The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 29, 1929, Page 4

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i by the New Yor Cor Publishing Co. Telephone ks to the Daily Worker k ¢ proda Page Four Fighting Lovestone in the By ALFRED KNUTSON. Agricultural Organizer in on the s orth Dakota) carry st possible campaign x is followers. be const y must posed be nership of the Party as the wo ationary movement. An uncompr enemies of nr ninst them for wantonly burglar and shamelessly disobeying the u red decisions of the entire Commu Interna- eking the destruction of the Communist Party | for insidiously trying to mislead the workers | and the fé , endeavoring to deliver them over to the capitalist | reaction. ormer leaders of our Party are now plain counter- | revolutionaries and no smooth and honeyed phrases can hide their treache: The so-called ‘Revolutionary Age’ is circulated among the Party members out here, i. e., sowing pessimism and dissatisfaction and this slackens up the activities of the Pa: This is, of course, a temporary phenomenon, but it is, nevertheless, of the greatest importance to wage the most stern fight against the influence of Lovestone and his gang at all times. The activities of the Lovestoneites are especially dangerous in view of the right danger facing the Party at the present time. A membership that is not steeled and hardened for the fight against social democratic illusions, against th ogressiveism” of the s led “radical” farmer-labori > type of Ayres and Taylor, a the farm blec “progressiv such as Frazier, Norris, Brookhart, ete., must mercilessly struggle against Lovestone. The fight inst the opportunism of the Lovestone gang m spur us on to fight against opportunism all along the line. In our agrarian work, from the very beginning, there is no question but that we have following a right wing, opportunistic line, We have failed, for instance, to fight sufficiently against the reformist, social demo~ cratic ideology within our ranks, and we have also been weak in ex- posing the role of the so-called “progre m” of the farm bloc, represented by the farm bloc senators and representatives and the well-to-do farmers, the farmer capitalis Until very recently we have completely failed to call attention to the maneuvers of the so-called “left” farmer-laborites, such as Ayres | in South Dakota and Taylor in Montana. Ayres is now openly and viciously fighting our Party. We must expore all these pseudo-progres- sive elements before the farmers in the sharpest manner and also point out more vigorously than ever before the reactionary role of such or- ganizations as the Farmers Union, the Grange, the Farm Bureau, etc. The orientation of our agrarian work must be upon argicultural workers and the poor farmers, the work must be nationalized, and we must begin the organization of a farm workers’ union and a farm tenants’ league under the leadership of our Party. In the past this work has been completely neglected. A new program and a general overhauling of. our agrarian work is imperative. When difficulties pile up for the Party that’s when the enemy chooses to strike. The Agricultural Districts | | at 26.28 Union DAIWOTIK . New York, N. ¥ By Mail (in New York only By Mail | FOOD FOR THE CROWS! Lovestone gang must be fought to a standstill and their influence completely broken. Lovestone and the top leaders of the fenegades still believe they should be the chosen leaders of the Party. They still represent accord- ing to their counter-revolutionary organ, the “majority group,” some- thing which now, quite obviously, is deader than a door nail and never can be resurrected in our Party. The Lovestone renegades have not only violated in the most fla- grant manner the discipline of the Communist International and of the American Party, but it is clear also they are overawed by the apparent strength of capitalism and imperialism, especially American imperialism, that they lack faith in the revolutionary struggles of the workers and the farmers, that they are sadly lacking in the true, pos- itive revolutionary instinct which is an indispensible attribute of the real revolutionary. The ever-increasing struggles of the workers and the farmers will soon effectively dispose of the Lovestoneites. It is our task to follow unswervedly the line of the Communist International and of the Party as laid down, respectively, in the Address and in the C.C. Plenum ‘Thesis, and to fight Lovestoneism and all its works in the most ruthless fashion and to educate and discipline ourselves to build strong Party forces among the workers and the farmers and to prepart, without delay, to lead in the struggles of all the workers against capitalism, war and imperialism, and to get ready to direct the coming great American Revolution. oe | Decision on the Expulsion of Tom Myerscough The Central Control Committee has approved the recommendation of December 5 to expel from the Party Tom Myerscough, former mem- | ber of the C.C., who has now definitely and actively re-aligned himself with the Lovestone group of renegades. Although, upon his return from Moscow (as one of the delega- tion), Myerscough signed a statement of dissociation from Lovestone and of acceptance of C.I. and Party decisions, he showed his true colors, when he refused to speak at an International Red Day meeting in Pittsburgh, when, assigned to special work as Southern organizer | in the mining field, he capitulated in the face of difficulties, and when, in the anthracite district, he caucused with the enemies of the move- ment and neglected to do his