The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 25, 1929, Page 4

ne Stuyves: age Four eler PARTY RECRUITING DRIVE of Pp A The Role tions in Language Frac- arty Recruiting Drive By MARIO ALPI. Ww y on acquired great im- f radicalization of large masses the boss offensive, tical character.) It is s and the consequent upward trend ie capitalist countries, not ex- , following the line of the Com- ive and aggressive struggle the United States are be- ore dec masses ¢ enize heir vanguard. The Party today is being d A only by the native workers but also by I he An n proletariat composed of immigrant ers cially which on account of their position in E ‘ igrated workers joined sty inspired by the vie- that period, the Finnish, Hun- in the years 1919-1922 in their re- that period of acute crisis of the capi- th s of immigrated workers whi then coming into being ations became widely upon 182 n We The crisis of the capitalist system, even during the second period, the period of relative repercussions on the immi- grant workers. With n of immigration, the tendency of foreign m. s I that vecoming more closely true that the immigrant work- moral bond with their fellow workers the ocean. This leads in the best n, that follows with passion the bound with ers still feel in the country instances American workers row to ¢ internati active struggles going on over there, but in most instances it keeps up a sort of narrow natior indering Americanization. Nevertheless, due mainly to the immigration restrictions as stated above, the immigrated masses are becoming st and more firmly united with the native workers. isis of the capitalist sys- aracte by a deepening of this zation process and unbelievable in- lass struggle is again on the upward trend, and in this struggle the immigrated masses fight more and more closely bound up with the American proletariat. In the factories and mine the workers of every ionality and language are consciously partici- pating to an unprecedented extent in the fight against the common enemy, capitali tem, the th’ crisis, on the ba: tensificatic The most symbol of the unification of all sections of the American proletariat, has been the Cleveland Congress. Today we witness the motion not only of the: native masses, but also of the im- migrated masses, of the unorganized masses composed mainly of for- eign-born workers witness ever more their shoulder to shoulde struggle not only capitalism itself but also against the authorit of the bourgeois inst the yellow trade union fakers. This on- coming unity of the ariat, above the flimsy barr’ race and nationality, signifies that the immigrant groups are throwing overboard the mentality of considering themselves as inferior and di vided from the native workers who were in a privileged position which is now disappearing, and begin to understand the trick played upon them by the capitalist class, which, by preaching about inferiority of nationalities and rac kept them divided from the rest of the Amer- ican proletariat and to extract from them super-profits. ant The masses of immigrant workers are mainly employed in the ic industries such as mines, steel works, textile centers of the North, automobile factori shoe factories, needle industries, etc. The per- centage of immigrated workers in heavy industry is still high. Many of these immigrant wo , where they live more promiscu- ously with the old native population, Americanized themselves to a great extent while the young generations are completely Amer d. But there are, particularly within the mining industry, textile industry, ete., where for the conditions of work the workers are*more compact, live united, many immigrant workers who are partly still separate from the American proletariat. It is precis find a whole tives which bear the ¢ are still further 2 regions from where the With the liquidation of language federations, the Party has made tep forward in the direction unification of its forces, in on of Americanizatic With the clear t set lately for ‘tion 2 which are auxiliary and coordinated ly among these masses of immigrant workers that we es of sick and death benefit organizations and coopera- aracteristics of their native countries and which 1 from each other according to the cities and come. great of at direct the ac to the F more rd are being made in the direction of Americanization of the Party he role of the language fractions, as it has been set at present, is of greatest importance not only for the unification of the Party forces, but also for the unification of its language press which is read by more than one hundred fifty thousands of workers of different languages, which is also an indication of the great influence of our Party on that part of the American yroletariat and is an indication of the great role they will play in the unification of the working masses under the leadership of the Communist Party and the T. U. U. L. Through the language fractions a whole series of Finnish, Jewish, Hungarian, Italian, Jugoslav, Polish, ete., organiza- tions to which belong hundreds of thousands of workers, are under the Party’s This means that through language organizations the Party influences also large sections of the native proletariat. One of the main faults of the Party in regard to the immigrant workers, to the language organizations in sympathy with the Commu- influence. o the Daily Worker. 