The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 4, 1929, Page 4

mproaaily City, N all checks to Page Four PARTY RECRUITING DRIVE Publishing Co. 1 Y. Telephon the Daily Worker Some Aspects of the Recruiting | Drive By By SAM DON. Il. rMouHE C. I. told our Party t wei¢hs upon its present,” and national composition of the Party shows that very clearly. Very little progress was made i ‘Shifting the Party’s base from the immi- grant to the native American employed in the basic industries. It has done still less in rela- tion to the millions of Negro proletariat!” Since the war and especially in recent years, with the stoppage of immigration on the old mass scale, with the millions of farmers and Negroes who came to the industrial centers, and especially with the present intensified agri- cultural cri and above all intensified ration- alization, there is developing a decided shift in the composition of the American working class both towards national and social homo- geneity. While we must not forget that the foreign born workers still occupy a strategic jon in many industries and represent the illed workers, however, the. post war fac- tors in American economy and rationalization have created a very large army of native un- skilled and semi-skilled workers, to be found in many of the strategic industries in the coun- try as auto, traction, transportation, ammuni- ‘ion, electric, metal, public utilities, etc. The present composition of the Party membership does not reflect this change. The composition of the Party is still largely needle trade and building trade. The recent struggles of the traction workers show clearly to the Party the relationship between assuming leadership over these struggles and the almost total absences of the traction workers in the Party. “Its past still e social and In many sections of the Party, the Party ap- pears because of its composition, as a Party of skilled workets. If we will take a city like Detroit we find proportionately too many skilled workers of the auto industry who never work on the belt, as tool and dye makers, car- penters and electricians. Thus we see that the most rationalized industry in the world with the largest number of unskilled and semi-skilled is not reflected in the social composition of the Party. And if we take the building industry we know that as far as laborers are concerned their numbers in the Party are absolutely in- significant. In connection with rationalization it must alse be born in mind that young workers be- come the dominant type in the industry. Yet our Party does not reflect it and it is still in many instances largely a Party of old men. The national composition of the Party is losely linked up with the social composition. » most districts, the national composition of the Party membership does not reflect the na- tional composition of the working class in their respective districts. The C. I. correctly tells the Party that while we must concentrate on | the native workers, we must also retain our position amongst the revolutionary immigrant workers. However, so far as immigrant work- ers are concerned a great deal is to be done yet. For instance in New York City 19.8% of the foreign population is Italian. The Italian work- ers are in most cases unskilled and semi-skilled. A very large number of them are employed in the building and construction industri how- ever, when we consider the composition of the New York Party membership it is largely Jew ish. Other districts show similar situations It is precisely the poor socia! and national, composition of the Party that is one of the main factors in existence and breeding of the right danger. This must be overcome in the recruitnig d a gre also be paid to the newly recruited mem the Party. question is of great importance and consider- ation should be given to it in special articles. i: ers in Hand in hand with the recruiting drive must go a complete, literally so, overhauling of the units organizationally and a real beginning must be made in making the units live the life of the Party and give them political life and content. This will keep new members in the Party. The problem new members is part and parcel of the prob- lem of cleansing the Party of social alien ele- ments in a Bolshevik organization. In connection with the organizational and political strengthening of the units, as a very important phase of the recruiting drive, stands out the problem of functionaries~and the de- velopment of yung proletarian cadres. We will not deal with this problem at length, it is raised for purpose of discussion. yet the Party in the various districts while being faced in a very acute form with the problem of pro- letarianization of the functionaries and the creation of new cadres, very little was done in this direction. Altogether in too many in- stances, we find that a very large number of the unit and section functionaries is composed of office workers, salesmen, paid functionares of various auxiliary organizations, all shades and forms of intellectuals