The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 2, 1929, Page 4

Published by the Compro Square. New York Cit Addrers and mail all Page Four “Worker By Mu By Ma 8. t Party of the U.S.A RIPTION RAT SUF i! Gin New York only): $8.00 a vear: it (outside of New York)> $6.00 a vear: $3.50 six $4.50 six months: 0 three months 0 three months months; or the Cow The Fight Against Right Wing in the U.S. IMPERIALISM IN MANCHURIA! Cooperatives Statement of the Board of Directors of the Tyomies Regarding Halonen’s Atack. ALONEN’S betrayal, of the revolutionary movement of the working class has trans- formed.itself into an open attack against the revolutionary movement of the working class. The political aims of Halonen are: 1. To sever all relations between the co-operative movement of the workers and farmers from the revolutionary class movement of the workers and’2. Neutrality—the refusal to participate in the every day struggles of the workers. Behind these aims he has covered up his open attack-manoeuvers against the only Revo: lutionary Party of the pfoletariat, which he now has taken up. His aims are the bour-. geoisification of the cooperative movement— an effort to sever the co-operative movement from being an organic part of the class strug- gle His policy is petty-bourgeois independ- ency—independence in words, but dependence on the bourgeoisie in reality. Behind the phraseology of democracy used by Halonen are covered his real aims for con- trol, i, e. the aims for control of a bureau- cratic group, which is not responsible to the working class for its actions. Party Aim in Co-ops. Halonen initiated his attack against the Tyomies and the Party in the name of the Board of Directors, in spite of whether the Board of Directors will accept these state- ments of Halonen or not, and. in spite the fact that he himself is not at all a member of said Board of Directors of the Co-operative Central Exchange. He has claimed the lie hat the Party aims at crushing the co-oper- ative movement. What is the aim of the Party in regards to the co,operative movement? The Party, which in every mater and in every movement fights for. the working class, does not aim at the-crushing of the co-operative movement of the ‘workers, but on the contrary fights for the control of the workers and working farmers in this movement and for the preservation of the co-operative: movement as a class move- ment. to fight for the masses against such ‘petty | bourgeois individuals as Warbasse, Alanne, Halonen and Ronn. The Party fights their bureaucratic clique control and their efforts to bourgeoisify the co-operative movement. The Party fights for destroying such a Chinese wall of isolation, which tends to separate the co-operative movement from the class move- ment. of the working class, a tendency ex- pressing itself in the nesting inside of the co-operative movement of the tendencies of a little petty bourgeois group. The only con- trol-the Communist Party demands is the con- trol of the co-operative movement in behalf | of the class conscious workers and working farmers. In his effort of developing his pety-bour- xeois renegade line and of his betrayal of the interests of the workers into an open attack against the Party, Halonen at first gave out lying circular letters, using at the same time as his. instruments of attack counter-revolu- tionary, renegade sheets—the “Raivaaja” and the “Industrialist.” Then his intention was to publish his: dispicable, lying attack against | the Tyomies and the Party in the name of the Board of Directors of the Co-operative Central Exchange in the November issue of the “Pyra- mid Builder,” the English organ of the Co- operative Central Exchange. When this was discovered the responsible functionaries of the Tyomies and the members of the Board of the Tyomies discussed the matter and decided to take the following day the matter of preventing the attack in the “Pyramid Builder” up in the meeting of the Board of Directors of the Tyomies and thru the Board of the Tyomies to take the matter | up with the Board of the Co-operative Central Exchange. Thus it was believed, the matter will be settled in every respect peacefully and in accordance with the interests of the work- Thus it becomes the duty of the Party | ers. The binding of the “Pyramid was at that time under way, Builder” Right Wing in Night Raid. But Halonen, who way or another had got i hint of the fact, that the Board of the Tyomies together with the Board of the Exchange may demand the exclusion of the attacking article from the “Pyramid Build- er” before this issue was finally mailed, got to work. Witk some of his supporters in the Tyomies and with his agents he had organized from the hange, late in