26-25 at 2 Gniow DAIWO York t $l N.Y ntral Organ of the Commu By Mait (in' New By Mail courtside York only): $8 of New York) SUBSCRIPTION TES: 0 six months $350 six months RA 00 a vear $4 three months $600 a vear: ist Party of the U.S A FOREWORD. For all who have an interest in the tremendous events now shak- ing China directly involving one-fourth of the entire human race, understanding. The Chinese Revolution, which shook the entire world of imperialism in 19 7, is gathering its forces for a new upward swing which will have deeper and more lashing effects both upon the life of the Chinese masses and upon the rest of the world. In this booklet will be found the key to an understanding of the current events, and the forces behind them, in China, which are a prelude to a new period of revolutionary development. Those followed the development of the Kuomintang, from its period of revolutionary anti-imperialist struggle when it was allied with the Chinese Communist Party and received the fraternal support of the Soviet Union (1924-1927), to its breakdown in July, 1927 and its surrender to the imperia and on to the present day when this Kuomintang has become nothing but a tool in the hands of various foreign imperialist powers, will find in the following pages the key to the understanding of the es which made inevitable this evolution of the Kuomintang The events of 19. the betrayal of the Revolution, was described in a booklet (“Civil War in China,” published by Labor who have 8, for period of the Unity, 1927), in the form of the notes of an American participant in some of the events of that time. .As the author of that descriptive pamphlet, which dealt with the treacherous events at the time they vere happening, I wish to recommend the present hooklet as the best analysis of these events and thier consequences which has yet appeared in the English language. It is a permanent contribution to the political literature the Chinese Revolution, As such it is a contibution to the worle r le to overthrow the rule of imperialism November 21, EARL BROWDER, A Marxist Analysis By R. DOONPING. CONTENTS OF THE SERTES. 1, Introduet No Stability and Peaceful Development for China emi-feudal Bourgeois Regime. nomic Rasis of the Militarist Regime and Civil Wars in China. False Bourgeois Interpretations. The Social and Political Content and Present Alignment of Reac- tionary Forces and the New Civil War in China. A. The Chiang Clique and the Nanking Regime. ae Shanghai National Bourgeoisie and the Chiang Kai-shek Clique. under a 2 Ee nist movement is that in the language organizations the percentage of Party members is very low, which is also one of the reasons for too many opportunist deviations, misunderstandings, etc. In this recruiting campaign besides attracting to our ranks the greatest number of native workers it is extremely important that we bring also to our ranks a greater number of the most class-conscious, most militant members of the language organizations ( ick and death benefit societies, cooperatives, educational clubs, etc.) which are under our influence, and recruit also as many militant language workers from within the new unions as possible. This work the language fractions have to do. They form the links that keep the immigrant masses close to the Party. With the increas- ing of Party members of different languages the Party will not only increase its influence among these masses of the American proletariat, but the fractions will be in a position to accomplish their tasks more easily within various language organizations and guide them more effectively along the class line. With an increased number of language members the voice of the Communist Party, of the TUUL, of the ILD, ete., can be brought more effectively within the language organizations and this will help to destroy their race and national prejudices, their provincial mentality and will be of a great help in the further amalga- mation of the immigrant workers with the proletariat of United States, will create the feeling among the language workers that they are an essential part of American proletariat and that a united, vigorous strug- gle of all workers against capitalism is necessary. Through this work the language fractions will increase the number of their active members which will greatly help to further develop and support the language press of the Party and, besides, the Communist Party of the United States can better bring its relief work to the brother Parties, especially in those count where fascism is in power, the Party here can effectively assist in mobilizing the proletariat of Italy, dJugoslavia, Hungary, Finland, ete., the public opinion of the American proletariat can more effectively be mobilized on the line of struggle against incipient fascism, against social fascism in the United States. At work, therefore, according to the slogans and instructions of the membership drive, to prepare our Party for harder tasks, for more stubborn struggles now approaching in all capitalist countries, not excluding the United States, and especially in regard to the danger of new imperialist wars. Prepare for coming struggles that will bring the world proletariat towards new vietories for the proletarian world ; revolution. ' Chiang Kai-shek and American Imperialism. The Nanking Regime. The Anti-Nanking Bloc. The Metamorphosis of the Kuomintang “Left” Wingers. The “Third Party” Group. Chang Hsueh-liang and the Kwangsi Militarists. Feng Yu-Hsiang, the “Christian General.” Yen Hsi-shan, the “Model” Governor of Shansi. Conelusion.