The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 5, 1929, Page 4

Page Four _OVESTONE — LORE — BOURGEOISIE 1 from the Commu opinion on all impor- s statement Ludwig : tes tant Lore repulses I attempt to deny his al x the editor of the é the latter's political ine £¢ ps s bad pol to take the “n s as proof of genuineness of ed ionship. We therefore } r corroborating evidence. This The surprising thing in this , is that a new link is discov- enied publicly by all the rest of estone denies Lore and Cannon; and Cannon covertly, admit rela- Lovestone; but Lovestone, Cannon are united in vociferously denying ip with Mr. Bourgeois. Their hip with the bourge how- © a point of political intim 1 from the eyes e conce RENEGADES AND BOURGEOIS PROFESSORS. A wo months ago Soviet gov- nment Russia issued a decree increasing the authority of the factory managers. cree tablishes responsibility for the fac- ory 1 ing through the Year Plan assigned to o clothes agers in ¢ quota the F heir respective establi speci- of them with the necessar > overcome ssible obstacles. This e has insy z 2 in the Volkszeitu tures the Soviet decree the same relationship between workers and actory management that exists in any capi- t country; the power of the workers shor power of the management in- eased and the workers at the mercy of that nanagement. What difference is th , wails eco the conditions of the workers and those of the workers in 2 sired by this usion. The November issue urrent History” contains an article by S. Furniss, chairman of the Depart- 1ent of Social Science of the Yale University. Mr. Fur is not a member of any of the ‘expelled tendencies” of the Communist Party. He is a pure and simple bourgeois professor. Mr. Furniss, in commenting on the order of the Soviet Govern cle in urrent History,” that “under this order ade unions in Soviet Russia are placed on a sting almost identical with the company inions of this col h have been the object of scorn and ridicule in Communist cir- cles everywhere.” Of course no one expects a bourgeois pro- ‘essor to see further than his bourgeois nose. Thus we find Mr. I “of ne opinion on an important que But where is Lovestone? We have before us a letter written by an eminent “proletarian” r of the Love- tone-Gitlow-Wolfe “ group. Th gentleman is now active as an emi: 3 ainst the Communist Party in the mining vitory. He is engaged in “saving the Lenin- is a travel- school of the Comintern. He “Marx-Lenin” ist purity” of the ing agent of the »w-Lovestone-Wolfe Hester Street concern in second hand goods. This “Mar: Lenin” school, as you know, is to preserve revolutionary purity in the theories of Marx farx- of The name of this eminent ‘ ninist proletarian travelling agent” Lovestone and company is Judson. Judson wrote a letter to a friend. It is this letter we have before us. At the end of the letter the pure “Marxist-Leninist” Judson Buy the November issue of ‘Current Interesting article by Furniss. Take note of the first pa aph, upper page 401, First part abso- lutely correct.” We follow Judson’s advice and find the above quoted statément by Fur- , on page 401 upper right-hand corner, ent History.” So there we have it. Lore- The circle ed. History particular right-hand corner, is com 2DN COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY NAKE The Lore, that “Leninist” L the opportunist and the bourgeois Fur all eed the proletarian dictatorship in Russia is le quanti n the of n Russia. They all agree that when x of a plant of the United States Steel Corporation and the factory man- ovestone are consideration of a Soviet steel mill issue orders to s or make rules for them, there is no Furr vestone-Lore thereby take e: attitude the counter-revolu- tionists i ia. It is the counter-revolution- ary element in Russia which tries to win the workers of the Soviet Union over to the same attitude toward the Soviet indusry as that which the workers ought to have toward the capitalist indu , one ‘dictated by class-an- tagonism. The fact that the owners of the industries in Russia are the working ¢! and that the administration of the industries in Soviet Russia is for the purpose of building socialism does not concern them. The great revolutionary task in the Soviet Union at present is that of building socialism. No other force can be mobilized for this task but the working class. All sacrifices which this task demands, all exertions which it neces- sitates, must be made by the working class. Possible immediate advantages of individual "Telephone Ca ““DATWOT the Daily quare. New Yor workers or groups of workers must be forgone | in the interest of the ultimate advantage ac- cruing for the whole working class from the progress in the building of socialism. It is therefore a revolutionary necessity in the in- terest of the working class that the whole ap- paratus of the Soviet industry be orientated toward the execution of the