the night he start- ed to carry away this issue of the “Pyramid Builder” from the Tyomies building, where said organ of the Exchange is being printed. This he did with the purpose of preventing the Board of the Tyomies together with the Board of the Exchange from stopping his at- tack against the Party and the Tyomies. When incidentally some Communist work- ers came across and found out that Halonen and Ronn with their aids had penetrated into the printing shop of the °Tyomies and that they had on their own authority begun to carry out the half perfected, issue of the “Pyra- mid Builder,” containing the attack against the Party and the Tyomies, the purpose of the attack being to shatter the ranks of the workers and of the friendly relations existing | between the two concerns of the workers, they some destroyed what was left of the issue of the | “Pyramid Builder.” In such situation these workers acted cor- rectly, thus defending the property of the Tyomies and the right of the Board of the Tyomies to initiate a consultation with the Board of the Exchange for reaching an un- derstanding. They thus prevented from print- ing in a printshop of the workers a counter- | revolutionary article aimed against the inter- ests of the workers. They acted correctly in defending the line of the revolutionary, work- ing class organ, the Tyomies and in defending the honor of the only Revolutionary Party of | the working class, the honor of the Communist Party. But when these workers defended the Tyo- Halonen, Ronn and their | aids suddenly physically attacked the District Organizer of the Party. | mies and the Party, Defend the Tyories. Before the revolutionary Finnish work- ers the Board of the Tyomies protests most vehemently against this fascist attack appeal- ing to the workers to rally to defend the Tyo- mies against the slugging gang organized by Halonen, to defend the revolutionary line of the Tyomies and to fight the counter-revolu- tionary renegades. | The Board of’ the Tyomies has decided to send a committee to take up the attack of | Halonen with the Board of the Co-operative Central Exchange. t The Board of the Tyomies appeals to all members of the workers clubs, co-operatives | and other organizations of the workers urging them to rush in protests against the policy of Halonen and his gangsters and against his attacks and to demand the Board of the Ex- change openly to condemn Halonen’s oppor: tunist line and attacks against the Tyomies and against the defenders of the Party. Thus a proletarian understanding may be reached between the Tyomties and the Co-operative Central Exchange on the basis of a real re’ | lutionary line for the defense of the workers | both political and economical interests. Thus we defend the line of the world wide ; leadership of the proletariat, the line of the Communist International. This ix the state- ment of the Board of Directors of the Tyomies Board of Directors of the Tyomies. (Signed:) Paul Woimala, Wilfried Keskinen, Gust Wil- liams, Hilarius Lepisto, Matti Tenhunen, Axel Kantola, Edwin Rasi. K. A. Suvanto, Editor, Davir Heino, Editor-in- “Punikki.” Chief, Tyomies. stopped the move of Halonen and his aids and | ' PARTY RECRUITING DRIVE By I. AMTER. T= third period of post war capitalism de mands that the workers be mobilized for militant struggle. This denotes to the Party the necessity for entrenching itself not merely in industry as a whole but in the basic indus- tries. The crash in Wall Street is a clear barometer of the economic situation in the United States.. Based upon the idea of con- tinuing high profits, stocks were boosted to a level unprecedented in the history of the coun- try. The industries, however, were gradually slackening. Auto building, construction, steel steadily went downward and the crash came. Unemployment is widespread and will continue to grow. This will mean vicious attacks by the capitalists on the conditions of the workers thus intensifying their militancy. Speed-up, wage, slashes, etc. will lead to mass struggles by the workers agains these conditions and to « broad movement for organization. Face the War Industries. The war danger, which becomes accentti- ated day by day as a result of these conditions and in the face of the fake peace and disarma- ment maneuvers and parleys carried on by the intnerialist governments demands that the entire, Party turn its face toward the heavy industries ‘which fundamentally are war in- dustries. Steel, coal, transportation, chemicals, munitions. oil, these are but a few of the in- dustries in which the Party must drive its roots if the’ workers are to be mobilized and directed against the imperialist activities of the Sovernment. The continual intensification of