work. He left the field again, came to New York, appeared and spoke at Lovestone’s banquet, and wrote a slanderous letter to the Party, which began with a statement to the effect that he has definitely severed his relations with the Party. Thus, Myerscough has returned, if he ever did really leave it, into the swamp of the renegades and enemies of the Comintern and of the Party, and has forfeited his membership in the Party and the right to call himself a Communist. CENTRAL CONTROL COMMITTEE, C.P. of U.S.A. To Avoid Confusion. To the Editor, Daily Worker. Dear Comrade: In one of the recent issues of the Daily there appeared a short statement to the effect that one Harry Eisenman had been expelled from the Young Communist League, District Two, for white chauvinism, ete. I wish to point out that no mistake should be made in confusing the ex-comrade with Comrade Harry Eiseman—the militant Pioneer who is at present in a reformatory because of his activity for the work- ing class. Many comrades have been confused and therefore the point of clarification made. Comradely, GILBERT GREEN. Pioneers Expose Vote on Kellogg “Peace” Pact in N. Y. Schools ; The Young Pioneers of the New)the workers believe that there is not| York District have issued a state- | going to be a war, so they will not ment on the efforts of the school |be prepared to fight against it when | authorities to get all students to it does come. vote for the Kellogg “peace” pact.| “At this time the bosses are pre- The statement, which describes the paring a war faster than ever. They | real reason for this propaganda, fol- are building battleships, and air lows: fleets, so as to be able to kill the “In all the schools in New York, | Workers of other countries. Espe- | and then most likely in other cities, |Cially do the bosses want to attack | the teachers are going to take athe Soviet Union. The Soviet Union vote on the Kellogg “peace” pact, to jis the only country where the work- | poison the minds of the workers’ ¢TS and farmers rule, and that is why | cntidvens |the bosses want to crush it. “It is very important that the |, poe Sopa hide sia eseagd icers’ Ciildcall (know the. truth (poston msde’ the, (pesan «acts. 2Pe bis the Kellogg Pact. What is |‘ Just snother part of their: war ( " |preparations. The Young Pioneers this pact anyway? .. , |¢all upon all workers’ children to “In senee we are ia age Ary |vote against the fake ‘peace’ pact going to bring peace in the world.|when the vote comes up in your Det this. fe Jk © bitod in. to the (cir! soe preparations that the bosses are! “Workers children! Down with the making for the next war. ifake Kellogg Pact! “That is the main purpose of the | “Defend the Soviet Union, fake “peace” pact. It is to make' fatherland of the working class.” | The New Reactionary Civil War and the Prospects of the Revolution in China B y N. DOONPI (Continued) B. THE ANTI-NANKING BLOC. HE anti-Nanking bloc is a very extensive but most heterogeneous combination." It embraces the so-called “left” wingers, or the reorganizationists, the extreme right wingers, or the Kwangsi militar- ists, Feng Yu-hsiang and his clique, and such “inactive” and semi-open adherents as Yen H han of Shansi and Chang Hsueh-liang of Man- churia. Enemies and friends all thrown together, the only basis for a temporary united front is their common hatred for Chiang Kai-shek and his domination of the central government. This bloc has no single leader recognized by all. There is neither a common program nor a unified organization. In the following analysis I will attempt to bring out the social and political content of each group and their respective roles in the present fiasco. THE METAMORPHOSIS OF THE KUOMINTANG ‘LEFT’ WINGERS, Although Feng Yu-hsiang’s name figures large in the press as the most outstanding military leader of the revolt against Nanking, the ideological leader of the anti-Nanking movement taken as a whole is the so-called “Left Wing” or the “Reorganigationist group” of the Kuomintang, headed by the renegades of the last revolution, Wang Chin-wei and Chen Kung-po. It is the most revealing thing to examine the metamorphosis of these petty-bourgeois politicians since those ex- citing days in May, 1925, which marked the beginning of the last revo- lutionary wave in China, I think it is one of the most interesting and instructive objective lessons in history. During the first stage of the revolution immediately after May, 1925, when the workers and peas- ants were just beginning to wake up and the movement was not yet strong enough to be a menace to the Chinese bourgeoisie and landlords, | petty-bourgeois phillistines like Wang Chin-wei and Chen Kung-po shouted at the top of their Jungs for the interests of the oppressed and advocated a workers’ and peasants’ revolution, They played the hero of the masses when the masses were not yet a real danger to the class which they represented. But later, in the Wuhan days in the summer of 1927, when they saw that the influence of the labor move- ment was growing to tremendous proportions and when the agrarian revolution had actually started with landlords being chased away and peasants taking land over for themselves, Wang Chin-wei and Chen Kung-po and Co. took fright. They bitterly criticised the labor unions and peasants’ leagues for having gone “too far” and hurriedly brought out the slogans “slow down the labor and peasant movement,” “protect the land and property of the revolutionary (?) soldiers’ families,” and “protect the interests of merchants and industrialists!” Thus, they unmasked themselves