Five Year Plan. The factory manager of the Soviet stee} mill fore is given ‘authority to utilize it for success of the revolution in the interest of working class. When, on the other hand, factory manager of a plant of the United Steel Corporation exercises his author. he does it in order capitalists against ut this distine- to be recognized by Lore, Furniss or by Lovestone. All three of them are representatives of the bourgeoisie; all three of them are thinking in bourgeoisie terms, and all three of them are enemies of the working cla S. the the States ity against the wo: to increase the profits of the the interests of the workers. tion is evidently too “small” PARTY RECRUITING DRIVE) ions on Drive ing are the Philadelphia decisions » Recruiting Drive: All Sections ¢ s 1, 2 and 150 members Bret sax: Ae 20 Bids oialensns 15 7 30 (2) To call Section conferences as previ- ously decided and unit meetings during the week after, the conferences. (3) That unit executives must meet and prepare all plans for their unit meetings on the mer rship drive. (4) To develop “Revolutionary Rivalry” on Section and Unit basis. To issue a bi-weekly bulletin during the Drive dealing with successes and failures of the campaign, giving suggestions and exchange of experiences. (6) How on Drive—(a) through « £olonization of comrades in the assigned fac- tories; (b) regular distribution of Daily Work- er and leaflets; (c) formation of factory com- mittees and (d) issuance of factory papers. to carry (7) Agit-Prop Department shall prepare three special leaflets directed to factory work- s, to union members and to members of lan- Recruiting Coal Miners and Poor Farmers Comrade Frankfeld, Sub-District Organizer in the Anthracite, writes: “We have had a thorough discussion on the Recruiting Driv in our Sub-District Plenum and have set our- selves a quota of 100 new members and have sIready started to get these membe We are coing to make a concentrated drive 1 the language fraternal organizatious to win new nm. abes from. re all oal miners.” From District 11, the District Bureau decided “That we organize a series of mass meetings in the states of North Dakota, South Dakota and Montana, where we will make a real effort to win large masses of discontented poor far- er: to the Party.” * ’ “ California sends in its order for 5,000 copies of the ~-cruiting pamphlet “Why Every Work- er Should Join the Communist Party,” while oit has already houzht 5,000 copies. vet White Chauvinism and the | Right Danger. By ROBERT WOODS. i aa October Plenum of our Party in analyz- ing the economic and political situation in the United States sharply brought to our at- tention that in the present third period of the post war crisis of capitalism, with its accom. panying intensification of the class struggle. The right danger is the main danger confront- ing our Party, and that we must be on the alert to ruthlessly expose and eradicate it wherever and in whatever form it may show itself. White chauvinism both in and outside of the Party is one of the crassest expression of the right danger. It is spread and cultivated by the ruling class, as one of the best means of sowing discord in the ranks of the proletar iat and keeping them divided. Underestimat ing the importance of the task to win the mass es of Negro workers to the revolutionary class struggle, or failure to mercilessly fight an) expression of white chauvinism is playing int the hands of the capitalist class and is a seri ous right wing mistake. The Party in Detroit has in the past shown itself guilty not only of the above mentioned mistake, but of acts of white chauvinism for whieh vraccically the whole district leadership was responsible. The often mentioned Gray- stone Ballroom Affair was not the mistake of one sole leading comrade, for almost every District Buro member was present, and none put up a militant struggle against the deci- sion of excluding Negroes; some even agree- ing with Comrade Goetz’s position. The capitulation to white chauvinism on the part of these comrades, their failure to aggressive- ly fight against it, proves that remnants of white chauvinism remained within themselves. At this same affair a Hindu comiade was re- fused admission because he was mistaken for a Negro, and a leading comrade fought for his admission, not on the basis of racial equal- ity but on the basis that he was not a Negro but belonged to the Caucasian race. Only recently some facts were brought to light which are an indictment to the Party in District 7. At one of the meetings of the Board of Directors of the South Slav Co- operative Restaurant, the question of the at- titude towards Negroes was discussed. Some Party members were of the opinion that serv ice should be refused to Negroes, While an- other, at that time a member of the District Buro, suggested that they be charged 2 for a cup of coffee. Those white chauvinists were not