socialist con- struction in the Soviet Union is a challenge to capitalist economy and this, therefore, is the main motive of the proposed attacks of the imperialist powers upon the Soviet Union. The “flight of “Land of the Soviets” has inspired hundreds of thousands of workers in this coun- try who can be’ mobilized for defense of the Soviet Union. The drive for the organization of the unor- ganized into the new ‘dustrial unions, the fight within the American Federation of Labor to-win over the proletarian elements still in the A. F. L. on the side of militant activity— all of these open a field for recrui! hs x ! membership. The efforts of the socialist party to establish a new third bourgeois party, the leadership of which will be greatly in the hands of the petty bourgeois and even bourgeois ele- ments, make the struggle against reformist or- ganizations and tendencies not only clearer to the masses but also a vital necessity if the illusions still inherent in the working class are to be destroyed. New Members Thru Struggle. | _ The recruiting drive for five thousand mem- bers for the Communist Party is a drive not separated from the general work of the Party. Membership for the Party in the basic in- dustries will be gained chiefly through the struggle of the Party to carry on its funda- mental work of organizing the unorganized and mobilizing them for militant action. Insofar as the Party is able to throw itself into these struggles, it will be able to secure the best elements for membership in our Party. Although the Party does not reject any worker whose sincerity is wnquestioned, never- theless, in building up a Communist Party we must clearly have in mind those elements which will be basic for the revolutionary struggle. namely, the workers in the heavy industrie: Although in the New York District there are large sections of proletarians in the ranks of | the Party, nevertheless the membership as a whole is divorced from the basic industries Proletarianization for the Party means brirging in the workers from the vital industries, and the Party therefore as a whole must throw | itself into this drive. If properly organized and mobilized, there is no question that in New York and New Jersey, and particularly in the latter field where there are so many basic industries, we will be able to secure the | one thousand members that have hen assigned to District 2, Into the factories—fight against the war danger—mobilization of the bes! ele- ments in the new industrial unions and those still in the American Federation of Labor, with | main stress on a concentrated drive for the workers in the heavy industries—these must be our slogans in the membership drive. Never before in the history of the Party har there been such an opportunity for drawing in these elements. The Prrty for the first time’ in its history is a unified Communist Party, | the old political line of counter-revolution. By Fred Ellis / sie ioaene Aa The New Reactionary Civil War and the Prospects of the Revolution in China By N. DOONPIN (Continued) 4. CONCLUSION--THE OUTCOME OF THE CIVIL WAR AND PROSPECTS OF THE REVOLUTION IN CHINA. The New Government Following the Present Ciyil War. AT will be the outcome ef the war? The military aspect of the question does not concern us much we are not interested 11 spec- ulating about the possible victory of either side. If, however, it is a question of the nature of the new government that is likely | to be organized after the war, it is not amiss to say a few words here. It is obvious that whether Chiang Kai-shek wins or loses in the war, the present government will not con- tinue. Should Chiang Kai-shek be victorious, which is not likely, he shall have to distribute the spoils, not according to the shares which the various groups in the present government hold, but according to their services in’ this war and the respective military strength which each group or general is able to keep at the end of the war. Such a government, though necessarily different fron: the present govern- ment in composition, will undoubtedly follow If the Anti-Nanking bloc comes out victorious in the war, or if a comprom brings about a temporary peace without victory to either side, the new government will certainly con- tinue the reactionary policy of the present | Nanking government, with possible alterations | as to the regionai distribution of power and the relative positions that various imperialist powers will hold in the new division. But this government, should it come into being, is very likely to be less stable than its predeces- sor. A glance at the names composing the Anti-Nanking bloc is enough to convince the most optimistic observer of the storms and stress that lie ahead