The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 3, 1929, Page 4

Published by the Com New York se and mail al) Page Four ks to the Daily Worker 26-28 Union Baily Central Urean of the Commu “Worker nist Party of the 0. SA. By Ma‘! (in New York only): $8.00 a year: By Mai! (outside of New York): $6.00 a year: SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $4.50 six months: $3.50 six months: $2.50 three months $2.00 three months EARL BROWDER. By 1 of the renegade Lovestone openly s on the propaganda of American im- on every issue of the day as well Above all it strives to hide American imperialism, go- beyond what any official will a himself. The of t capitalist-propaganda ling with the tariff says: the urge for considerably in- American tariff rates does not r of a collapsing, a shrink- domestic market.” his dee is not obvious at all; what r, is that the capitalist class everything, to keep the masses on that nothing is wrong in- American capitalism, but all from abroad. Lovestone’s every 1 to support this capitalist above only the fear of, but “a collapsing, which is the tariff bill, as well the Wall Street crash, Hoov scist) Council, and the quickly devel- S$ ADMIT CRISIS. FINANCIE analyzed many figures t. And if it be argued these figures only what and had previously deter- n let ) see t think out for com- arison Ww t NCE CAPITAL- ISTS THINK, those when whose interests are the opposite direction. Find out in their private meetings among their own circles. Stable Money Associa- n,” an organiz ” of finance capital, including practi- cally every name of significance in the bank- | i nd economie world. This association is | tention of its members to a circular | r sent out on Noy. 1 by President Hemin- | , of the American Trade Executive Asso- | | | la creme mn, in which, after quoting the figures of t economic developments, it is said: If these figures be correct they mean that we enter next year with one-third less con- sumer buying power than we have had in f the past few years. Obviously, this is eaching to affect only a few indus- and each of us will feel the blow of | arded buying action.” | private view of the biggest finance cap- | ts is not, of course, displayed in our daily | press for the masses. But since when did we | think that the daily press reflects the real | the rulers?—it reflects, on the con- | at “they want the masses to think, | curr any ¢ views trary rs Na- | ‘Lovestone Defends Imperialism — and. Lovestone reflects the same fundamental line. What is actually occuring today is a tremen- dous shrinking of the domestic market, which is immediately reflected in the decline in ac- tual production in the industries. The contra diction between productive capacity, and avail- able markets, is attaining an unprecedented sharpness. The crisis developes with inevitable and accumulating force. And in the face of this deep crisis, which the renegade Lovestone denies, where does he find “contradictions” in capitalism? He finds it in “the fact that the biggest financial interests, predominantly republican, having huge invest- ments abroad are tending more and more to favor the ‘lowest possible’ tariff in order to enable their debtors to have the broadest mar- ket and thus be able to pay the debts.” Lovestone’s “Mother Goose” Version. What does this mean? It means that Love- stone sees the Hoover government and its high tariff program as in opposition to the “big- gest financial interests;” hence, Hoover does not represent finance capital nearly so well as, for example, Borah or Norris or Brookhart; that Hoover, consequently, must represent small capital and the petty bourgeoisie in struggle against finance capital. This “Mother Goose” version of analysis is not so meaningless and silly as it sounds, But its meaning is a very sinister one. This picture of finance capital, standing against Hoover and high tariff, for the “lowest pos- sible tariff,” for helping its poor debtors to get the “broadest markets” at the expense of Amer- ican commodities, against the attempt to “ma- nufacture artificially undisputed world hege- mony for the American bourgeoisie” by means of tariff and war—a picture of finance capital as liberal, pacifist, altruistic—this is the op- posite of the truth, the most miserable kind of prostitution to finance capital, the carrying of the propaganda of finance capital to the ma: . It is open service to American im- perialism. Let the revolutionary workers of the U. S. recognize the realities of the present situation; rapidly growing economic crisis, with all its consequences of unemployment, wage cuts, and offensive against the workers; and sharpening war danger, brought to its highest pitch by this economic crisis, and the consequent policy of finance capital, dominating the whole bour- geoisie, of the ruthless drive to find the neces- sary market to keep its industries expanding, at the cost of war against the Soviet Union and against its imperialist rivals—all at the cost of the working, class. And let the renegades who openly enter into the service of imperial- ism, who: sing the pra of finance capital, receive the contempt which is their due from all honest workers. political PARTY RECRUITING DRIVE Some Aspects of the Recruiting | Drive By SAM DON. HE present membership