—The Outcome of the Civil War and Prospects of the Revolu in China. The New Government Following the Present Civil War. Present Conditions in the Labor and Peasant Movements in China. The Rising Revolutionary Wave in China and the Oppor- tunist Right Wingers. The Nature and Tasks of the Coming Revolution in China. The Leader in the Coming Revolution in Chinas The Chinese Revolution, the American Working Class, and the Chinese Workers in America. INTRODUCTION—NO STABILITY AND PEACEFUL DEVELOP- MENT FOR CHINA UNDER A SEMI-FEUDAL BOURGEOIS REGIME, 1. Less than two years since the so-calle] “unification” of China by the Kuomintang, a second civil war of reaction is raging in China. The roaring guns of the rival militarist groups are again reminding the world of the existence of grave contradictions in China, unsolved and in- soluble by the semi-feudal and bourgeois regime. Anybody with a true Marxist understanding of the Chinese situation knew even at the height of the short period of peace which Chang Kai-shek’s regime enjoyed that it could pever last long. It was not surprising that soon after the fall of Peking which Chiang Kai-shek declared as the beginning of the reconstruction period, the Nanking Kwangsi war broke out. This war, which was a clear expression of Anglo-Japanese and American antagon- isms in the Far East and an inevitable result of the conflicting and irre- conciliable interests of the different ruling groups of the bourgeoisie and semi-feudal landlords, ended in temporary victory for Chiang Kai- shek. In this fight, Chiang Kai-shek, although doubtless acting as agent of American imperialism, was not a pure representative of the Chinese FIGHT BACK THE HOOVER-GREEN WAGE-CUT PLAN! ‘The New Reactionary Civil War and the Prospects of the Revolution in China this series of articles is an indispensible source of inférmation and | |. ers dropped out of production because of efficiency methods, rational- | By Fred Ellis bourgeoisie. The Chinese bourgeoisie, not being an mdependent force, has no pure champion in China. Chiang Kai-shek’s Nanking regime thus represented only a temporary combination of the bourgeoisie, par- | ticularly the Shanghai bourgeoisie, and a section of the feudal land- | lords of South China. Thus it was foolish to consider the victory of | Chiang Kai-shek in the Nanking-Kwangsi war as the victory of the Chinese bourgeoisie which, as many asserted, would have opened up a vista of peaceful capitalist development for China with the help of American finance capital. It is equally foolish to assume that the de- feat of the Kwangsi clique meant the defeat of British imperialism and hence its retreat from China. The short period of peace that followed the conflict was pregnant with troubles. British imperialism was busily looking for another tool or strengthening the old one, and the rival mili- tarists, reflecting the conflict between the different strata and group- ings of the ruling classes, were hastily preparing for a new trial of strength. . The Disbandment Conference which made such a loud noise and caused many easily deluded people to believe in its effectiveness. repre- sented merely a process of bargaining between the different militarists, a step in the preparation for a new wat. But as soon as the conference ended, rumors sifted through the most closely censored press and «he var cloud gathered fast. Politicians were still talking ahon' the sibilities of a peaceful develpment, but even the most credulous began to doubt. Soon the truth unfolded itself. War was declared on Chiang Kai-shek by Chang Fa Kwai on September 26 and with the combined advance of the Kwangsi clique and Chang Fa Kw: forces from the South and Peng Yu Hsiang’s Kuominchun from the North against Chiang Kai-shek, the second civil war of reaction in two s has ac- tually begun. Thus history has again confirmed the infallible truth of the Marxist dictum that the Chinese bourgeois feudal regime can never solve the contradictions and unify China. Only a Soviet government of the workers and peasants of China can basically solve the Chinese ques- tion, unify the country and put it on the road of peaceful and upward development! (To be continued) HOOVER “PROSPERITY” BECOMES WIDE UNEMPLOYMENT. | By HARRY GANNES. | | Harry Laidler, yellow “socialist” propagandist of the League for Industrial