and openly came out as the representatives of the interests of the upper strata of the petty bourgeoisie and the small landlords and, at the same time, they joined hands with the semi-feudal landlords and militarists. Finally, as soon as it became obvious that the workers’ and peasants’ movement could not be checked in a peace- ful way, that the oppressed classes, once aroused from their slumbers and having tasted power, were determined to have power and fight to the finish for their emancipation, Wang Chin-wei, Chen Kung-po and Co. became desperate and immediately betrayed the revolution in the most shameful fashion. The betrayal was complete. From that time on they sank deeper and deeper into the mud of reaction. It is a mat- ter of common knowledge that the Canton Uprising of December, 1927, was bathed in blood under the swords of the combined forces of Chang Fa-kwai (Wang Chi-wei’s military ally) and Li Fu-ling and by the ordert.of the famous Wang Chi-wei himself! The traitors of Wuhan thus came out as the executioners of Canton! Is it conceivable then that such a group can still play any role in the revolution in the future other than that of its executioner? After having taken an active part in crushing the “rear guard fight” of the revolution, Wang Chin-wei and his associates returned to the task of typical reactionary petty-bourgeois politicians, playing the “opposition” to Chiang Kai-shek, begging at the doors of various mili- tarists for a chance “to serve,” while at the same time publishing maga- zines and papers again trying to foo] the masses and bidding for their support by talking about the interests of the “people.” But this time they were more cautious. Instead of talking of the interests of the peasants and workers alone, they now added the urban petty-bourgeoisie. As for the land question, they merely reiterated the vague slogan of Sun Yat-sen of “equalizing of rights in land” without proposing con- crete measures for its realization, They openly rejected the revolu- tionary methods of direct action and mass uprisings and advocated change by peaceful reform. Their hostile attitude toward the Com- munists and the Soviet Union was becoming increasingly vicious ever since the Wuhan days. But their deeds were even worse ‘than their words. They worked in-the labor unions with the purpose of betraying them and sidetracking the workers. ‘They accepted bribes from various militarists, engineered civil wars, thus trying to get back into the political arena for a share of the spoils. Ever since the Nanking-Kwangsi war, Wang Chin-wei, Chen Kung- po and Co. intensified their activities and succeeded in capturing a large number of the local branches of the Kuomintang. With these organiza- tions as their stock in trade they bargained with various militarist groups, and took a leading part in engineering the organization of the Anti-Nanking bloc. The composition of this bloc which is now playing the “rebel” against Chiang Kai-shek is most amazing. It ranges from the extreme right wing, the Kwangsi militarists, to the so-called “left,” “iron-side” general, Chang Fa-kwei. The manifesto, bearing the names of Wang Chin-wei, Chen Kung-po and ten other members of the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang, which declared war against Chiang Kai-shek, is a most revealing document—revealing in the sense that it reveals more of Wang Chin-wei than of Chiang Kai-shek. contains ten points, five of which accuse Chiang Kai-shek of corrup- tion, employing only his relatives and friends, embezzlement and mis- appropriation of public funds; two of which expose Chiang’s weak for- eign policies; another two of which protest against Chiang’s despotism and packing the Third Kuomintang Congress with his own men; and one of which objects to Chiang’s “illegal murders and ruthless property confiscations against opponents!” (Emphasis by R, D.) Of course, all these accusations against Chiang Kai-shek are true, but not a word about the rights and interests of the workers and peasants which Chiang Kai-sheks regime trampled to the ground! Not a word against the white terror which took the lives of more than half a million work- ers and peasants but merely an objection to “illegal murders and ruth- less property confiscations!”—-a mere protest of the rival militarist generals and officials whose property Chiang Kai-shek confiscated!’ No wonder the correspondent of the London Observer speaks of the mani- festo as “not an uncommon manifesto in Chinese politics.” It is.a typi- cal document of a Chinese militarist, worthy of a Wu-Pei-fu or a Chang Tso-ling. It marks the final step in the complete metamorphosis of Wang Chin-wei, Chen Kung-po and Co. from petty-bourgeois philistines into stark reactionary politicians, open and shameless tools of the semi- feudal militarists and imperialists. I dwell so much on Wang Chin-wei and his associates because, ow- ing to the fact that they succeeded so well in deceiving the masses and enjoyed so much popularity among the workers and peasants prior to the Wuhan days, it is probably that some may still entertain illusions about them. Such illusions are not difficult to dispel once the facts are known. As for Chang Fa-kwei, the so-called general of “Ironsides,” he is nothing more than a military chief of the Wang Chin-wei clique. No further analysis of him is necessary except to point out that his army is no more the old “Ironsides” but merely a collective of mercenaries, declassed peasants and beggars, entirely devoid of the discipline and revolutionary zeal of the old “Ironsides” of the