and professio housewives, etc. As poor as the composition is, there are plenty of good young proletarian elements whg with the proper guidance and direction on the part of the leading committees (and not mere bureaucratic and superficial guidance) constitute excellent material for a new cadre of functionaries. More courage, more persistance, unyielding attitude, in drawing proletarian elements into the active work of the units and into the entire Party organism. Patience combined with sincere attention and political guidance must accompany the line in drawing them in, Recruiting will not stop with the recruiting drive. The present drive must be considered as a special effort to turn the face of the Party to the masses and to change its present poor social and national composition. Andrew Mellon, Steel and Sedition By SENDER GARLIN. (Continued.) Mr. Robert C. Simpson is postmaster of Woodlawn and “Chairman of the Special Com- mittee of the American Legion Post of Wood- lawn Engaged in the Investigation of Commu- nists.” It is appropriate that Mr. Simpson should be present, inasmuch as the two defendants, Rese- tar and Muselin, served as soldiers in the last imperialist war. And by a curious twist_of irony, it was Albert Zima, a son of the third defendant, who was awarded a huge, cartwheel bronze medal by the Woodlawn American Le- gion for high scholarship in the local high school. And in jail, after they were first con- vieted, Resetar and Muselin each received two dollars from the thoughtful Ladies Auxiliary of the Legion to help make their Christmas a happy one. First they were for contemptuous- ly returning the money, but, following a more advanced strategy, relayed the cash to the In- ternational Labor Defense, which from the first has defended them, Mr. Simpson takes the stand to testify that he has written a letter to the “Beaver Argus, which announced to the world the following: (Vol. 1, P. 251). “In one of your recent issues, in reporting the action of the Grand Jury regarding the Muselin-Resetar-Zima sedition case, you stated that it was reported that the Jones & McLaugh- lin Steel Corporation was very much interested in the case. “Would you be so kind, sir, to state in an early issue that Woodlawn Post, No. 225, Amer- ican Legion, is alsowery much interested in the case?” And when Mr. Robert C. Simpson had con- cluded his testimony, the prosecutor shook his hand warmly and shouted: “I think I ought to move that a vote of thanks be given Mr. Simpson for having written it. I’m proud of you, Bob.” The dull-gray store of her husband’s long hours of toil in the J. & L. steel mill was told by Mrs. Antonia Zima when she took the stand | to testify. The defense questioned her. (Vol. | 1, Page 393), | Q. When did you move to Woodlawn from Pittsburgh, Mrs, Zima? | A. In 1909. | Q, You have lived in Woodlawn, then, seven- | teen years? | A. Yes, sir. Q. And your husband went to work immedi- ately for the Jones & Laughlin Co.? A. Yes,’ sir. Q. And he has worked for the J. & L. ever since? A. Yes, sir. Q. How many hours did he work when he worked for the Jones & Laughlin Co? A. Thirteen, every day in the year, Q. That means seven days a week? A. Yes, sir. (At this point, Mr. Craig, the prosecutor, in- terrupted with: “This line of testimony is ob- jected to. It has nothing to do with the issues of this case.” (The Court: The objection is | sustained!) | * * * Why was this birthday party for her sixteen- year-old daughter held down in the basement instead of up in the house? The prosecutor | barks. Does this not prove conclusively, gentle- men of the jury, that these defendants are guilty of sedition and ought, according to the law, be locked up and chained in the state prison for five years? Quietly, Mrs. Zima spoke: “My little girl, because I have whitewash down in that front room, and we have a pretty big room, and we went down in that room be- cause we like it then first of all to eat; and we have flowers down; w ehave carpet, and we could not dance on the carpet, and that is the reason we went down; and she put that red paper up because it looked a little more happy. And we have a couple of benches with flowers down, Chrysanthmums, and I have set table, and the men around the table sat and ate, and the children—like children, they played around.” The Woodlawn ec is not over. The impris- onment of the three workers must be the signal for the launching of a nation-wide campaign to bring about their releaSe. In this Mellon- ruled state, stronghold of American capitalism, the jailing of militants goes hand in hand with the drive on the workers—wage-cutting, length- ening of hours, and worsening of conditions. While the purely legal phase of the Wood- lawn case is ‘at an end, the legal phase to el trocute Salvatore Accorsi, also a Pennsylvania worker, is about to begin. On December 9, in Pittsburgh, this foreign-born miner will be put on trial in an attempt to frame him up for the shooting of a Pennsylvania coal and iron cop John Downey. The cossack was killed in the attempt of the state police to crush under their guns, their clubs and their horses’ hoofs, the protest demonstration of the Cheswick, Pa. coal miners against the judicial murder of Sacco and Vanzetti,on August 22, 1927, As is pointed out by the International Labor Defense, “there is no doubt that the police thug, Downey, known for his extreme brutality, died in the attack on the coal miners, just, as Aderholt the Gastonia police chief, died in the raid intended to exterminate the textile strikers’ tent colony.” 