- ezuelan Revolutionary party, one of the Jeading participants in the revolt in June against the bloody dictatorship of Juan Vin- cente Gomez, puppet of American imperialism in Venezuela, just visited New York and gave the Daily Worker an exclusive interview of the events in Curacao. “The revolution which broke out against Gomez,” said Machado, “originating in Cu- racao, a small island in the Caribbean Sea, off the coast of Venezuela, was a mass move- ment of 4,000 Venezuelan, Negro and Jamaican workers employed in the world’s largest oil refinery of the British controlled “Dutch Cql- onial Empire.” For the first time the facts behind the up- rising of workers and peasants against the iron-fisted 74-year-old dictator of Venezuela tionary forces. “The Venezuelan Revolutionary Party, which led the revolt,” Machado said, “first captured the Williamstaadt fortress, the workers being armed with matchetes alone, long knives used for harvesting. _We made the Governor of Curacao, Dr. Fruyter a prisoner, together with the chief of. police, known as the ‘tiger of Amsterdam.’ ” “We did not know, when we had him in cus- tody of the revolutionary forces,” declared Machado, “that the ‘tiger of Amsterdam’ was the butcher of the Indonesan workers, or he would not have gotten off so sofely. “After storming the fortress and imprison- ing the British-controlled Dutch governor and police chief, we collected what arms we could to make an effort to join the revolutionary forces in La Vela de Coro in Venezuela. Coro is a five-hour cruise from Curacao. “The chief of police told us that only suf- ficient arms were kept on hand to shoot down striking workers. We took all the guns and ammunition we could lay our hands on, which were very limited; forced Herr Dr. Fruyter to sign a written order for our transportation on the American ship ‘Maracaibo,” commanded by the helpful Capt. Morris, to Coro, Venez- uela. “Thousands of the oil workers wanted to accompany us. But our arms were limited and we could take only 250, “The military leader of the revolutionary expedition was Gen. Rafael Simon Urbina, honored flyer Gromoff, pilot of the “Wings of the Soviets,” and Baranov, who accomplished the most difficult flight over Pamir and our other first class flyers, beheld the glory of the unconquerable fighters of the air in the face of the entire world. We must mention the exceptional interest shown in the flight by the American workers and business circles, who are closely connected with the aviation business in America. This was shown not only by the tremendous wel- come to our Red flyers, but also by the collec- tion of money to buy tractors for the agricul- tural needs of the Soviet Union. In the name of the Workers and Peasants’ Red Army, I send my flaming greetings to the Flyers of our Red Aviation. This new victory of the “Land of the Soviets” will go into his- tory of our aviation and socialist construction as a great example of the collective building up of wide masses of workers, peasants and technical forces of our union, in the building of the Soviet Red Fleet, were brought out by a leader of the revolu- | | perialism\” The Revolt Against the Gomez Puppet Government sympathizer of the Venezuelan Revolutionary Party. He was a fugitive in Curacao from the talons of the bloody Gomez. When the puppet Detch authorities attempted to deport him to a miserable death at the hands of Gomez, the oil workers called a general strike. The action of the workers was successful in preventing Urbina’s murder.” Machado was very modest in mentioning his part in the active fighting, but he and Urbina were the leaders of the rebellion. “On arriving at La Lela Coro in Venezuela,” continued Machado, “we were met by a detach- mnt of government forces led by General Lacle, vice-president of the State of Falcon, and a tool of Gomez.” A battle was fought in which Lacle was killed. Ramon Torres, a refinery worker, who was leader of the vanguard in the fighting was killed, and Gustavo Ponte, a revolutionary student was severely wounded. Gen. Urbina, head of the revolutionary forces, decided not to take Coro. The peasants in Falcon, who wholeheartedly supported the revolutionary moye, could be of little help because they were unarmed. “It is the strategy of the dictator Gomez to arm his soldiers lightly because he does not trust his troops and takes every measure to prevent arms from falling into the hands of revolutionists when his soldiers are killed. He prefers using large numbers and having them killed than supplying them with suffi- cient arms that may fall in the hands of the rebellious workers and peasants. “Our ammunition dwindled after one month of guerilla fighting,” explained Machado, “and we were forced to take to the mountains where we were given the protection of the peasants. Many of the peasants in Coro have been oil refinery workers, and are thoroughly in sym- pathy with the revolutionary forces.” ‘A reward of $20,000 each was put on the heads of Gustavo Machado, the secretary of the Venezuela Revolutionary Party, and Gen. Urbina, the military leader of the revolt. “Yet in spite of this tempting sum to starving peas- ants,” Machado said, “We were hidden and proteéted by the peasants. “At the same time the Venezuelan Revolu- tionary Party was preparing attempted over- throw of the Gomez regime of terror,” de- clared Machado, “an expedition financed and engineered by the British Dutch Shell outfit, who oppose Gomez because of his leanings toward American imperialism, set out from Germany on the steamer ‘Falke.’ This petty- bourgeois adventurist pack was led by the Cumana military chief, Gen. Roman del Gado Chalbaud. One of his main pronouncements was that he would murder all Communists he could lay his hands on in Venezuela. baud lost his life in his futile attack on the Gomez government. “Our failure to establish a workers and peasants government does not mean defeat of the revolutionary forces led by the Venezuelan Revolutionary Party. We have the support iad the masses in Venezuela, The work with us and in spite of the reign of a: ng ation and white terror we will triumph. Suf- ficient arms in the hands of the workers and peasants will spell the doom of the Gomez regime, and we call upon the American work- ers to fight our common enemy, who in a large measure is responsible for the perpetuation of the Gomez regime in Venezuela—American im- } —e a chick salthiainae a