The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 9, 1929, Page 4

Page Four s Publishing Co., 1 Y. Telephone Worker 26-28 Un e Daily LOVESTONEISM AND THE ECONOMIC CRISIS LEON PLOTT stone th s wrong to re ie developing econ- A lism is also g ‘ yet it must tre- and traditional forecasters of business conditions are decidedly to any immediate termination nt decline. The stock mar- » was worse than any one had will undoubtedly effect Annalist Nov. 15. nticipated. and usiness adversely.’ capital the ican economic er dd that the speculators were the owners ant American indus- rican in- the stock tock specu- experience learned est ady stock. market crash “The effect of on business is the paramount question at the moment. According to precedent, a declining stock market followed by such sharp breaks as we have experienced since September of this year IS HE FORERUNNER OF A_ DECLIN IN BUSINE that is to say, practically every previous occasion of a crash in the market was a barometer predicting a de- cline of ing magnitude in business.” gazine of Wall Street, November 16.) However, while the bourgeoisie learns through its experience and feels that in the period y and finance are or- y connected and 2 in finance effec Lovestone n an entirely different theory. ne, like the propaganda writer in the papers, states that: “Nowadays the Stock Exchange is no longer an accurate or a sensitive barome- ter of the state of the capitalist produc- tive economy. is not only erroneous, because capitalism igh its experience and develop- ent, as discussed in the Magazine of Wall sees that its industry and finance are connected and that a crisis in its lects a developing crisis y, which in the present period of development becomes more accen- s position of Lovestone also repri anti-Leninist conception of the na- nance capital, under which we live First we do not speak of the stock The question before us kK h we have wit- reflect a certain Lovestone , does t 1 in the on in pletely ¢ vulgar bourgeois economist procedes from finance in the pres- period of finance capital. United § erican economy? characterization of the present Lenin in his t stated: lism “Simultaneously there develops, so to speak, a personal union between the banks and the largest industrial and commercial establishments, a nsolidation between one and the other by the mutual holding of stoek in each other’s establishments, by members of the board of directors of hanks becoming members of boards of control, or boards of directors of the in- dustrial enterprises and vice versa.” IN.—Imperialism, the final stage of capitalism, p. 39.) This absolute Leninist truth which Mr. Love- ne is perverting is clearly brought out by the developmen an economy after the crash. We are not only in a position to- day to give general forecasts of the capitalist ‘lass itself is making on the damaging effects of the stock crash on American economy, but we already see definite signs of the develop- ing economic crisis in the United States. SIGNS OF THE CRISIS. During the first weeks in the month of No- vember, freight car loading further declined. For the week ending November 2, the decline in freight car loading was 32,292 cars, for the week ending November 9, the decline was 75 cars éver the preceding week. This de- cline is general, over the entire country and not itt any specific section. If we are to take the other basic industries, like auto, steel, iron and building the tendency is the same. According to the Annalist report the rate of pr tion in the steel industry for the first weeks in November has fallen to 60 per cent of capacity in Valley furnaces, Pittsburgh and Chicago report 75 per cent, Eastern mills including Bethlehem are operating from 65 to 80 per cent. The United States Steel Cor- poration has reduced its ingot output by 5 per cent during the week of November 9 and is now operating about 75 per cent of its capa- city, compared with 80 per cent a week pre- vious and more than 82 per cent two weeks ago. A decline of 3 per cent was made by the independent mills, bringing average opera- tion in this group to below 72 per cent, con- trasted with 75 per cent in the preceding week and about 77 per cent two weeks ago. The average rate of operation in the entire steel industry is 73 per cent of its capacity com- pared with about 77 per cent a week ago and 80 per cent in the week before that. The most striking indications is the decline in the auto- mobile industry. In spite of the curtailment of production, the daily automobile production today still eeds sales by 2,800 cars. The building indu: for the first week of the month of November reached its lowest of the entire year. The cumulative total for this year through November is 11.9 per cent below the corresponding total of 1928. IPLOYME, UN GROWS. The developing crisis