drive of the Party sful only if it will be closely linked up with all the activities of the Party, flowing from the present sharply and quickly developing crisis in the country, growing ac- tuality of the war danger, and the ever-grow- ing offensive struggles of the working class. The membership drive must not degenrate ‘an be suce into a mere clerical-routine campaign. The campaign should be carried on not merely from the viewpoint of numerical increases, but espe- cially from the aspect of changing the social and national composition of the Party. MUST BE AT HEAD OF STRUGGLE. crassest manifestations of the danger is the Party’s lagging behind ght the growing struggles of the working class. While the main reason for the lagging behind lack of outlook and sensitiveness to the pre- sent situation, lack of contact (which essenti- also a result of the fact that the dis- do not in due time orientate themselves on the industries where a great deal of dis- content is prevalent, and where struggles are inevitable) with the workers in industries where struggles took place, is one of the great- est handicaps in establishing our leadership amongst them. tricts There are today hundreds of departmental strikes. In the present period they are all rationalization strikes, and therefore of the greatest importance. Yet, because of lack of leadership most of them are shortlived strikes. In most cases the Party hears of them after they are over and broken by, the social refor- mists, The Trade Union Economic Resolution, adopted at the Tenth Plenum of the C. 1, em- phasizes the importance of departmental strikes and the possibility and need of unify- ing these local struggles. And this can only be done under our leadership. However, the experiences of the Party with the various lo- cal strikes, the experiences in New Orleans, and in the recent truck drivers’ strike in New York, in the ever growing strike wave in the country, reveal clearly that lack of contact is one of the greatest obstacles in developing and leading the struggles of the workers. The main purpose of the membership drive, there- fore, is to establish conctaect with the workers in the ba industries. The method of establishing contact is by factory activities, and in this connection shop papers, and the building of shop nuclei are the main instruments. In prac- tically all recent struggles in which the Party participated, contact was established with the workers, only after they went out on strike. Naturally, under such circumstances, even with the best policy we may appear in the eyes of the masses as strangers and outsiders. The systematic publication of shop papers and the daily activities in the building of shop nuclei, will help considerably to establish us before the masses and in times of struggles we will *e known to them and they will not look upon us as strangers and outsiders, , KEYNOTE IN MASS ACTIVITY. The general mass activities of the Party Must be the keynote in the drive, At the same t'me it must be remembered that individual | recruiting, especially in the factories, is an important force in the drive. The measure of activity’ of a Party member must be his Com- munist activity and propaganda in the shop and, of course, there are many forms in which Com- munist activity may be carried on in the shops without being exposed. Some of the Parties and Leagues in the illegal countries carry on s})l ndid general activities and individual pro- paganda in the factories. A recruiting drive can and will serve as a training for the Party membership for their individual factory -ac- tivitie- The Daily Worker and Party literature, espe- cially the Daily, must be utilized to the fullest extent for the recruiting drive. Without or- ganization and agitation there is no recruiting drive. And the Daily is and must become so even more, the collective organizer, agitator and propagandist. A recruiting drive without a simultaneously increase (and for that mat- ter improvement of the Daily) in the circula- tion of the Daily cannot be considered success- ful. The main purpose of the drive is to turn the face of the Party to the masses and to develop the method and habit of linking up every phase of Party activity with the recruiting of new members. TURN THE CORNER. The Open Leter to the Party Convention states: “The relics of the previous period of its existence form the greatest obstacle in the path it has to travel before it successfully } passes the turning point and develops in the shortest possible time from a numerically small propagandist organization into a mass political Party of the American working class.” And in | another section of the letter the Comintern con- | cretizes it by stating: “The Party can become a mass proletarian Party only on condition that it widens its base by creating its main strong: hold in the ranks of the American native work- ers especially in the most important branches of industry, and also among the Negro work- ers, while at the same time retaining its posi- tion among the revolutionary immigrant work- ers.” The above line of the C. I.