of its voyage. Its wreck- age can fairly accurately be predicted. If it is not wrecked because of its own contradic- tions soon enough, the storm of the revolu- tion will certainly blow it to pieces, and in its place a strong and sturdy ship of Soviet State will surely arise! Present Conditions in the Labor and Peasant Movements in China. —~ But there is another aspect of the question of the outcome of the civil war which fs of the utmost importance. I mean the effect of the war upon the revolution. However, before entering into a discussion of this question, it is necessary to examine the condition and the tendency of development of the mass move- ment at the outbreak of the war. The depression in the labor movement which immediately followed the defeat of the Chinese revolution in 1927 has long since passed away. The Japanese massacre at Tsinan in May, 1928, ushered in a period of recovery, and the workers have shown a growing spirit of mili- tancy ever since the Postal Strike in October, 1928. Comrade Dun Chin-shia, representative of the All-China Labor Federation in the R. I. L. U., and the best authority on the Chinese Trade Union movement, has compiled a statis- tical table of the number of workers taking part in economic strikes at Shanghai, which shows that in 1928, the year following the de- feat of the revolution, there were 230,000 | stvikers as compared with 202,000 strikers in 1926 and 230,000 in 1927. (See the Pan-Pacific Worker, April, 1929.) This means that the number of workers taking part in economic strikes at Shanghai has actually increased in- stead of decreased since the last revolution, Shanghai being the industrial center of China, the facts brought out by the statistics are quite significant. In 1924 the strikes grew in extent both as to area an: trades involved. In the various industrial centers such as Shanghai, Tientsin, and Hongkong, workers of such with the renegades and the opportunists grad- ually being weeded out, with an intensified campaign against the right danger still being waged within our Party. With one slogan, with united efforts, into the factcries of the heavy industries, each district will be able to secure its quota and thus not only build up the Party but build it in the vital sections of the Amer- ican proletariat. Shop nuclei in the basie in- dustries, and for each shop nucleus a shop paper! ~ varied trades as dock workers, seamen, rail- way men, tramway workers, electricians, min- ers, textile workers, store employes, etc., were among the strikers. In Shanghai alone, the number of strikers has varied between 10,000 and 60,000 each month. As for their demands, there is a growing tendency of turning more and more from economic to political demands. Strikes for purely political demands are be- coming more frequent. The political clashes between the workers and the reactionary gov- ernment are developing into street demonstra- tions. On the 30th of May this year, the fourth anniversary of the Shanghai incident, 30,000 came out on demonstration, despite police or- ders to the contrary, and attacked the edi- torial offices of two Kuomintang papers, held up the traffic in several streets, and even made organized efforts to build barricades. In July and on the International Red Day, there were demonstrations at Shanghai, Canton, Wuchang, Tientsin, and Peking. Space does not permit me to cite more facts, but those cited above are sufficient to show the upward surge of the Chinese labor movement which has distinctly entered upon a stage of revival. Coupled with the rapid advance of the work- ers’ movement, the peasant movement is also marching forward, and sometimes, with bursts of sudden fury resembles a volcano in the ini- tial stages of its development. The Moham- medan Peasant uprisings in Kansu are attain- ing tremendous proportions, although the iso- lated position of the province prevents us from getting detailed information on the subject. The semi-mystical organizations of the Chinese villages, such as the “Red Spears,” “Big Swords,” etc, which, although of a backward character, represent genuine peasant organiza- tions fostering revolt, are reviving. Guerilla warfare between various pexsant detachments and governments troops is increasing. The famous detachments. under the leadership of Comrades Chu Te and Mao Tzu-tung, and num- bering several thousand men, are broadening and deepening in agrarian revolution wherever they go. An uprising of 70,000 peasants oc- eurred in Nimpo, the home county of Chiang Kai-shek in Chekiang province, this March. In April, Soviets were established in six vil- lages in Finchung in Kwangtung province as the result of a peasant uprising. Yes, the slogan of the Soviet has actually