in Amevicga economy es that, and in the manner of * /South Communists Challenge | | is already making itself in other indus- Of great interest is the South. in the South where Lovestone saw the “Vie- torian Age” and the “second industrial revo- lution.” At a meeting of the Textile Institute tries. was it was decided “to curtail production of in- dividual mills from 25-30 per cent to avoid overproduction.” It is reported that Arcadia mills curtail production by per cent, this will be closed Saturdays and Thursday. D. E. Converse Co. mills at Glendale, N. and the Clifton mills will operate four days a week instead of the five and a half day sche- dule. , Around 400 workers will be laid off as a result of the curtailment. Beaumont mills will now operate four days, affecting 400 workers. The Spartan mills will curtal pro- duction and some 600 workers will be affected, these mills will opera 40 hours instead of the hour schedule The same is true of Gaffney Manufacturing Co. The Woodroff cotton mill will operate only fours days and more than 500 workers will be affect The Enoree mills will also curtail production to the same extent. As a result in the decline in automobile pro- duction, there was also a serio ‘op in the production of tires. The effect of th ock crash on the radio industry resulted in a cut of 40-50 per cent of business in this in The undermining factors existing in capital- ism are much stronger than the right wing opportunist Hooverian ideology of Business” of Lovestone. The contradictions of American capitalism are leading American im- perialism to its decline. Capitalism will put the burden of this crisis on the shoulders of the working masses. The working class under the leadership of the Communist Party must resist this capitalist offensive. Party Recruiting Drive North. At our unit in Charlotte, N. C., it was de- cided to challenge any unit in the north to fill its quota in a shorter period then we do. The quota for our unit i membe: 10 tex- in other in- At least five are to be Negro work. tile workers, 3 farmers, 7 worker: dustries. ers. Our unit is faced with a sharper attack from the capitalists than any other unit of the Party, but at the same time we are also in the midst of the most exploited section of the American working class. In addition to the sharp attack of the bosses we are also faced with sharp racial diversions between the work- ers, but it is our task to break down these bar- riers and unite the black and white workers of the South. As a part of the work decided on to get the new members we instructed our fractions in the N. T. W. U., in the T. U. U. L. and I. L. D, to consider the question as to whom to approach to join the Party. In addition to that we are planning a mass meeting and are going to print two leaflets, one why the work- ers should join the Par and one for the farmers. Both these leaflets will be both for the Negro and White workers. The u- tive committee has been instructed to see that each member of our unit has some task in this drive, of course, in addition tw selling 10 copies of the new pamphlet, “Why every worker should join the Communist Party.” In addition to utilizing this campaign to gain new members we are going to stabilize our unit and build The Daily Worker. In con- nection with The Daily Worker we are a ranging to gain new subscribe: We subdi- vided the working class sections of the ci and will distribute The Daily Worker every day, and at the end of the week we are going to ask the workers to subscribe at the rate of licents a week. A number of Pioneers are being utilized as news boys to deliver The Daily Worker every day and collect at the end of the week. If a unit in the South, composed mostly of new members, can-carry out these tas: why cannot the units in the North? We challenge any unit in the north to raise their quota of members in a shorter period than we do. Lets go to work in the spirit of socialist competi- tion —CLARENCE MILLER. Phil. Meeting on Drive Dec. 11 When District No. 8 challenged the Detroit District that they will secure more members and build more shop nuclei in the Recruiting Drive, the District knew very well that it is not an easy thing to beat Detroit in the cam- paign. In order to do it Philadelphia, which used to be called in the past the “Sleepy city,” must wake up and get busy in the campaign. As the opening gun in the drive a Special Membership Meeting of all Philadelphia Party and League members will be held on Wednes- day, December 11, 7:30 p. m., at the Boslover Hall, 701 Pine St., Philadelphia, in order to present the plans of the District Committee for the Recruiting Drive. The entire evening will be taken up with a report and discussion on the drive. This meeting is to be held one day after the Detroit general membership fmeeting. This does not mean