Democracy, publishes tke fact that there are at the present day over 2,400,000 unemployed American workers on the streets, work- ization. i It is true that for the past five years, especially, thousands of proletarians have been thrown out of work by mechanical improve- ments. Every capitalist propaganda agency in the country endeavored | to widespread the belief that this unemployment was temporary. | “Yes,” they said, “workers are being thrown out of jobs, but they { will soon be brought into production again by the growing opportunities resulting from a more efficient factory system.” The leaders of the American Federation of Labor aided the capi- talists in speeding up the produciton of the individual worker, and connived at cutting down on the number of workers employed. Now the nature of unemployment is rapidly changing—in fact, has changed during the past four or five months. Workers are being laid off because of plant shut-downs, and because of definite curtail- ment of production. In the Pittsburgh district, unemployment is already severe. A dispatch to a New York capitalist paper says that were it not for a few municipal projects there the unemployment situation would be acute The Pittsburgh steel industry is now running at between 65 and 70 per cent of capacity. The Journal of Commerce says this will be cut down in the next few months. | The automobile industry is suffering from Jepression. All related industries feel the pinch and re slashing their working forces. In Schenectady, N. Y., the General Electric plant, normally em- ploying 28,000 workers is laying them off by the thousands—not at all because of technical improvements. Between 6,000 and 7,000 work- ers already have been fired. Thirty thousand wage slaves have been retired from production in Yetroit. No improvements were made in the belt system; simply, there is no market for cars and the plants reduce output. Within the past three weeks moye than 20 per cent of the workers in the Packard plant were laid off. In Chicago the Majestic Radio plant discharged the majority of its forge. What about the most favored child % American imperialism, the building construction field? Nationally there has been a drop of 7 to 8 per cent in all building construction. This is Hoover’s trump card in the economic game he is playing. A little over one year ago he boasted very much about his $3,000,000,000 building program which would easily pull U. S. imperialism out of any slumps—which were THE CITY.----"--- OF BREAD Reprinted, by permission, from “The City of Bread” by Alexander Neweroff, published and copyrighted by Doubleday—-Doran, New York, PRANSLATED FROW THE RUSSIAN (Continued.) Out of the crowd that had gathered about the player, a young mujik suddenly leaped, swiftly cleared a circle, struck the ground with his cap, stamped his foot on its Mordovsky sandal, and called out gaily to the harmonica player: “Louder, louder, louder!” ~ Then he shouted to the crowd: “Stand back, comrades! We'll dance down hunger! Nikolai, one good dance before we die—it won’t be long...” The harmonica began to play the Komarinsky. The mujik struck his palms together, curved, twisted, squatted, shot out his legs, danced backward on his heels, whirled around on his toes, let out a wild yell, fell on the ground and turning head over heels, danced on with legs spread wide apart. “Hey, hey there, you sonofabitch, you Komarinsky mujik, why, why do you let your head hang?” The harmonica played, the young mujik danced on, and from the railroad tracks they came carrying a women who had been run over, streaming with blood. Had she fallen accidently beneath the wheels of the engine? Had she thrown herself under them in her agony and hunger? No one knew. No one asked. Mishka could only see the head, with its long unbound hair. It hung down like the head of a slaughtered sheep, and dread and sharp pity for the woman, bitter and unchildlike, gripped Mishka’s heart. In the feeble light of the lanterns he wandered around disconso- lately, bewildered hy new thoughts and feelings. And everywhere he saw the same black, weary, endless suffering: women weeping, children wailing, mujiks cursing savagely—and still no engine came out of the station yard. Mishka was tired, sleep weighed on him heavily, but he did not lie down. If he fell asleep, he would be left behind again at the station. And the night went by, and morning looked at hi mwith its bleary eyes. And the night went by, and morning looked Kondratyev was nowhere to be seen. “Could he have lied to me?” “Could he have gone off alone?” The railroad cars stood there in long rows. Within, the people still slept. There was no one you could ask; and Mishka did not even know whether these were the same cars or others that had come in during the night. He was freightened and angry wtih himself. He might go on and on, he would never get to Tashkent—never. He would surely perish somewhere on the way, he was always unfortunate, always and always making blunders. He should have waited right here, on this spot, but he had to go off and listen to the harmonica playing. “Oh you