penetrated into the farthest corners of the villages, es- pecially in South China, The strength of the slogan is already felt. In the coming revolu- tionary wave, this slogan is bound to play a leading role in concretizing and consolidating the victories of the workers and peasants into a Soviet state! The Rising Revolutionary. Wave in China and the Opportunist Right-Wingers. A detailed survey of the mass movements in China would require a much larger space than I have devoted to it in the above para- graphs. But what I have said is sufficient to bring out the fact that; at the outbreak of the present civil war, both the labor and peasant movements had aiready entered upon a very active stage and that offensive fights on the part of the masses took place in many places and were developing both in magnitude and in tensity. No matter whether Chiang Kai-shek or his reactionary rivals win the war, the great- est and most significant outcome of the war will be its effect on the developing mass move- ment in the country. It will undoubtedly fur- ther deepen the economic crisis in the country and bring about a more intensified exploita- tion of the masses, which will, in turn, stir the masses to greater activity and a more de- termined struggle. It will completely destroy the illusion of the masses in regard to the Koumintang and the Chinese Bourgeoisie’s ability to unify and stablize China, and thus it will .bring about a more resolute fight on the part of the masses against the Kuomintang and the Chinese hourgeosie, In a word, the present civil war will certainly deepen the class contradictions in China and hasten the coming of the next revolutionary wave! This, I think, will be the most important effect of the war on the Chinese revolution. This will be. the most significant’ and far-reaching outcome of the war. * Andrew Mellon, Steel’ and Sedition By SENDER GARLIN. | HE iron gates of the Allegheny County Workhouse at Blawnox, will soon close be- hind three militant workers of Woodlawn, Pa. Milan Resetar, Tom Zima and Pete Muselin were arrested on November 11, 1926, under the infamous Flynn Sedition Law. All three have been sentenced to serve five years at hard labor and pay a fine of $500 each. At Blawnox prison, thanks to the contract sys- tem, the exploitation of the three workers will continue unterrupted. The few cents a day which they will “earn” will, however, not be paid them, for it will be applied to their fines. Ilegalizes Communist Part With the refusal of the U. S. Supreme Court to consider the case, thus upholding their convic- tion by implication, membership in the Commu- nist Party and advocacy of its program thus be- comes a crime, punishable by long-term impri- sonment. And when the drive to organize the thousands of unorganized workers in the basic (war) industries of this state begins to take on living form, the sedition act will begin to grind out convictions wholesale, . Woodlawn is 22 miles down the Ohio River from Pittsburgh, and in this feudal domain of the steel trust, 20,000 workers slave in the plants of Jones & Laughlin, before the coke ovens and in the other industries essential in the production of steel. The Jones & Laughlin Corporation, whose workers the three Woodlawn defendants tried to organize and for which crime they must serve five years in prison. is the third largest steel manufacturing company in the United States. It has extensive coal and iron interests. One of its subsidiaries is the Vesta Coal Company in Washington, Pa., which hires 4,000 coal miners; it is viciously open shop, and has built up an in- sidious spy system. What in Hell Do You Want? Step down from the train in Woodlawn, and hostile eyes begin to survey you: the swaggering Pennsylvania cossacks, known officially as Coal anl Iron Police; private dicks of the Jones & McLaughlin Co., and stoolpigeons-at-large. Bring with you a brief case, travelling bag or any other article of a suspicious nature, and these brutal, depraved watch-dogs of the J. & L. will roughly search you to ascertain whether or not you've come to “start trouble,” that is, organize the mill slaves... . $a) The three defendants: Milan Resetar is a steel worker who has also been a butcher and truck driver. barber. Both Resetar and Zima haye worked for the J. & L., Zima for more than 17 years, and all three have been for years in the fight to or- ganize the workers of that company, and all | three are Communists. | _Resetar, tall, raw-boned, vigorous, is 39 years old. Arriving in the United States in 1907 from Austria-Hungary, he soon came to Pittsburgh where some of his fellow-countrymen were work- ing in the steel mills. His first job was as a molder in a foundry, and later, in 1921, he went to