however, that Philadelphia is asleep. Several Section Conferences were held in which the drive was discussed. Inner- district challenges were made. Section No. 3 ot Philadelphia, for instance, challenged the Baltimore section; one nucleus challenged the other, etc. Six thousand pamphlets, “Why Every Worker Should Join the Communist Party” were ordered for the drive, besides large-scale distribution of the National leaf- lets, The Daily Worker and several loca] leaf- lets and shop papers which are being pre- pared, District No. 3 will make a good showing in this drive. In order to do it the entire mem- bership must be mobilized. No comrade is per- mitted to stay away from the meeting Wedi day evening. at 26-28 Union DAIWORS ” { | of the employed workers, so the worke NY “GR-R-R! 1S A By Mail (in New York only) Ry Mail (outside of New York): SCRIPTION 3.00 a year: $600 a year; $3 HS: RAT $4.5 six months: 50 six months: $2.00 three mont Program for Work Among Unemployed Adopted by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the United States. HE first and basie principle upon which all struggles against unemployment must be developed is the unity of the unemployed with the employed workers. The basic principle upon which the capitalist class operates is the division of the unemployed workers and the use of the one section against the other. Against the capitalist strategy of “divide and conquer” the working class ean be success- ful in its struggle only by the strategy of “working class solidarity, of employed and un- employed, of all races and nations.” As capitalism takes unemployment as a start- ing point for a drive against wages, to increase hours and speed up the workers, so the work- ing class must take its struggle against un- employment as the starting point for demand- ing higher wages, the seven-honr day, against the speed-up. As the capitalist class uses the unemployed workers as a reserve to break the resistance in the shops must unite with the unemployed workers, make joint struggle with them for all their demands, and turn them into a reserve force for the working class, against capitalism. The American workers must not be misled by the promises of the capitalists and their agents to develop public works as a means of absorbing the unemployed and as a solution of the unemployment question. The Hoover pro- gram of public works is only a means of im- perialist war preparations and at the same time a means of misleading the workers into the belief that capitalism can in any way solve the unemployment question. The illusion of public works is also being utilized as a method through which the government agents of Amer- ican capitalism are trying to gain the support of the unemyloyed workers during local, state and z.ational elevtions, Nor must the American workers permit them- selves to be misled into believing that the feverish military war preparations of American imperialism, the building of more battiesh’ps will solve the unemployment questio The preparations for imperialist wars ag: t the Soviet Union and among the imperialists is only another method through which capi m util- izes the unemployed workers, in this case for the purpese of securing more markets and eploiting people of other countries. Imperialist war only another burden which capitalism forces upon the working class. At the same time we must expose the pro- grams on unemployment of the political parties of American capitalism, inclpding the socialist party, which is today the third political party of the bosses. The workers must expose the “progressives,” the Muste-Cannon-Lovestone groups who, with their opportunist phrases, are trying to mislead the workers and prevent them from effective struggle against capital- ism. The American workers must support the political campaigns of the Communist Party, section of the Communist International, which is the only Party today capable of leading the struggles of the workers against capitalism. The developing unemployment demands more intensive struggle against the treachery of the American Federation of Labor, supported by the so-called “progressive” Muste group. We must particularly expose the wholesale betrayal of the A. F. of L. through the Hoover-Green agreement and the joining of Hoover’s national fascist council. The A. F. of L. through its general policy and through its pledge to pre- vent workers from fighting for higher wages and better conditions is only further exposing its strikebteaking role, and marks the fasciza- ‘ \ tion and complete merger of the trade union bureaucrats with the government machine. The demands of the unemployed, therefore, base themselves, ‘first of all, upon the whole program of the class struggle, and bring the special demands of the unemployed into the general struggle of the whole working class. Only through class struggle, through united class power, can the workers deal with unem- ployment, defeat their enemies, the capitalists and their agents. OUR DEMANDS. All workers must be organized and roused to struggle for the following demands: 1. Complete insurance against unemploy- ment, to be provided by the government, fin- anced by taxes on income, inheritance and pro- fits, and providing all unemployed with bene- fits of full wage rates, without any exceptions or disqualifications. 