fool, you fool!” Red sunrise spread over the sky behind the station, and Mishka’s grief weighed down his heart as if he was going to die. He wanted to ery, tear out his hair; but just then, out of the station yard came the engine, rested up and puffing away cheerfully through its chimney, bellowing in the morning stillness, and Mishka’s heart jumped for joy like a spatrow: Come on, at him with its bleary “Tt’s coming, the darling, it’s coming! Mishka jumped aside so as not to be crushed by the wheels. Out of the little window of the locomotive Comrade Kondratyev looked, with yesterday’s pipe between his teeth. He caught sight of Mishka and shouted something, but Mishka could not hear what it was. He raced along the railroad ties after the engine. The engine shunted on to another track, then backed up to the cars, banged into them, and came to a stop. Again Comrade Kondratyev called to Mishka, who was panting along after them: “Nu, Michaila, shal], we go now?” Mishka’s whole body quivered with delight, but he couldn't find the words to express it. He straightened his cap, scratched the back of his neck, and announced loudly: é “T didn’t sleep a wink all night!” Comrade Kondratyev laughed: “You’re"a fine fellow, I know. Jump up, quick, or T’ll go without At that moment Mishka was the happiest person in all the world. Once again, as at the other stations, the mujiks, the women, rushed around, shouted, wept, pleaded to be allowed on the train. And he sat there peacefully in his corner on the floor; yes, and not just any- where, but on the engine; and he didn’t just sit there but smiled and joked with the others all the time. He rememberd Serioshka and Tro- fim, and thought: “Ech, if only they could see me nov Comrade Kondratyev pulled a lever, and the station buildings he- gan to run slowly by. Mishka could not keep still any longer. He crept out of his corner and proudly and happily and at peace with all the world, he peeped out of the little engine door. He saw two mujiks running along with the engine, a woman with a child, a Red Army soldier with a gun, he heard sobbing. . . The station lanterns began to run by faster, and trees, old cars without wheels, swaddling clothes hung out on cars to dry, woodpiles, carts, planks—and then the laughing blue steppe came up to meet them. Now lakes appeared along green reeds, mountains, rocks, sand. Mishka watched it all with eager, sparkling eyes; and in his thoughts he thanked Comrade Kondratyev for taking him along with him, like his own son. And Comrade Kondratyev, reading Mishka’s happiness in his sparkling eyes, inquired: “Nu, Michaila, how are things going with us now?” “Pine!” “Soon we'll be in Tashkent “How many more days is it?” “If we don’t make many stops. a day and a night, and then in the morning—there we are.” Mishka tried to find words so that Comrade Kondratyev could understand how grateful he was, but Mishka did not know the right words, only his eyes shone, brimming with love and devotion, He ate the rest of his bread, and was still hungry, but thought: “Tt doesn’t matter. I can wait.” a1 Towards evening Comrade Kondratyev inquired: “Very hungry, Michaila?” Mishka was ashamed of seeming a nuisance in the eyes of this man who was so good to him, and he answered stoutly: “Eat it yourself. Why should you bother to look after me?” But Comrade Kondratyev said again: “Don’t worry! Come, take this crust, and try your teeth on it. Yours are still young. If it’s too hard, soften it in water.” Kondratyev could not see Mishka’s eyes, full of love and devotion, but he could hear Mishka’s voice, vibrant with happiness: “Thank you, thank you very much, little uncle!” (To be continued) not foreseen in the capitalist heavens by the most powerful political microscope in Dr. Hoover's possession. Says the Journal of Commerce, the leading mouthpiece of Wall Street: | “There is, as a matter of fact, some recession in building, and there has been for a good while.” (Strange, little was said about it). They continue: “That is because many American cities are overbuilt. We do not want more, but less buildings, until the slack is taken up.” This is the basis of the wage-cutting campaign now in full swing in Chicago, and beginning in other parts of the country. Unemployment is rapidly developing as the result of a crisis in production. The capitalist productive machine is slowing down, with the consequent sharpening of the internal struggle and the intensification of the world imperialist antagonisms. “At present,” says the Journal of Commerce, “there seem to be no fields to conquer or old ones waiting to be recaptured. The uncertain and shifting character of the prosperity that has been based upon the extraordinary expansion of a limited number of industries has enabled us to support for,a long time an () that we have been ex- periencing a general business ‘boom We are told now that even the so-called prosperity of the Coolidge- Hoover dynasty is nothing but an illusion. At least today we can be sure we are faced with the reality of a growing crisis and a definite change in the character of unemployment,