only allowed to remain within our ranks, but were not even galled to account for their despicable attitude. It is therefore clear that the Party must combine its campaign to win the Negro masses with the struggle against. white chauvinisn N By Mail (in New York only): $8.00 a year: By Mail (outside of New York): SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $6.00 a vear: $4.50 six months: $3.50 six months; $2.50 three months $2.00 three months = * Resolution of the Results of the New York Elections (Adopted the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and the New York District.) by 1. The vided striking the municipal elections pro- confirmation of the fact that United States shows the main character- isties of the third period of post-war capital- ism—sharpening class contradictions, growing war state danger, growing concentration of development of s ion of the labor bw ists with the employers and state in a con- certed drive against the awakening working class and especially against its vanguard, the Communist Party. 2. Especially clearly was shown the recog- nition by the capitalist class that there is eo. ing on a deep radicalization*of the workers; this was demonstrated nl py the Ge orate efforts made to p this radicaliza tion from gaining political expression, to divert it into channels controlled by the capitali the ¢ form of this politieal man- euver being the open support and building-up of Norman Thom ocialist party vote, both as a means of increasing the Tammany plu- rality and of creating a reserve force for beat- ing back the working class struggles, strength- ening the socialist party for its str ing role (unity with Tammany and the be in the women’s clothing industry) and inco: spec talist party government. The socialist party is fulfilling the same role in New York on a small scale as the Social-Democratie Party in Germany and the MacDonald Labor Party in | Great Britain. 3. In the measures adopted by the capi- talists toward the socialist party is found the complete confirmation of the correctness of the estimation of that party by the Communist Party. This election glaringly demonstrated that (a) the socialist party has become the “third party of the bourgeoisi (b) it is rapidly taking ou more so-ial-fas cha teristics and functions; (c) it merging with the capitalist state apparatus, and is recog- nized by the bourgeoisie as one of its reliable tools (d) it has wiped out all fundamental lifferences between itself and the open ca The character of the socialist campaign (“more efficient police”); the ‘ons of the capitalist press (open support for Thomas by the biggest capitalist dailies) ; the current activities of the socialist party in the labor movement (triple alliance of social- ist party, bosses, and government in the needle trades and othe ; the use of Thomas to in- crease Tammar pluralit the nature of Thomas’ vote (largest inerease in the bour- ilk stocking” d ); the domination of Thomas as an in- dividual over the party (the party vote being only half that of Thomas); the exp ed will- ingness of the socialist party to finally drop even the name of socialism, if and when their bourgeois “allies” tell them to do so—all of these characteristics of the New York social- ist party preparation in the election, put the final 1 upon its character as THE THIRD PARTY OF THE BOURGEOISIE. 4. In view of the developing , and the radicalization of the worker, the bourg- eoisie has understood that the old “two party system” is no longer sufficient, and that it is NECESSARY TO FIND N METHODS TO DECEIVE THE MASS That is the son for their turning to Thomas and the socialist party, and deliberately breathing into its rotten carcass a new life, by injecting bour- geois blood. It is in this fact, that the bo eoisie recognizes that its old methods are no longer sufficient, that it must seek new meth- ods to prevent the radicalization from express- ing itself—in this fact is to be found the proof of the growth of this radicalization and the developing crisis. 5. It is the most dangerous illusion, how- ever, to think that the votes for Thomas them- selves represent a movement of the voters to the left. It is precisely this illusion that the bourgeoisie wishes to create. This is exactly the essence of their scheme. But it impos- sible to “move to the left” by moving from Tammany to Thomas, or LaGuardia to Thomas —from the first or second parties of the | ‘ i + national frontier } bourgeoisie to the THIRD PARTY of the bourgeoisie. There is not the slightest dif- ference in principle between the socialist party of today and the open bourgeois parties. The work who voted for Thomas did not move to the left; on the contrary, by their votes they showed that in the elections their influence had been turned toward the right that is, toward support of capitalism, by the deceit of the socialist party and the capitalist press. The