4 The Woodlawn defenders are imprisoned almost at the moment when Accorsi will be placed on trial, A wide protest movement of the American workers must halt the con- spiracy to murder Accorsi and at the same time force the “release of the Woodlawn de- fendants! THE D Pittsburgh Starts Recruiting Drive. The Buro met and after discussion elected a Recruiting Drive Committee. A series of membership meetings have been arranged for discussion of the drive. It was decided to con- centrate on the coal mining, metal and elec- trical industries and to send a special organ- izer into West Virginia for the duration of the drive. Another organizer is being sent to the coke region. Special leaflets are being issued to the workers in the mining and steel indus- tries, also other leaflets addressed to the unem- ployed and the Negro workers. On Negro and women’s work we selected the most important sections of the district for spe- cial concentration, It was also decided to order 10,000 copies of a special Pittsburgh Dis‘rict issue of the Daily Worker. We gladly aceept our quota of 500 new members, 500 new subs, 20 factory and mine nuclei and 5 shop papers.) | | | | | recruiting and keeping the | | by the ¢ | industries, while at the same time attai | an accelerated rate of development in the out- | put of means of production and creating the Baily As Worker By Mai! (in New York only): $8.00 a year: By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year; sussCRIPTION RATES: $4.50 six months: $3.50 six munths; 9 three months 0 three months Central Organ ofthe Communist Party of the 0. S A The Bridge for the Invasion of Soviet Union By F. Ellis The Year of Great Change By JOSEPH STALIN. TI past twelvemonth was. one of» great changes on all fronts of-Socialist development, changes which on of a great offensive of Socialism against the capitalist elements in town and country. The characteristic peculiarity of this offensive lies in the fact that it has already entailed a series of decisive achievements in the main realms of the Socialist construction of economy. It follows that the Party has succseded in mak- ing good use of the retreat effected in the first stages of the New Economic Policy, with a view to the subsequent organization of a change and a successful attack on the capitalist ele- ments. The suce attained on the front of econ- omic construction is to be seen in three dif- ferent ways. Firstly, we have a decided change in regard to the productivity of work, which has found expression in the display of a creative-initia- tive and a tremendous enthusiasm for work on the part of millions of workers on the front of Socialist development. The development of creative initfative and of zest for work on the part of the masses has ensued along three parallel lines, viz. a fight | against bureaucracy by means of self-criticism, a fight against the shirkers and slackers and underminers of proletarian discipline by means of Socialist emulation, and a fight against routine and against backwardness in the works rganization of the uninterrupted work- ing week. The result is to be seen in great successes on the working front, in enthusiasm and mutual encouragement of the millions of workers throughout the immense country. The significance of this achievement is really in- estimable, for it is only by the impulse to work and by the enthusiasm of the millions of work- ers that a guarantee can be provided for that progressive enhancement of productivity, without which the ultimate victory of Soeial- ism over capitalist is inconceivable. With this first achievement of the Party, s second achievement is indissolubly connect- ed. It lies in the fact that in the course of last year we have arrived at a satisfactory solution of the fundamental problem of an accumulation for big constructions of the heavy ing t premises for the transformation of our country into an area of metallurgical production. The significance of the achievement of. the last twelvemonth lies in the fact that the “hopes . of the capitalists have been completely dashed The past year has proved how, in spite of an open and covert financial blockade of the, So- viet Union, we have not sold ourselves to. the® capitalists but have of our own strength solved the problem ot accumulation, laying the foundation-stone in the realm of the ‘heavy ndustries. This is a fact that not even the most obstinate enemies of the working class can any longer deny. mt If last year the capital investments of the leading industries amounted