—of turning the face of the Party to the masses, widen our base among our native workers in the basic indus- tries, work among the Negroes (which is so | neglected in practically all districts) —this must Ls the political line in the recruiting drive. George Halonen Expelled from the Communist Party of U.S.A. | The Central Control Commission and the Cen- | tral Committee of the Party approved unani- _mously the action of the District Executive Com- mittee of District Nine concerning the expulsion of George Halonen from the Party. ‘| George Halonen has for a long time been op- posed to the political: line of -the Communist |Party and the Communist International. That his fundamental conception was one of social dem- ocracy and not of Communism is now borne out by the fact that he organized a fascist attack upon Party members in Superior. | George Halonen has completed his development from a right wing opportunist within the Party to a white-guard fascist outside in, record time. CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISSION, CENTRAL COMMITTEE, | preparation of the prerequisites for proletar- The “Socialist” Party has discarded all but may soon discard that. + the last rag—the name of “Socialism”—and New Reactionary Civil War and the Prospects ot Revolution in China By N. DOONPING. It (Continued) THE NATURE AND TASKS OF THE REVO- LUTION IN CHINA. wat will be the nature of the coming revo- lution in China? The Sixth Congress of the Communist International has very defi- nitely and correctly answered the question, I can do not better than to quote from the Col- onial Thesis which, I think, is a masterpiece of Marxist-Leninist analysis and presentation. “As in all colonies and semi-colonies, so also in China and India the development of productive forces and the socialization of labor stands at a comparatively low level. This cir- cumstance, together with the fact of foreign dominati- and also the presence of powerful relies 0’ feudalism and pre-capitalist relations, determines the character of the immediate stage of the revolution in these countries. In the revolutionary movement of these countries we have to deal with the bourgeois democratic revolution, i. e., of the stage signifying the ian dictatorship and socialist revolution. Cor- responding to this, the following kinds of tasks can be pointed out, which may be con- sidered as general basic tasks of the bourgeois democratic revolution in the colonies and semi- colonies: “(a) A shifting in the relationship of forces in favor of the proletariat: emancipation of the country from the yoke of imperialism (nation- alization of foreign concessions, railways, banks, etc.) and the establishment of the na- tional unity of the country where this has not yet been attained: overthrow of the power of the exploiting classes at the back of which im- perialism stands; organization of Soviets of workers and peasants and organization of the Red Army; establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry; consolidation of the hegemony of the proletariat. “(b) The carrying through of the agrarian revolution: emancipation of the peasants from all pre-capitalist and colonial conditions of ex- ploitation and bendage; nationalization of the land; radical meas@res for alleviating the posi- | tion of the peasantry with the object of estab- lishing the closest possible economic and poli- tical union betwe2n the town and village. “(c) In correspondence with the further de- velopment of industry, transport, etc., and with the accompanying growth of the proletariat, | the widespread development of trade union or- ganizations of the working class, strengthen- ing of the Communist Party and its conquest of a firm leading position among the toiling masses; the achievement of the 8-hour. work- ing day. “(d) Bstablishment of equal rights for na- tionalities and of sex equality (equal rights for women); separation of the church ‘from the. | state and the abolition of caste distinctions; political education and raising of the general cultural level of the masses in town and coun try, ete. “How far the bourgeois-democratic revolu- tion will be able in practice to realize all its basic tasks, and how far it will be the case that part ofthese tasks will be carried intd effect only by the socialist revolution, will de- pend on the course of the revolutionary move- ment of the workers and peasants and its suc- cesses or defeats in the struggle against the imperialists, feudal lords and the bourgeoisie. In particular, the emancipation of the colony from the imperialist yoke is facilitated by the development of the socialist revolution in the capitalist world and can only be completely guaranteed by the victory of the proletariat in the leading capitalist countries.” (Inprecorr, Vol. 8, No. 88. p. 1665.) THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY AND THE REVOLUTION IN CHINA. Who will be the leader in the coming revo- lution in China? This quéstion can be an- swered categorically. without hesitation or prejudice. The vanguard of the Chinese prole- tariat, the Chinese Communist Party, is the only leader in the present struggles of the Chinese masses and will be the only leader in | the coming revolution. The Kuomintang has | long since turned counter-revolutionary. The reactionary tole of the “left” Kuomintang group or Reorganizationists and the “Third Party” group both of which play the part of national reformist wing of the Kuomintang, is becoming more and more clear to