Communist Party will create no illusions about | the N York elections—the working class | was still voting for its class enemies. | 6. The essential lesson of the elections is | the necessity to strengthen the fight against |, the socialist party, and: especially against its | so-called “left wing,” the Muste group. The most serious weakness of the Commu Party campaign in this election was the failure to iently bring forward the true role of the socialist party and its “left,” as the principle issue of the campaign, and to mobilize the ues of the class strug- masses on the concrete i working class for struggle against capitalism an only proceed through the discrediting and alist party and the re- influence over the workers. ts and their The Party must’ drastically er e its own weaknesses in this campaign, which ob- ely helped the socialist party and, the ie to achieve a temporary success. ism, which applies to the whole Party | from Central Committee down, and to our p | election campaigns as well as to the lat one, must have the result of fundamentally altering our methods of work in elections. Election campaigns must be taken as one of the principal opportunities for mobilizing the | workers the burning issues of the class struggle; such campaigns must be garefully organized in ¢dvance; they must be mass cam- paigns; they must be concretized in all issues; they must be a mobilization of the full forces | of the Party and its sympathetic elements. In | the New York campaign (and this is true more or less of our municipal campaigns) we find the following specific weaknesses and short: | comings: (a) late preparations; (b) poor mob- | ilization of forces and especially of the party | pre; (c) insufficiently energetic campaign; (d) delay in publishing platform; (e) serious underestimation of the danger of social-reform- m and therefore insufficient concentration against the socialist party; (f) lack of orienta- tion on shops and factories and insufficient connection of the election with the daily strug- gles; (g) lack of full slate candidates; (h) poor organization of open air meetings; (i) insufficient centralization of immediate issues; (j) vesistance of comrades in the trade unions to bringing the election issues to the unions; (k) grossly inadequate understanding of the meaning of the third period in terms of prac- tical work among the masses, especially in election periods. on jaternational Revolutionary Pivalry. BERLIN.—The Central Committee of the | Young Communist League of Germany has sent | a letter to the Central Committee of the Young | Communist League of France proposing a | revolutionary competitive scheme in connection | with the 10th anniversary of the Y.C.I. with a view to strengthening the young Communist organizations in both countries. Both leagues should undertake to increase their membership. the number of their factory groups, the mem- bership of their pioneer organizations and the number of readers of their press by 10 per cent, Further, both leagues should undertake to hold factory meetings, 150 in Germany and 75 in France, to issue factory newspapers, 100 in Germany and 50 in France, to hold France, to take an active part in the inter- meetings and to carry out | an energetic and systematic anti-militarist work, The E..C. of the Y. C. I. should decide, whether the Leagues had fulfilled these con- ditions youth meetings, $00 in Germany and 120 in | -its opponents burned, SOUTHERN COTTON MILLS AND LABOR Starting in tomorrow's Daily Worker we be- gin the publication of “Southern Cotton Mills and Labor,” by Myra Page. Below we print the foreword, by Bill Dunne, to this pamphlet. This is a living picture of the class struggle in the South. Two years of research and five months of first hand study in North and South Carolina were put into this vivid booklet. No worker can miss a line of this booklet which is published for the first time in the Daily Worker.—Editor. By BILL DUNNE. qe) little book welds an unbreakable bond uniting the revolutionary traditions of the English and American working class. Frederick Engels, in one of the great Marx- ian classics, wrote of “The Condition of the English Working Class in 1844,” of the hor- rors of the early English factory system. In the twentieth century, and in the United States, the most powerful imperialist country, whose “prosperity” is heralded throughout the world, and whose production methods are aped by the ruling classes of the European capi- talist countries in carrying out their post-war program of rationalization, are duplicated in the southern textile industry, which, with hydro-electric power and chemicals, form the base of the new southern capitalism, as in the seventeenth century the textile industry was the base of rising English capitalism, the mass misery on which the English factory system was built. The Reformation swept over England and destroyed the political