2. Admini ation of unemployment benefits to be in the hands of the workers, elected from shops and the organizations of the unemployed; ualification to be allowed because of refusal to accept a reduction in wages, or re- fusal to work below union rates. 3. Abolition of private employment agen- cies; the establishment of free employment agencies, administered by the workers’ repre- sentatives charged with the administration of unemployment benefits. Establishment of the seven-hour day, and day week. No overtime work. 5. The six-hour day in mining, chemical and other dangerous occupations and for youth un- der 18 in all occupations. 6. Abolition of the speed-up system; 15 minute rest periods twice per day; regulation of machine speed by thes workers. 7. Abolition of underground and night work and work in dangerous industries for women and youth. 8. Prohibition of the employment of chil- dren of 15 years and under; government main- tenance of all children. 9. Emergency relief for the unemployed from government funds, city, state and federal. 10, Abolition of all evictions for non-pay- ment of rents by unemployed, 11, Full union rates of wages on all public works, with the right to organize and strike against discrimination and bad working con- ditions. 12. Recognition of the Soviet Union. This is a central political demand of the working class, and also would alleviate unemployment through the development of increased volume of trade which the Soviet Union would place in the United States if “normal” relations were established. 13. Immediate laws, PROGRAM FOR WORK UNEMPLOYED. The basis of effective work among the un- employed and struggle for these demands must be upon the existence of strong working class organizations including both employed and un- employed. This requires the following steps: 1. A well organized agitational campaign, ‘yy both the Party and the T.U.U.L., to mobilize and win the unemployed workers to our pro- gram and for our slogans of action. 2. This campaign shall be conducted among both unorganized and organized workers, al- ways emphasizing that our struggle can only 4, abolition of all vagrancy AMONG Fred Ellis | SO UTHERN COTTON; MILLS AND LABOR By MYRA PAGE. 3 (Continued.) ‘NIE read “True Stories” and liked to go Square-dances and Socials. “But Frank jes’ likes to sit home ’n talk,” she complained. 'N T hev to hide my magazines from him, else he burns ’em up. He thinks they're evil. But they’re no harm, It’s all true.” I was curious to learn more of the funeral director’s party. There were two undertakers in Greenville who were competing for the mill villagers’ trade. The trade was worth competing for, as the death-rate almost kept pace with the soar- ing birth-rate; and funerals were important oc- casions among mill folk. One of the hearse- boomers had conceived of the novel—to me at least—idea of giving a party to each village, at his funeral parlo Big trucks had come to collect the workers and carry them to the rooms. First, they had been received in the parlors with their green palms and display of coffins. Each worker, so Maggie told us, picked out the coffin he would like to be buried in and dreamed of a service over him in this swell room, “when for once he’d be a some: body.” Then they went into the undertaker’s house itself, and his wife “was real nice and friendly-like.” (The trade was evidently worth concessions!) They played the radio and served ice cream and cake. “My, how I would like to be laid aw coffin with a pink satin lining. And w swell pink robe. Jes’ once, to wear satin Annie sighed. Then, with a change of tone, “Frank remember what I’m saying.” “Uh-huh,” Frank answered. “Say, I chose that same pink-lined coffin myself. Gee, it’d be swell!” Conversation became eager and soft, all speaking up but Tom and Maggie as to what they had chosen to be laid away in. Evidently the undertaker’s party had been a real success. As soul-uplifting as the revivals. Everything made way in the villages for the revivals, which came regularly three time a year. Everything but the mill. At nights when one was going on, you could hear the wails and halelujahs mingling with its rhythmic growls. Finally Maggie turned to me and said: “Well, somehow I doan take no stock in sech doins. Looks like us mill workers thinks too much of death and what