to 1600. million roubles, of which about 1300 millions were invested in the heavy industries, and if: in. the current year the capital investments of the leading industries figure at more than’ 8400 millions, more than 2500 millions: of “which.” fall to the share of the heavy industries—if, furthermore, the gross production: of the big industries in the past year showed an. increase of 23 per cent., with an increase of, 30 per cent for the heavy industries alone, and the gross output of the current year is estimated to increase by 32 per cent, with an increase of 46 per cent for the heavy industries, then is it not obvious that the problem of accumula- tion for the development of the heavy ‘indus- tries ig no insurmountable difficulty? How can it be doubted that we are advane- ing with ever quicker steps in the development of the heavy industries and are leaving ‘our old backwardness far behind us? Can it be wondered at in view of the above that’in ‘the past year the estimates of the Five-Year Plan were surpassed and that the maximum eyentu- ality, which is looked upon by the bourgeois seribblers as “fantastic and unrealizable”. and awakens fear in the breasts of our right op-. portunists (Bulhatin group), has in reality come to represent the minimum eventuality of the Five-Year Plan? The past twelvemonth has shown that the Party is successfully mastering this task and decidedly overcoming even the most serious’dif- ficulties in its path, This naturally. does not mean that industry will not be faced ly any further difficulties. The task of developing the heavy idustries is not only rendered dif-” ! ficult by the. problem of financial accumula- tion. It is likewise faced with the problem |@of cadres, the problem of recruiting tens of more ensued in the form | i fs thousands of loyal technicians and experts for the work of Socialist construction and of train- ing Red technicians and specialists from the ranks of the working class. If the problem of accamulation may in the main be considered to have been solved, the problem of the cadres still awaits its solution. And jp view of the technical reconstruction of industry this problem of eadres is a deci- cive problem of Socialist development. There- fore, it is the duty ofthe Party to tackle this problem immediately and carry through its soluijon without fail. The third achievement, which is organically related to the first and second, lies in the radical change in the development of our agri- culture from a primitive s#stem of individual farms to an advanced form of collective farm- ing, to joint tillage, to machinery and tractor stations, and to working co-operatives and gpl- lective estates based on up-to-date methods of cultivation, and thus finally to gigantic Soviet estates equipped with hundreds of tractors and combine-machines. In’ this connection. the great success of the Party ‘lies in the fact that it has managed to transfer the main mass of the peasantry in a number of districts from the old capitalist path of development {by Which only a hand- ful of rich peasants and capitalists profited while-the great majority of the peasantry were merely aboue to vegetate in misery) to new methods of Socialist development (by which the rich peasants are ousted and the middling and poorer ones equipped in a new manner and supplies with new tools, tractors, and agri- cultural machinery, so as to give them. the possibility of emerging from their need and their dap icasces on the kulaks and of proceed- ing on a path of co-operative, collective cul- tivation). The achievement of the Party lies in the fact that it has succeeded in organizing this radical change in the peasantry itself and in taking over the lead of the broad masses of middle and poorer peasants, notwithstand- ing the tremendous difficulties placed in its way and the desperate resistance of all sorts of sinister forces, from the pope and the kulak to the Philistine and Right opportunist in its own ranks... In this connection I may cite a few figures. In 1928, the area under cultivation in the So- viet farms. figured at 1,425,500 hectares with an output of more than 6 million metrie centals of grain, while the cultivated area of the col- lective farms was 1,390,000 hectares with an output of roughly 3.5 million metric centals. In 1929, the area of the Soviet farms under cultivation was 1,816,000 hectares with an out- put of about 8 million metric centals of grain, while that of the collective estates stood at 4,262,000 hectates with a production of ‘rough- ly 13 million metric centals, In the year 1930, again, the area of the Soviet estates will, ac- cording to the estimate, figure at 3,280,000 hectares with an output of 18 million» metric centals. of grain, while: that.of the collective farms is tovamofnt to 15 million hectares with an output: of roughly 49 million metric centals. In other words, the commercial grain produc- tion of the Soviet’ and collective farms together is estimated to’ amount in the coming year to more than half the. output of all our agricul- ure, Such a vigorous rate of developmigpt is un- known even to ou? Socialist industry, the devel- opment of which is undoubtedly characterized by sufficiently prodigious ‘strides. Is it not obvious, therefore, that our young Socialist agriculture. shas. a great future before it and is capable of real wonders in the way of de- velooment? 