work for the J. & L., and after that in the Duquesne Steel Foundry at Corapolis, Pa. Deluded, like Muselin and millions of other workers, by the propaganda of the im- perialist war-mongers, Resetar joined the Allied forces, served at the front, and returned to the a clearer and more bitter understanding of the rea- sons for the slaughter which took the lives of 10,000,000 workers. Returns “Victorious.” In 1922 he joined the Workers Party, and from that time on has taken an active part in the life a Associated Press reported « serious mass riot of rickshaw men which “took place throughout the city” of Peking and lxstea more than three hours. On October 29th, the New York Times correspondent in Shanghai reported that “a body of 5,000 communists descended from the mountains” and captured the city of Bingyuan in Kwangtung. A special Inprekorr telegram to the Daily Worker reported that about 20,000 communists, under the leadership of Chu Te and Mao Tsu-tung, have recently reoccupied Hailufeng in Kwangtung. If we recal) that Hailufeng is the place where the peasant moye- ment is more developed than in any other part of China and that, for more than a year, it was the seat of a soviet government which ruled a large section of yural Kwangtung, the full significance of this development will be clear, These facts, all prove that the effect of the war on the revolution is already felt throughout the country. The opportunists will undoubtedly under- estimate the importance of these facts. They will underestimate the importance of the facts that indicate the rising of a new revolutionary wave just as they overestimated the possibility of the American imperialists and the Chinese bourgeoisie’s ability to bring about unity and stability in China. Right after the fall of Peking and when Chiang Kai-shek was at the height of his power, the opportunists main- tained that an era of peaceful capitalist de- velopment was dawning in China and advocated opportunists tactics of retreat and moderation in the Chinese Communist Party. When the Nanking-Kwangsi war broke out, the oppor- tunists advanced a theory which assigned to Chiang Kai-shek the role of a pure bourgeois, fighting a progressive war against feudal re- action in China, which entirely misrepresented the nature and significance of the war. They would most likely try to apply again this counter-revolutionary and utterly false theory to the explanation of the present war. But facts undoubtedly speak more eloquently and convincingly than the false theories of the op- portunists, and I am confident that enough has happened since the fall of Peking to con- vince the class-conscious revolutionist of the true state of affairs which I try to analyze here. The opportunists are deceiving them- selves by their short-sightedness. At the Tenth Plenum of the Comintern, in July, Comrade Molotov said correctly that “although it is too early to speak of a new revolutionary wave in China, it would be nothing short of contemp- tible liberal short-sightedness to deny the growth of class contradictions in China and the fact that premises are being created for another revolutionary wave.” (Inprecorr Vol. 9, No. 49, p. 1047). Much has happened since last July and subsequent facts have definitely confirmed the truth of Comrade Molotov’s re- marks. Born in contradictions, nurtured by the continuous growth of these contradictions and spurred on by the roaring tide of revolution in India and the tremendous success of socialist construction in the Soviet Union, the new revo- Together With reports of the reactionary civil war in China, news about mass riots and the growing influence of the Communist Party also appear in the press. Un October 22, the lutionary wave in China is rising—rising much more rapidly than the opportunists are willing to believe. Te: be Continued.) Zima is a steel worker. Muselin is a} U. S. after the armistice, gassed and with a) of the organization. He is now a member of the Bureau of the Communist Party of the Pittsburgh District, and on the day when he will be mana~ cled by the U. S. sheriff and dragged off to pri- son, he will be found in the Pittsburgh Party of- fice at work on shop papers and bulletins for distribution among the workers in Woodlawn and Ambridge, across the river. Zima, 48, and the father of four children, is the quiet, resolute, self-sacrificing worker upon which the revolutionary movement will be built in this country, especially in this period of in- creasing attacks by the employers and relentless pel ution and imprisonment of militants every- where. Muselin, 29, a barber, is an effective agi- tator, an attractive personality, and is known to thousands of workers throughout Western Penn- sylvania. The trial