comes after.” “Everybody’s takin insurance. I guess you noticed it?” I nodded. I had. Five or ten cents a week on ever man, woman and child. Go without, but don’t fail to have that insurance money when the collector knocks at your door. They took out policies on babies still in arms, and it proved good business. So many of them died. Nobody seemed to know how to cut down on the yearly crop of babies, though some tried nursing their kids until they were two or three years old, the idea being that a nursing woman can’t be made pregnant. Others tried cruder but no more successful methods. Some quoted the Bible to show that such a yearly increase was “God’s Will,” but I noticed that many of the women shut their mouths tight when the subject came up and shook their heads. “Well,” Maggie continued,” partly they takes it out for sickness or a rainy day, but mostly it’s to have a fine funeral. To be laid away in a fine coffin ’n a fine dress ’n be somebody fer once. We-ll,” she looked around defiantly,” I'd ruther her mine while I’m alive.” Mrs. Crenshaw nodded. ‘Money should go to th’ living ’n not be put away under ground.” “You sed it, Mom. But it’d be mighty nice,” and Doris smoothed her crumpled pink dress. It was now past bed time, but everybody was too excited for sleep. Parties were rare. And such a party! Anyway, this was Friday, and only five hours work tomorrow. “Let’s sing some hymns,” Annie looked about appealingly. “You'll play ’em, Bill?” Bill agreed, so Mrs. Crenshaw rose and un- locked the door to the sacred room, the parlor, } and we all marched in. There was a red carpet on the floor, and a lamp with a pink shade, and real py-ano, all of which represented lord knows how many years of savings on the part of the eight Crenshaws. Even the son at sea had contributed his share. Almost every house on the hill had some kind of musical instru- ment, a guitar, a banjo, or a fiddle, or maybe a wheezy organ you work with your feet. Hill people love music like they love flowers. But the Crenshaws had a room set aside for a par- lor and a real py-ano in it, which set them off as part of the social elite of Hutchins hill. Little Gladys opened the one hymn book and they began. “What a Friend We Have in Jesus, All Our Sins and Griefs to Bear.” All knew the wor monies with a chanting fervor and unconscio! abandon equal almost to that of the Negroe: But this was far less musical, and less nat These Poor Whites had left their folk songs in the mountains and mill life has not produced any others. heart and sang the 4 The next afternoon I went to see my friend, Marg. Marg was always a tonic, especially after such an experience as last night. Marg knew her Bible—you had to or be an outcast in the village—but her religion didn’t bother her much. She thought and spoke for herself, and few gainsaid her, at least to her face. She belonged to the clan of Allen—feuders and gov- ernment fighters—and believed in Direct Ac- | tion. ‘Step right in, honey,” Marg called from her place in the swing. She pulled her black-and- grey-checkered dress tighter over her bosom, shifted her powerful frame so as to make room beside her, and with the hem of her dress wiped away the little brown streams of tobacco juice which had dried in the corners of her mouth. “As I wuz sayin’ th’ las’ time you was here, Hutchins mill ain’t so good for wages, but I’ve lived on worse hills. Hutchins is’ got a good char-ac-ter ’n that means a lot. All mills ain’t. I wuz in one, once, soon after we come down from the mountains. My ole man hed ceasted, so it wuz jes’ me to care for th’ babies, Every day I locked ’em in th’ house afore I went to th’ -mill, ’n every night I run home scairt th’ house ’d burned down. I tell you, them wuz har,’ days, before th’ hours wuz cut to tin. 1 “Well, that mill had a bad char-ac-ter, I wanted to git away. You know, us mill people ain’t got nuthin’ but our moral char-ac-ter ’n we wana keep on to that. Now you may be a good ’oman, but folks figger that if you live on a hill’s what’s got a bad name, you're no better thin th’ res’ or you’d move. Well, I coulden move. ’N th’ company’s house nex’ to mine wuz a bad house. Time’n agin, I tole th’ sheriff, |‘Jim, make that ’oman leave town.’ But he woulden. ’N I see with my own eyes, policy- men goin’ in ’n out. Sech drinkin’ ’n carryn’ on, you navah heard. ’N my gal gittin’ bigger ’n bigger, ’n me gone all day. So finally I made up my mind I’d take th’ law in my own hands. Our family’s used to that. “So I gits down my gun, ’n I starts on to th’ police office. It was a Sadday aftanoon, ’n th’ room wuz full of officers-of-th’-law, but I walks right up to th’ dest, ’n I slams my hand down’ ’n I says, ‘Jim,’ I says, ‘I come to give warnin.’ If you doan clean up that bad house before nex Sadday, I will. My gun’s ready. And what’s more,” her mountain eyes glittered hay) pily as she told this, “What’s more, every blu coat ’n every brass button I see, them’s target.’ “And that’s how I cleared up Selby,” Marg goncluied. “Come in, Miz Jones,” she called to a little old woman, gnarled like a mountain oak, who was hobbling up the walk. “You wan some of my herbs, honey. Jes’ help yourself. You know where they is. Brew ’em a little ’n apply th’ warm juice to his rumitiz. It”Il help. “You might tie a string around his waist ’n mid- dle left finger, too.” (To Be Continued. be effective through the unity of employed and unemployed. The Party shall at all times be in the forefront of the struggle, but the T.U. U.L. shall assume the leadership in the prac- tical organization steps to be pursued, such as, forming councils, etc. In these councils the Party shall be officially represented. 4, The campaign amongst the unemployed to mobilize them must be conducted through: (a) Popularizing our program of demands. (b) Particularly emphasizing and populariz- ing and developing the movement around our program of social insurance—the seven-hour day, five-day week, etc. (c) Widespread distribution and sale of leaf- lets and pamphlets on unemployed issued by the Party and T.U.U.L. (d) Organizing of meetings in workers neigh- borhoods and mass demonstrations assuming demonstrative character in front of factories where workers were laid off, also in front of city halls and state legislatures. It would be particularly effective ,if demonstrations were organized in front of factories on day workers laid off—having speakers of Party, T.U.U.L. and union as well as spontaneous speeches by workers thrown out of a job. (e) Cooperation by employed ‘vorkers in their struggles against offensive of bosses, by joint meetings, participation in picket lines, etc. 5, Amongst the organized workers in the unions, both T.U.U.L. and A. F. of L., we must raise in an organized manner the problem of the unemployment and put forth our program and demands. In addition to conducting and participation in the activities outlined above within the trade unions we must: (a) Engage in joint action with unorganized unemployed in all meetings, struggles, dem- onstrations, ete. (b) Elect special committees for struggle against unemployment, composed of employed and unemployed workers. (c) Unemployed members of unions must be exempt from payment of dues and assessments. (d) Unemployed workers wishing to join shall be admitted without initiation fee. 6. Whenever the masses begin to respond to the program of demands and struggle the T.U.U.L. shall take the initiative in the forma- tion in all localities of Councils of Unemployed and special conferences of unemployed, as well. .as mass meetings, demonstrations, deputations, ‘ } ete., which shall unite the employed with the | unemployed. In these councils the T.U.U.L. shall be officially represented. 7. In these conferences and councils the Par- ty shall be officially represented. It shall also send speakers in name of the Party to speak and lecture. 8. As the councils gain a strong substantial basis locally, they shall be knit together on a district and national basis. 9. The councils of the unemployed must issue membership books and charge a nominal dues (1c or 2¢ weekly). TASKS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY. 1. The Communist Party must popularize its program and demands on uenmploymey* and must be the driving and organizing ford: in the agitational and organizational i amongst the unemployed. 2, While the T.U.U.L. assumes the leader- ship in the organizationa of councils, the Party shall at all times keep to the forefront through agitation, shop committees, mass meetings, demonstrations, literature, delegates and speak- ers at meetings, ete. 8. The developing economic crisis and the growth of unemployment demands from the Communist Party and the Trade Union Unity League the organization of the unorganized workers into militant industrial trade unions and together with the already organized work- capitalist rationalization, speed-up and unem+ ployment. This is the basis for all our un- employmént demands for action. 4. Link up the struggle against unemploy- ment with campaign against the War Danger and for Defense of the Soviet Union. 5. We must raise our demands for the un- employed in all election campaigns. In tho: states where there is in existence the Initiatiy), and Referendum Law, the Party shall laun a state-wide movement for a referendum f Unemployment Relief on the basis of our pro- gram. 6. Together with Young Communist League intensify agitation amongst the new recruits to armed forces and around army, navy recruit- ‘ing stations. 7. Recruit members for the Party from amongst the unemployed. \ . $2.50 three months . ers to struggle against the ruinous effects of |