first Northern Expedi-. tion days which were put under his command. Almost all of the old “Tvonsides” either died. in the first Northern Expedition or were later massacred by reactionary generals including Chang Fa-kwei himself. The few survivors that are left are now fighting under the banner of the Chinese Red Army. THE “THIRD PARTY” GROUP. Another little group of petty-bourgeois phillistines which ‘claims to be even more “left” than Wang Chin-wei, is still busying itself with organizing a petty-bourgeois party with a pretentious friendliness for the workers. I refer to the pitiful efforts of the “third party” group which is led by Madame Sun Yat-sen, the former General Dun Yen-da, Eugene Chen, the famous foreign minister of the Wuhan government, and Tan Ping-shan, the Communist renegade, the classical representa- tive of opportunism. These four horsemen of Chinese social reformism are thinking of naming their party “The Chinese Revolutionary Party” whose program will be somewhat of the same nature as the platform of the Russian “Social Revolutionists” (better known as the SRs). They are opposed to both Chiang Kai-shek and the Reorganizationists. They proclaim themselves to be true disciples of Sun Yat-sen and profess to remain faithful to his principles. But the name of Sun Yat-sen lost its magic powér as soon as it was converted into a symbol of counter- revolution by the Kuomintang. It has rather become a danger signa) which warns the workers and peasants away from it. With Sun Yat- sen as its prophet and the SR as its model, the pitiful baby party cer- tainly ‘has a bad start! So far it is still in the stage of formation; it has not yet any mass following but only a small number of petty- bourgeois intellectuals and disheartened revolutionists in its ranks. J think it will never get a mass following and has very little chance of growing into a fully developed party. The role of the social-fascists in China is already filled by the Reorganizationists; there is very little chance for a new party to occupy the same position except as a pos- sible successor. The fact that it has not yet found a militarist to serve and to attach itself to shows that its special brand of reformism is not yet in demand, which means that it has very little chance of making its debut, at least not in the near future. (To be continued) (outside of New York): | $600 a vear; By Fred Ellis | The ION RATES: $4.50 six months $3.50 six months a sths onths Left Communists and | South By HUGO OEHLER. HE organization of the workers in the basic industries of the South, and unskilled and semi-skilled black and white worker: is an immediate task of the revolutionary movement of America, The activity of the National Textile Workers Union in the South and the formation of the Trade Union Unity League, with the last, Plenum of the Communist Party giving the South special attention, Indicates that they know what needed. How to do this is another question and must be the question answered with increased activity and greater organizational step’ already outlined by the revolutidnary movement. Will the revolutionists organize the South, or will the forces of the bosses and the A.F.L. organize the South? Or will the bosses continue on the open shop basis? The question in essence is not three fold. It is a struggle be- tween the revolutionary forces and the capitalists, including their agent the A.F.L., because the A.F.L. and the progressives will establish com~ pany unions of the bosses as their front line for the vast open shy > Wing Will Organize the ' (I in the rear. ) ade The A.F.L. and its organization plan in the South can best be characterized in the words of A.F.L. Organizer McGrady who will lead the drive. McGrady says: “Our campaign in its very detail will be orderly and if I am not sadly mistaken the mill owners of the Caro- linas will prove to be our best frienc This does not mean that we revolutionaries conduct all our activity in the new industrial union. Activity within the A.F.L. of the Muste fake progressives must be utilized by us to fight against these fakers, but the main emphasis must be laid on the side of the building of'a new union. With the main emphas' n the new unions and at the same |” time uniting behind us an opp on within the A.F.L. in the South we can easily take the hegemony of the class struggle of the Southern workers in their struggle against the capitalists for better conditions. A LITTLE DIFFERENCE. Before the A.F.L. gets the drive under way the divisions within § the A.F.L. on policies are to the fore. James F. Barrett, former pres- ident of the North Carolina State Federation of Labor and war-time | government faker sends an open letter to Green, that has wide pub- | licity in the Southern capitalist press, informing Green that this is no time to organize, that the campaign is bound to meet with failure and he advises against the move. As the main factor for the defeat | and the inopportune time Barrett in his last letter says the following: “Now that the National Textile Union is here, an organization | admitting its affiliation with the Communist Party, a fight to the fin- 7 ish is on. The South is determined to whip this un-American moye- ment, and none arg more determined in this purpose than the textile workers themselves. There is no power on earth that can keep your own organization from becoming confused with that of the Commu- nistie group, and in the heat of battle waged against the National Textile Union, the American Federation of Labor will receive into its body much of the opposition directed against