superstructure of Eng- lish feudalism. Cromwell and his Ironsides were the midwives of British capitalism. On the ruins of the old order, to the sound of the slogans of Calvinism, were built the factories into which the English, Scotch, and Irish peas- ants were herded. King Charles*lost his head, | the peasantry lost the few rights they had wrung from the feudal barons, and the “inde- pendent” traditions of the English yeomanry passed into history. Swept from the country- side to make room for the sheep whose wool was the principal commodity traded in by the great maritime towns of the Hanseatic League, the British peasants marched from serfdom to wage-slavery. The prisons were filled with debtors and the “sturdy rogues” of the Eliza- bethian statutes. To be landless and master- less was to be a criminal. The new factories did not furnish work for all the peasantry driven from the countryside. Neither did the home industry, producing some of the worst evils of the new system, take care of peasants driven to desperation by the closing of Com mons and the abolition of all communal privi- leges, Yet to be jobless meant to be whipped at the tail of a cart “until the blood ran down to the heels” for the first offense, to have one’s ears cut off for the second, and to be hung, drawn and quartered for the third. The Cromwellian code was as barbarous as the feudal code which preceded it. But by it, in the fierce heat of a thousand fires where and christened by the blood of a persecuted landless peasantry, Bri- tish capitalism was born. Ireland and Scot- land were brought to heel. The north of Ire- land was made safe for the rising British capitalist class. Thousands of the working class were de- ported or driven from England, Scotland and Treland, to the American colonies. The ances- tors of the new working class in the Piedmont section of the new South came from the class upon whose backs was built the whole edi- fice of British capitalism, Scotch, English and Trish landless peasants. They fled from Great Britain to escape the horrors of the factory system. They brought with them all the Evan- gelical superstitions of Puritanism. Debtors, fugitive indentured servants, the “landless and lawless” settled in ‘tte Piedmont region of eastern Tennessee, North and South Carolina, Virginia and Georgia. They fled to escape the unspeakable misery which rising capitalism brought to the masses of Great Britain and from which they found relief, to some extent at least, in the colonies of the New World. Three hundred years later, their offspring, still burdened with the religious and cultural traditions of the Cromwellian period, are trapped by the new marvelous machines of modern American capitalism. These moun- taineers, who for three centuries retained the illusion of independence given by the owner- ship of even a poor patch of land, now are tied to the most highly machinized industry in the highest developed industrial country in the world. They are the modern serfs. For three hundred years caritalism waited for these new victims. Oceans and continents were no barriers. In the new South has been repeated the process which turned the ances- tors of this new contingent of the American work: 5 class into English proletarians, but the process has been intensified by the dire needs of capitalism in the imperialist epoch— “the period of wars and revolutions” when econ- omic struggles bring workers rapidly into di- rect conflict with imperialist government. The author has described this process. No Marxian will underestimate the significance of this book. The author has performed a sur- gical operation upon a portion of the body of American imperialism, an operation which dis- closes in detail the misery of the masses, the real basis for all the inflated claims which form the subject of the lyricisms of the propa- gandists for American efficiency and “pros- perity”—a prosperity now shaken to its foun- dations, This is no “study” by a social welfare work-- er. Sympathy and understanding are here, but primarily it is an incision, sharp and merci- less, by a scalpel with a Leninist edge. It is a favorite trick of the liberal fraternity to charge Communists both with an ignorance of and a blinking of facts. Here is a complete reply. Here, are the facts upon which the Communist Party of the United States has based its campaign in the South. Here are the facts which prove that the leadership of the American Federation of Labor, and more especially its loyal opposition, the so-called Muste wing, denying the existence of the class struggle and, therefore, the necessity for revo- lutionary working class strategy, tacties and objectives, is both unwilling and unable to give leadership to this new contingent of the Amer- ican proletariat in conflicts which inevitably, consisting as they must of challenges to the whole system of capitalist robbery and oppres- sion, ,take