2 2 ali . This gigantic achievement in. the development of the’ collective: farms. is attributed to a num: ber of reasons, of which the following at any rate may be“nientioned. In the first place this. success is'to be as- cribed to the fact that the Party has pursued the Leninist, policy of an education of the mass- es and has systematically led the peasants in the direction of collective cultivation by 2 pro- motion of the co-operatives. It:is to be aseribed to the further fact that the Party successfully opposes both those who sought. to exaggerate this movement and to f@ster the development of collective farms by means of decrees (i. e. “Left” phrasemongers) and those: who sought to retard the action of the Party (i.e. the half- hearted dolts of the Right). This exteptional success in the direction of constructing collective farms is, moreover, at- tributable to the nice perception of the Soviet authorities in regard to the peasants’ growing Lovestone- Dealer in Lies HAT impresses one most of the activities of the renegade Lovestone group is the incessant flow. of petty lies whichemanate from their headquarters and which endeavors to vo- ver up. their political bankruptcy. In this respect, Lovestone acts like the typical petty shopkeeper from Hester Street. He takes his own p:tty cleverness as a justification for con- sideriny everyone else a fool. Upon this as- sumption the petty shopkeeper Lovestone and his. partners try to sell their goods under a fal. abel. Immediately after the Tenth. Plenum the partners issued a statement in which the thesis of the Tenth Plenum was passed as being in line with the thesis of the Sixth Congress. The only complaint was that this line was expressed with less ability than in the thesis of the Sixth Congress. But then, on second thought, the partners came to the conclusion that it was difficult to sell their second-hand goods if they did not insist on a more serious differentiation than merely the form of expression. And lo and behold! the Tenth Plenum thesis which, in the first document was passed as being in line with the Sixth Congress, became, in the second document, the irrefutable proof of the revision of the line of the Sixth Congress. For weeks and months the “partners” sold Bukharin’s goods: Bukharin’s line at the Sixth Congress, Bukharin’s inner-Comintern line, Bukharin’s Russian line, etc., etc., were the stock in trade of these Hester Street second hand dealers. Now, Bukharin issued a public declaration repudiating his line and declaring that the Communist Party and the Communist International were right and he was wrong. Our Hester Street partners went into a cons- ternation conference. And out of this confer- ence emanated a declaration: squirming, writh- ing, wriggling, distorting, twisting, lying, agon- izing; the gist of declaration is, in real shop- keepers fashion: ‘Business as usual.” Of course, the manufacturer from whom the goods were gotten made.a public declaration that his goods are counterfeit, but our Hester Street ! | | second hand dealers are not concerned much with this. Although the goods had their trade mark “Bukharinism” stamped all over them, the commercial trio of Lovestone, Gitlow and Wolfe stand by, nervously rubbing their hands and attempt to assure the prospective custom- ers that their w really does not come from the firm which has just publicly declared all of their goods to be shoddy. They stand there, under their shingle, still hoping, almost against hope, ‘that Barnum was right. In th ir endeavor to pass off their counter- revolutio second-hand stuff for genuine revolutionary theory and practice, the Gitlow- Wolfe-Lovestone partnership has to contend with competition. Ludwig Lore and James P. Cannon, each for himself, had set up similar concerns previously to the Wolfe-Gitlow-Love- stone trio. This competition is annoying to the Hester Street trio. Therefore they shout that their goods have nothing in common with the godds of their competitors. But one counter- revolutionary rat smells the other, no matter how all of them or each one separately may attempt to pass off for a cat. Ludwig Lore, has already done so much for her that. nothing more remains for | her to sa She therefore has nothing to conceal, speaks out what our Hester Street trio and the firm of Cannon and Co are still trying to keep secret. Lore proclaims openly: “The three tendencies expelled from the C. P. (Ludwig Lore, James Cannon and Jay Lovestone) are of one opinion on all im- portant questions; in the main, they defend the same tactical and principal standpoint, though Cannon and Lovestone may attempt to deny their ‘poor relative’ (Ludwig Lore)” (Volkszeitung, Nov. 23.) Lore, of