the masses. The possibility of a peasant party leading the revolution is out of the question because, even if we assume that such a party can be success- fully organized in China, it will necessarily step into the camp of reaction when the revolu- tion develops and will never be able to lead the «revolution. The lesson in the case of the Rus- sian Social Revolutionaries should be sufficient to warn the Chinese masses against entertain- ing any illusions regarding a purely peasant party. The Chinese peasants can only win their freedom and liberation under the leader- ship of the proletariat. Only the Chinese Communist Party, the Chinese Section of the Communist International, the only truly revo- Jationary party in China, is leading the Chines masses in their daily struggles now and is orously preparing for the coming revolutionary wave, and only under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party can the Chinese workers and peasants win the fight in the next revolution! THE CHINESE REVOLUTION, THE AMER- ICAN WORKING CLASS, AND THE CHINESE WORKERS IN AMERICA. i War is a continuation of politics. But the r in China is not merely a continuation il or internal politics. Since the Chinese civil war represents preliminary skirmishes be- tween the imperialist powers in the Pacific, it is also a continuation of international polities and an expression of international antagon- isms. The Chinese civil war marks a step for- ward in the onward march of world capitalism to its grave. It is one of the many signs which announce the accentuation of the gen- eral crisis of world capitalism, and the ap- proval of a world war. The working class of the w.-ld, especially the American working class, should not lose sight of this fact. They must not think that the Chinese civil war sig- nifies only a maturing crisis of world capital- ism in China. The same cause that brought about the present economic crisis in America, that is responsible for the revolutionary strug- gles in India, and in Palestine, etc. is also the cause of the civil war in China. The American working class should learn to look at the problems of the world situation as a whole. They should strongly combat the “theory” of exceptionalism which artificially builds a Chinese walk around the “good old U. S. A.” The world edifice of capitalism is crashing and we should consider every crack in its process of coming down as heralding the approaching end of teh whole edifice, rather thar .ierely a sign of the breaking down of n “isolated” part of the building. Il, The connection between the Chinese *revolu- tion and the welfare of the working class of western industrial countries has been dealt with in many publications, and I will not re- peat in detail what should be common knowl- edge to every class conscious worker. Suffice it to point cut® that, by holding China down to a colonial status and by thus seeking to perpetuate semi-feudal conditions in China, the ruling class of the imperialist powers is trying to keep the standard of living of the Chinese workers down to the starvation point, which will inevitably pull down the standard of. liv- ing of the working class in the imperialist countries as well. Herein lies the basis of the community of interest between the workers in the colonial countries and workers in imper- ialist lands. The only complete guarantee of a high standard of living for the workers in imperialist countries lies in a successful reyo- Jution in the colonies and sémi-colonies just as the only complete guarantee for the emanci- pation of the colonies from the imperialist yoke is the victory of the proletariat in the leading capitalist countries. Only through the , con- certed action of all can the workers of both colonial and imperialist countries win a com- plete victory in their fight for emancipation. Mt. What about the Chinese workers in Amer- ica? What part are they playing in the world revulution and the Chinese revolution? The immediate task of the Chinese workers in America, of course, is to fight for every day By SENDER GARLIN. (Continued.) A truckload of books, magazines and papers, seized in raids at the homes of the defendants were introduced in evidence. Among them were the following: (Court Record, Vol. 1, P. 4.) Bust of N. Lenin; Loose-leaf binder, contain- ing account sheets and eards of transfer, and of application for membership in the Workers Party of America; Catalog of Books for Work- ers from “Sources of All Communist Literature,” Daily Worker Publishing Co. “Questions for Study Class,” on two half sheets of yellow paper. Pamphlet entitled, “Communist Mani- festo,” by Carl (sic!) Marx and Frederick En- gels. Box containing celluloid buttons or pins, containing an insignia of crossed hammer and sickle and the letters, words and figures, “US SR, 9th Anniversary; Forward to the Soviet Re- public of the U. S. A.” One package of red crepe paper.” Bundle of newspaper, headed, “Negro Champion.” Photostatic copy of “A Sol- dier Drifts into Red Russia;” Picture of an athletic club in frame, etc. se In addition to the above evidence, the indict- ment alleges that the defendants “did on the day and year aforesaid, in the county aforesa’ and within the jurisdiction of the court, with force and arms did then and there unlawfully, feloniously