on, almost from their inception, sharp revolutionary characteristics. The so-called left wing of the American Federation of Labor and its socialist party allies, precisely because its role is to preserve capitalism and not destroy it, approaches the whole question of.the struggle in the South as though the Chartist revolts of the 1830s in England had been. transferred to the United States in this period, in the persons of the off- spring of the early immigrants, and from this false premise, draw the conclusion that the whole struggle of the southern working class, and especially in the textile industry, is mere- ly a struggle for the right to organize unions, ete., and is not a political struggle having definite revolutionary characteristics. Like- wise, having a social democratic conception of the role of the oppressed races, attempting to strengthen capitalism in this imperialist epoch by trying to convince white workers that they should act as “big brothers” to the oppressed Negro masses in the approved Y. M. C. A style, they will not tell the American working class that the mass basis for a victorious struggle in the South, and consequently in the whole United States, consists precisely in the mobilization of the ten million Negro workers into the ranks of the American proletariat for the sharpest class battles against American imperialism. The key by which the southern masses will wrench epen the door to victory, is the closest union of the “poor whites” so characteristically described in this book, and the still more op- pressed Negro masses. The’ entry of our Party into the South, the traditional stronghold of reaction in the United States, as the leader of sharp class conflicts, is an event of supreme. importance to the revo- lutiorary movement of the world. This book marks an end of one period and the beginning of another—the beginning of the revolutionary epoch in the United States. It symbolizes for all revolutionary workers the third period. Lenin never tired of insisting that Communist programs and tactics must be based on a most detailed knowledge of the conditions and senti- ments of the masses. Were he alive today I am sure he would consider this book as mark- ing the ripeness of the new southern prole~ tariat for revolutionary struggle. The book is a Leninist document. of the new The fact that wide sections | southern proletariat, Anglo-Saxon in ancestry, unschooled in Marxian theory of the social revolution, have fought bitter struggles under the leadership of our Party in the last few months is sufficient evidence to prove that our Party can and does act as the leader of mili- tant American workers as the slogan of “clags against class” takes on deeper meaning each day from life itself. The wealth of first-hand material in this book would alone make it stand out as a work- ing class document in contradistinction to the reformist dribble compiled by social welfare workers. But coupled with the tremendous role played by our Party in the South, the upsurge of the southern proletariat and the growing will to struggle of the whole American work- ing class, this book has a direct revolutionary significance. NEWS BRIEFS | Labor Fakers Support Hoover. F ascism CHICAGO, Il. Vi ictor Sinden: secretary of the Illinois State Federation of Labor at a con- ference of labor fakers, followed in the foot- steps of Wm. F. Green, and approved of Hoo- ver’s wage cutting drive. Olander favors the Green-Hoover plan of smashing strikes as a courtesy to the big bosses. Olander called a conference of union mis- leaders to discuss what the could do to stimul- +’ business. He reported that unemployment ious because of the let-down in build- Unemployment Grows in Germany BERLIN.-Unemployed workers are increas- ing. At the en! of November the number of workers on the streets without work was 1,- 050,000. This is an increase of nearly 200,000 jobless workers, Steel production is going down. Unemployment. this winter ‘is much greater than it was last year. Wool Workers Resist Cut BRADFORD, Eng. (By . (By Mail). Militant soli- darity of the Yorkshire woolen workers has prevented the companies from enforcing a cut of a penny in the shilling (four cents to the 25) in the men’s wages. Negotiations by the bosses with the reformist unions haye been held for several weeks, but the men are watch- ful of the union officialdom, Anglo-U. §. A. Oil War On Sir Henri, Deterding, managing director of the Royal Dutch-Shell Oil Co,, the oil trust backed by British imperialism in its war against the Standard Oil, the leading American im- perialist oil trust, given support by the State Department, said on his arrival in New York that the antagonisms between the two world competitors is now sharper than ever. The severe competition between the British and American oil robbers has heen world wide and was backed up by the armed support of the respective capitalist powers.