course, is not disclosing any political secrets. Any poli- tical child can see the “secrets” that Lore “dis- closes!” Only the “proletarians” around the | Gitlow-Wolfe-Lovestone partnership, from Eve | Dorf to Bert Miller, cannot see it. This “pro- letariat” is the only justification for the Hes- | ter Street trio t ostill hope that Barnum was right. apitalist requirements of new implements and a new technique, as also in regard to the hopelessness of the peasants’ position so long a. the old methods of cultivation were retained. By the loay of tractors and machinery and the in- aatitution of tractor-stations, by the organ’ tion of common cultivation, by the establish- ment and promotion of the collective farms, and finally, by an all-round support of the peasant farms by the collective estates, timely aid was. provided. It is the first time in the history of the world that a power has arisen, the power of the Soviets, which has proved by deeds its willingness and its ability to render systematic and continual aid to the working masses of the peasantry in their work of pro- duction. It is not: obvious that the working masses of the peasantry, who have for so many years been suffering from a lack of implements and the general wherewithal of their activity will eagerly seize this aid and join in the move- ment towards collective farming? And can it be considered a wonder that the old slogan of the working class, “Fafe to the Village!” should possibly even be supplemented by a new slogan on the part of the. collective farmers, “Look Towards the Cities?” The tremendous success in the development of collective farms, finally, is the outcome of the fact that the progressive workers of our country have taken this matter in hand, I am speaking of the working brigades scatterec in hundreds ove: the main areas of our countr It must be admitted that among all the pos- sible propagandists for collective farming the very best from the point of view of their suc- cess among the peasant masses are the worker- propagandists. Can it still be wondered at that the workers have succeeded in conyinc- ing the peasants of the merits of collective farming in comparison with small individual farms, especially seeing that. the existing col- lective and Soviet farms are an eloquent illus- tration of such advantages? It is in this way that our success in the direction of construct- ing. collective farms was possible, a success which must be regarded as the most important and most decisive of any in the last few years. The objections of “scientists” to the possibil- ity and advisability of an organization of great grain factories with 50,000 to 100,000 hectares of land, have proved futile.. For the capitalist countries with their private landed property rights, the organization of great grain factories is impossible without the purchase of land or the. payment of absolute rent, which would greatly burden production. For us, no such restrictions obtain, neither absolute rent nor the purchase and sale of land, since we have no private landed property rights. Therefore there are more favorable conditions for the development of large grain farms. In the capitalist countries, the large grain- farming enterprises serve the purpose of at- taining a maximum of profit or at any rate such. a profit as corresponds to the so-called average rate of profit. In our case, on the other hand, the big grain estates, which are State property, require neither maximum pro- fits nor avéFage profits for their development, but can restrict themselves to a profit minimum or at times manage without any profit at all, another fact conducive to advantageous condi- tions for the development of such large scale cultivation. Finally, the capitalists have neither special credit facilities nor yet special taxation ameni- ties for their large grain-producing estates, whereas under the Soviet order of things, which favors the socialization, of the land, there are an1-will always be such privileges. The lie has been given to all the assertions of the Right opportunists (Bukharin group), to the effect that the peasants will not join the collective estates, that the accelerated rate of development of the collective estates can but call forth discontent among the masses and a separation of the peasantry from the working class, that the “great highroad” of Socialist development’ in the rural districts is formed not by the collective farms but by the co-opera- tives, and that through the creation of collective farms and the attack on the capitalist elements in the ‘villages the country might easily be left without bread. All this has proved untrue and fallen to pieces, like the old bourgeois-liberal rubbish it is. The peasants have joined the collective farms —whole villages and districts at a time. The mass movement of collecive farming does not weaken, but ‘rather strengthens, the alliance of the. working ‘peasants and furnishes them with a new productive basis. Now even the ‘blind must recognize. that the peasants are turning to