the Communistic grou The people in the South so despise the Communistic activities amor |. the textile workers that the activities of your group cannot ate the consequences in this confused, three-cornered battle.” PLENTY WRONG WITH IT. This letter is not the sentiment of the official A.F.L. rank and file members in the South nor is his statement about the workers fight- ing the N.T.W.U. to the finish correct. This letter is the sentiment of the open shoppers, of those business men who are still the majority in the South who have not been reconciled to the agents of their own U.T.W. capitalism. The bosses despise the activity of the National Textile Workers Union but the textile workers are forming new locals wherever we send our organizers. The class struggle has taken a higher form of open conflict and these A.F.L. fakers try to cover it over. On the one hand the bosses don’t want any unions. The glorious past seems to be fading. And on the other hand if they don’t try some new weapons the workers will be organized into industrial unions with revolutionary leadership. They have murdered and jailed work- ers and are continuing their terror but the workers follow the T.U.U.L, and march on any way so a section of the bosses and especially the political minded groups of America are willing “to compromise,” even if the Southern bosses don’t want to. They have a “sound and safe” union in place of the T.U.U.L. unions. McGrady and Barrett are | ferent spokes of the same wheel and are voicing the differences the bosses’ interests, one, McGrady, the clever faker who represen} the Northern capitalist in the fight against the Communists, and Bar- rett, a spokesman for the Southern capitalist who will still be forced to take lessons from his Northern brother. If the revolutionary movement increases its activity in all branches om . of the Southern industry in all sections of the working class, the com- bined forces of the capitalists will be unable to check the growth oft our militant industrial unions. Lessons of Czecho-Slovak Elections. (From the “Pravda”) HE October election in Czecho-Slovakia disclosed that the total vote cast showed the number given to the-Communist Party decreased from the last election about 190,000. It is possible that a part of these were lost as a result of the fierce terror of the government, which practically deprived the Com- munist Party of the right to call meetings and participate in pre- election agitation. Basically, a certain loss of votes is explained by the fact that in the inner situation of the Party there occurred a con- tinuous series of crises which, for a period of years, shook the Party to its foundation. The rapid leftward move of the masses in Czecho-Slovakia in recent years demanded from the leadership of the Communist Party, flexible and resolute tactics and the ability to direct proletarian ac- tivity into revolutionary class channels. But in the Communist Party, as a result of a number of circumstances, there were strong opportunist tendencies. : The opportunists played a leading role in the Central Committee | of the Party and in the leadership of the Red trade unions. They followed a line which led away from decisive class struggles and led — the proletariat closer to the social democracy. These tactics led tofR ” number of working class defeats in oper conflict, and brought di t appointment and discouragement into the ranks of the workers. The attempts of the opportunists to split the Red trade unions (the famous adventure of Hais) also weakened the confidence of certain sections of the working class in the Party, which was repre- sented by the liquidators of the type of Jilek. § After a fierce struggle, the Party succeeded in cleansing its lead- — ership of all open and concealed traitors to the proletarian revolution. The liquidators replied to this party cleansing with a long campaign of slander and lies against the Communist Party of Czecho Slovakia ~ and the Communist International. They did everything possible to disorganize the ranks of the Party, to break away the vacillating elements of the proletariat from the Party and to poison them with social democratic ideas. The election campaign completely exposes the true face of this group of renegades from Communism. In the elections: these rene- , gades openly called upon the workers to vote for the social democrats, | —namely, for the political party which is notorious in Czecho-Slovakia for its openly treacherous policy and ripening fascism that is penetrat- ing a number of other parties of the Second International. There is no doubt but that this election was the political burial of the liquidators ) and renegades. ) The great achievements that could be made with a correct policy is evident by the results in northern Czecho-Slovakia. These districts, where the Communists carried out a clear revolutionary line ar actually gave a fighting leadership to the working masses, gave @) increased number of votes to the Communist Party. Especially wa‘ this shown where the mining strike is going on under leadership of the Party. This fact shows with absolute exactitude the real cause of the present unsuccessful results to the Party in the Czecho-Slovakian elec- tions. This also gives a clear indication of the correct line that the Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia must follow in order to com- pletely free itself from all remnants of opportunism and make of itself the fighting leader in the coming fresh struggles of the Czecho- Slovakian proletariat.

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