of the three workers opened in the Beaver County Court on June 20, 1927, before Judge W. A. McConnel, a judicial puppet of the J, & L. who either didn’t care or lacked the class intelligence to hide his open collaboration with the prosecutor with flowing words and soft gestures. yus, prejudiced, snarling, the judge failed to conform eyen to those archaic “rules” of law and procedure so serviceable to the employing class. “Sure, They’re Guilty The jury was composed of twelve small business men and clerks, who if they were not in the direct hire of the J. & L., nevertheless possessed the labor-hating psychology which would make a conviction a foregone conclusion. The foreman of th Ross, is a boss in the Wyckoff mill in Ambridge, and a leader of the Ku Klux Klan there, “Whenever that fellow sees me,” Milan | Resetar told the writer, “he runs across the {street—and his favorite hiding place is the church.” Add to this the fact that all three defendants are foreign-born, altho working in the U. S. for |many years, and one could predict the outcome of this majestic farce with scientifie accuracy. For one whole week the jury listened to the | evidence.” They then filed into an inner cham- i*-, lit cigars, exchanged some small-talk, and |then returned, faces solemn, with the verdict | of “guilty.” | Who made the raid on the birthday party at |Zima’s house, Nov. 11, 1926, which resulted in the arrests and convictions. Just take a peep at the printed, official record of the court pro- ceedings: Testimony of S. G. Mauk (Vol. 1, P. 105), (Direct Examination by Mr. Craig, prosecutor :) Q. Captain, you are in charge of the police |force of the Jones & Laughlin police, up at Woodlawn? Q. Were you asked by Chief O'Loughlin, of |the Woodlawn police force, to assist him in mak- {ing this raid on the 11th of Noventber? A. Yes, sir. Q. And also detailed some of your men te assist him? A. Yes, sir. (To be continued) Grain Collection Success in Soviet Russia. MOSCOW (By Mail)—Mikoyan, commissioner \for trade, spoke at a meeting held conjointly by the grain supply organizations and the rep- resentatives of the factories. The resolution passed on his report states: “The success of the grain supply organizations in the present year fully confirms the correctness of the line taken by the Party and the govern- |ment with respect to the collection of grain by |means of social and political mass work among | the poor and middle peasantry, and with respect, |to the offensive against the kulaks. Thanks to |the participation of large cadres of Party and | trade union members in grain supply work, and |thanks to the co-work of the poorer rural popu- |lation, it has been possible to oppose the will of |the proletarian state to the attempts of the rich | peasantry to reserve grain. The hopes of the |kulaks of speculating in grain, and undermining planned economics have been destroyed. Another Sign of Fake Disarma- ment. The First Lord of Admiralty, A. W. Alexander, said in the House of Commons in London that | British imperialism has no intention of abandon- | ing its naval bases in the Bermudas and Jamaica. American imperialism regards these naval | bases as directed against it and useful to British | imperialism in a war between the two capitalist powers. The First Lord of the Admiralty assured mem- | bers of the House of Commons that these bases jagainst American capitalism would be maintained. Otis Steel Co. Output Down to 40 Percent. Production in the Otis Steel Co, and Midland Steel Products Co. has droped to 40 percent of capacity. | Threats are being made to reduce wages for |the few workers left on the job. Output is going even lower than.the 40 per- cent at present reported. The Otis Steel Co. bosses, are holding a wage- cut threat over the heads of the workers in order to speed up porduction with less workers. Machine Throws Out Workers | CLEVELAND (By Mail).—An Ohio puddle mill : recently laid off 250 of its working force of 400 | because of the introduction of the robot mechan- Nical puddler. ‘The machine, with the aid of 150 workers, could turn out 500 tons more iron than 400 puddlers and helpers with old devices, could. | Apt Pupils of the “Motherland” The industrial commission of the New South Wales state of the Australian “labor” govern- ment, encouraged by the successful work done for British imperialism by its home-country mocel “labor” government, has reduced the basic wagefin the state to $19 from $21.25. * Sweat More Coal from Miners SPRINGIIELD, Ml. (By Mail).—More min- ers are thrown on the streets through speed- up and wage cuts, but coal production in the Illinois fields is increasing. Some 170 mines produced 4,755,655 tons of coal last month against 4,348,000 a year ago