and wilfully encourage each other and other persons to procure arms, ammunition drill and to overthrow by force of arms and bloodshed and force and show and threat of force, the government of this commonwealth and of the United States, contrary to the form of the Act of the General Assembly in such case made and provided,-and against the peace and dignity of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.” And the witnesses and evidence brought forth by the J. & L. to support this charge were as impressive as the bought up, degenerate pro- cession in countless other trials in American la- bor history. A “Star” Witness. Take Mike Zebich, a J. & L. stoolpigeon. He takes the stand and tells the following fantastic tale, which for perverted ingenuity almost equals the testimony in the legal lynching in Charlotte. Testifies Mr. Mike Zebich (Vol. 1, P. 311): “I went down to a stand to buy myself a morning paper and Pete (Muselin) came down the street and said: ‘Where are you going?’ I said, ‘Going home.’ He said, ‘What are you going to do?’ I said, ‘Going home and read the paper; I have to go to work pretty soon.’ He said, ‘I said, ‘What kind you have?’ He said, ‘The Work- er Party.” He said, ‘You read that paper and join the Workers Party and we will make a man He said, ‘I will tell you: we will get enough men to overthrow the country, and we will put our Labor or Workers Party in for Government demands. Their immediate enemy is, natural- ly, their bosses, the majority of whom are Chinese capitalists. It is generally believed that the Chinese in America are mostly related to each other and that family ties are stronger than class divisions so that it is very difficult to agitate among the Chinese in America. While not underestimating family ties and all other feudal relations and ideologies as ob- stacles ih the way of the class struggle, it should be pointed out here that class conscious- ness among the Chinese workers here is not as difficult to arouse as it is generally sup- posed. A fourteen or sixteen hour day and unusually low wages are strong enough to break any family ties and arouse class con- sciousness among the workers. Contrary to the general belief that they are immune to the class struggle, the Chinese workers in Amer- ica can boast of many strikes since the world war. Ten years ago there was a New York restaurant workers’ strike. Five years ago, the Chinese Workers’ and Artisans’ League in San Francisco conducted a_ strike. these two big strikes, Chinese workers in Los Angeles, Chicago, and Philadelphia all have |, strikes to their credit. Recently, about 800 Chinese laundry workers went on strike in San Francisco for three weeks and won a partial victory. Increasing numbers of militant Chin- ese workers have joined American Revolution- ary Unions organized under the leadership of the T.U.U.L. There are also militant organ- izations of Chinese workers in America such as the Chinese Workers’ Alliance which have been in existence for pretty nearly two years. Under the leadership of the TUUL and fight- ing shoulder to shoulder with the Negro and white workers, the Chinese Workers’ Alliance and individual Chinese workers organized in American revolutionary unions are organizing the Chinese workers in America and leading them in their militant fight against the capi- talist class. The political fight of the Chinese workers in America also has a glorious past to its credit. When Chiang Kai-shek betrayed the Chinese revolution in April, 1927, the Chinese workers here led the fight against Chiang in the Kuo- mintang in America and consolidated the left wing movement in this country. After the Wuhan betrayal of the revolution by Wang Chin-wei and Co., the workers in America openly denounced the renegades, and, realizing that the Kuomintang banner had turned into an emblem of counter-revolution, they dissolved the Kuomintang organizations under their con- trol in many cities and led the petty bourgeois elements who were still sympathizing with the revolution into an independent united front or- ganization: called “The League for the Support of the Workers’, and Peasants’ Revolution in China,”..which is not a party but a mass or- ganization similar: to the Anti-Imperialist League. During all these fights, militant Chinese workers in America were struggling under the guidance of their only party organ- ization, the Communist Party of America. Side by side with their Negro and white com- rades, militant Chinese yorkers in America have already taken-up the fight for the com- mon cause and against the common enemy, the world of capitalism in general and American imperialism in particular. American imperial- ists have their agents in China, in the persons of the Chinese militarists, to fight for their interests, and their right to exploit and enslave the Chinese masses, But the Chinese workers and p its also have their brothers in Amer- ica, in the persons of*Negro, white and yellow workers, to fight for their emancipation and independence, The fight is,international and is going on in all parts of the world! The out- come is certain—the victory eventually belongs to the working class! THE END. and dynamite, to band themselves together, to | have a good paper, you want to have it?’ I| out of you.’ I said, ‘No, I don’t want your paper.’ | T asked him, ‘What are you going to do then?’ | Aside from ‘| By Fred lis | Andrew Mellon, Steel and Sedition and knock that son of a bitch off we got in now.’ I said, ‘You will?’ Then he said, ‘The President is geting two hundred thousand dollars a year, and the poor son of a bitch ought to be knocked off.’’ Q. What else did he say? A. He said if I joined with him and twenty o thirty members and buy the guns and ma- |chine guns and shoot them fellows’ heads off. | @. When you say he said, “That son of a | bitch sugh* to be knocked off,” he was referring to the President? A. Yes; the President and the Governor. Q. He said the President was getting $75,000? A. No, $200,000 a year. But this very obliging witness became a little nettled when the defense lawyer began to dis- ‘robe him under cross-examination: | Q. You are a member of the Croatian Benefit | Society ? A. Yes, sir. Q. There is a factional fight in that Society, j isn’t there? A. . Yes, | Q. Pete Muselin, here, preferred charges | against a member, and you took an active part, in the lodge dispute, didn’t you? | Ae Webs | Q. And at that time you threatened Pete Muselin, and, you said, “I'll get you?” A. No. | Q. You threatened Pete there in that open meeting where you had the trial of this member, acer T te had preferred charges against him? A. I says I am going to kick the-——-out of him and I will as soon as I get a chance. | | soe 8 Significantly enough, the witnesses that fol- lswed Zeich were not even as ‘“1nd.as he. The putrid procession of professional witnesses fol- lowed with testimony of the same transparently lying character. (Included, of course, was the inevita"le Department of Justice agent who qualified as “expert” on Communism.) Few words were said of the serfdom of the workers in the J. & L. plants, of the life-destroying speed- up, of che periodic wage slashes, of the terrify- ing company spy system. Not in North Carolina alone do the bosses fear the agitation of the Communists among the exploited Negro masses, In the South, these Negro workers slave on the cotton and tobacco plantations and before the looms in the textile mills, In the North, and in the Mellon kingdom of Pennsylvania, thousands of them work the ten-hour day before the blazing fur- | naces of the steel mills. And it is for this i precise reason, obviously, that the prosecutor, Mr. Craig, took the trouble to make a pretty point with the jury. (From the Report, Vol. 1, P. 143:) Mr. Craig: “The attention of the jury is di- rected especially to Exhibit No. 41, testified to having been found in Muselin’s place, being a bundle of papers called the ‘Negro Champion,’ official organ of the American Negro. Labor Congress, whose program is: ‘Help the Labor Congress to Organize the Unorganized Against Oppression.’ Also containing a cartoon of large black figures.” (To be continued) Detroit Members Meet Dec. 10 to Take Up Cleveland Challenge | Long before the Recruiting Drive was start- | ed, the Philadelphia District challenged the | Detroit District that they will secure more | members and build more shop nuclei in the coming period. The Detroit District was silent on this challenge thus far and was busy mak- ing preparations for the Recruiting Campaign. The Detroit. Distriet, on the other hand, chal- lenged the Pittsburgh District that we will | secure more members in the basic industries. Now comes the Cleveland District and chal- lenges us that they will secure more members, more subscribers to the Daily Worker, and more shop nuclei. The quotas set by the National Organization Department for the Cleveland and Detroit Dis- tricts are the same—400 new members, 400 additional readers for the Daily Worker, and ten new factory nuclei. On Tuesday, December 10, at 7:30 p. m. we are going to hold a special genera) mem- bership meeting at the New Workers Home, 1343 E, Ferry, at which we will ‘take up the entire evening with the perfection of our plans and the mobilization of the membership for the recruiting drive. December 10th, the date of our membership meeting is the official date for the opening of the drive. Every member must attend. Coxey Wants to Fool Jobless Workers “General” Jacob S. Coxey, who led the so- called Cozey’s army of unemployed to Wash- ington in 1894, is again attempting to act as “the clown of unemployment” for the capital- ists in order to distract the ‘attention of the workers from the real measures to be takey against unemployment ir the growing crisis. Coxey is planning to lead another unemployed army to Washington to talk to Hoover. | | | | Food Prices Paid by Workers ' Rise Food prices were two per cent higher for October than they were last year, says the Bureau of Labor. | | | The workers in the leading industrial cities, | | | in spite of lay-offs and wage cuts must pay more money for their fool, Wheat, hog and beef prices paid to the farmers are rapidly declining. No corresponding cut is being made to the toilers for food. In New York City the rise was three per cent. The greatest rise in costs appear in the industrial cities, Reformist Officials Smash t Strike DURHAM, England (By Mail).—Six hundred miners who struck against non-payment of the minimum wage were tricked back to work after speeches by trade union officials,