the new collective farms and that if there is any serious discontent among the peasantry, it is not because of the collective farming policy of the Sovict authorities but | * because the later are unable to keep pace with the development of the collective system and with the requirements of the peasants in re- gard to machinery and tractors. The quarrel in regard to the “highroad” of Socialist development in the rural districts is jastic quarrel, a quarrel of young petty- bourgeois liberals of the type of Eichenwald and Slepkow. It obvious that, so long as there was no mass movement for collective farming, the primary forms of Socialist devel- opment, the cooperatives and associations of supply and sale, constituted the “highroad;” when, however, the more advanced form, that of collective farms, appeared, it automatically took their place as the main channel of Social- ization, The highroad of Socialist development in the rural districts is the cooperative plan of Lenin, comprehending all forms of agricultural cooperation, from the simplest to the most elaborate. To set off the collective system | against the cooperative would mean to make a mockery of Lenin and imputeyto him the ignorance of his critics. Now even the blind must see that without an ; attack on the capitalist elements in the rural districts and without the development of the collective and Soviet farm movement, we should now have neither any decisive achievements to show for the current year in regard to grain provisioning nor yet those dozens of millions of poods of grain which are already in the hands of the State. Indeed, it may rather be affirmed that, thanks to the development of the collec- tive and Soviet farm movement, we are at length emancipating ourselves from the grain crisis, if we have not already done so. And if the development of the collective farms and Soviet farms proceeds at a quicker rate, there can be no doubt but that, in a matter of five ars or so, our country will be one of the greatest, if not-indeed the very greatest, of the | grain-producing countries of the world. The new and decisive thing about the present | collective farm movement is the fact that the peasants are joining the collective systems, not in individual groups, as was formerly the case, but in entire villages, neighborhoods, or even districts, at a time. This means that the middle peasants, too, are joining the movement. This constitutes the nucleus of that radical change in the development of agriculture which must be looked. upon as the most important achieve- ment of the last twelvemonth. The menshevist conception of Trotsky and his adherents, to the effect that the working class and the main mass of the peasantry are not able to carry out the task of Socialist construction, has brok- en down and proved fallacious, as the Trotsky- ists t' ‘selves must now know. Now it is apparent to all that those who do not believe | in the Five-Year Plan of Socialist construction or in the possibility of the construction of So- cialism in our country, are also not entitled to acel’" : the Plan, The last hope of the capital- ‘sts of ell countries for the re:toration of cap- is” + and of the “saer:’ principle «f private properiy” in the Soviet Union, has been frus- tra! and brought to naught. The peasants, coneidered by the capitalists as man’ for the ground ~ ¢¢j:..."'om, are on all hands abandon- ing the famous banner of “private property” and placing themselves on the basis of collect- ivism and Socialism. The last hope of restoring capitalism is vanishing. This fact explains the desperate attempts of the ¢ »" alist ele~:onts of our country to mobil- ize all the fo of the old world against the advance of Socialism, atempts which only lead to the aggravation of the class struggle. The capitelists find it impossible to “stomach” So- cialism. Hence the furious outery against Bol- shevism raised by the various watchdogs of capitalism, such as Struve, Hessen, Milukov, Ker-asky, Dan, and Abramovitch. It is indeed no trifle that the last hope of restoring capital- ism should be disappearing for ever. Lenin said that if the peasants could be supplied with a hundred thousand tractors, the middle peasants would join the cause of Communism. The past year has shown that the Party is successfully | advancing on this objective. It is well known | that in the spring of 1930 we shall have more | than 60,000 tractors, one year later more than | 1C0,000 and two years after that 250,000. | What a few years ago was looked upon as “fantastic,” can now be realized and even sur- passed. That is the reason why the middle peasants have turned to Communism. All this shows that we are going full-steam ~ ahead to Socialism on the path of industrializa- tion and ave leaving our century-old backward- hess behind us. We shall become a mietal-pro- ducing couniry, a country of automobiles and tractors. Then let the capitalists, who boast of their “civilization,” try to catch us up. Then we shall see which countries are backward and which progressive,