The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 23, 1929, Page 4

r ly Publishing Co., Inc N. Y. Telephone Stu ecks to the Daily Worker STATEMENT OF THE CONTROL COMMISSION ON THE EXPULSION OF COHEN AND GERSON. ommunist Party (New hen and D, Gerson. These up and are active agitators and propa- group. In view of the fact that he stree' nst the Party but mass organizati it is necessary that t to all Party members and to revolu- former members whom The Dist ( n ¢ York) has h ave ract f these two line and w ack fg have neverth ied to carry on their own policies against the line of the Party, In their activ the cooperative with which they have been followed a thorough-going without regard to the have 2 cooperati leadin they i ne, associated in opport inist fact of the limitations of cooperatives under capitalism and particu- larly in failing to conne » the cooperatives with the class struggle. Cohen and Gers¢ e ign 1 the experiences which the Party itself h work ie cooperatives and have shown a gained k ir t cy in the reckless, adv r work. They . ned a bureaucratic attitude and an open dis- regard of the we member: They opposed the line which the Party has n regard to real-estate cooperatives. If their line h at of the Party, it would have brought nization involved. It is a characteristic sts that now in the general line of the Party iselves in the ranks of those who are fighting age rn and against the Communist Party. The Party w y members against these reckless, ad- venturistic, opportunist ¢ Such individuals, such reformists, have no place in the ranks of the vanguard of the proletariat. The Party warns all revolu ry workers that these two with’ the rest es, will continue to sabotage and disrupt and carry vities to the detriment of the workers and or- ganizations concerned. 1 dy shown in th group meetings which they have held and the policies which they are adopting at such group meetings. Adopting measures to demoralize and create chaos in the situation which has been improving despite the line and wishes of these renegades. 2 This work is in accord with the policy of establishing an in- dependent anti-proletarian party that is a tool of American imperialism. DISTRICT CONTRQL COMMISSION, COMMUNIST PARTY (New York). LEO HOFBAUER, Chairman, J. L. PERILLA, Secretary. of the Lovestoneit on their opportuniti THE CURE FOR BUREAUCRACY IN OUR PARTY Self-criticism, Party Democracy, Proletarianization to develop this work as an important task. Factionalism prevented his incompetent comrade in this line by a certain sympathetic organization, doing little or nothing over a long period. dail esant Union Square, New York, N. ¥ DOWN AID oko “WAGES Central Organ of.the Communist Party offthe U.S A FITS UP—THAT’S OUR GAME)” y Matt (in New By SUBSCRIPTION RATES York only): $8.00 a vear: Mui (outside of New York): $600 a year; $4.50 six months $3.50 six months; $2.50 three months $2.00 three months By Fred Ellis | ° Two comrades are supposed to be able to do certain technical work, . class struggle “movies.” One has long been trying to get our Party* p) idea receiving attention. But it did not prevent the employment of an a s . . | : . The only way the comrade who had ability for the movement was by working alone, giving every spare hour and penny to it. Since at the end results are remunerative, he. is giving half to Soviet industrialization and half to our Party. But the func- tionary bureaucratically sought to fight against the work of the other comrade, and at last he took a chance, expecting to shelter himself with Party authority. For at a mass affair where the “jurisdiction” of the sympathetic organization prevailed, and the volunteer worker wanted to participate, the functionary refused, and actually had the other comrade arrested! The bureaucrat puts forth the excuse that all results must go to his particular organization, but since it was not a question of taking apything away from, but of adding to the results, the excuse is ques- tionable. Incidentally, being beyond actual work himself, heshired a techni- cian to do his work at the affair, while he played the grand master of ceremonies. The bureaucrat may put forth other excuses, but no worship of formalities must shelter one who so abuses his position as to discourage proletarian initiative and the spirit of volunteer work for Communism. “Fight bureaucracy” is not directed against an abstraction, but concrete evils and cases. Here is one and the Party must sharply deal with it. But disciplinary action is only one method of fighting bureaucracy. Self criticism is one of the best methods. There is or should be a Party fraction in this sympathetic organization. What was it doing to allow incompetence to go unchallenged for years? Has it no feeling of re- sponsibility tothe interests of the workers? Or only to shield a mis- placed Nepman? There are many other such cases, and none must be spared by gen- uine inner Party democracy. The worker members of our Party must understand now that the leadership welcomes the most thorough-going democratic expression, and is anxious to draw proletarians into direc- tion of Party and mass work. These methods are the way to fight bureaucracy. \ BIDS FOR AGREEMENT ON SOCIALIST RIVALRY. Unit 1F, Section 2, District 2, after discussion of the Control Com- mittee Plenum, accepts end endorses the Theses adopted at the Plenum and welcomes the disappearance of factionalism as a result of the acceptance by our Party of the line of the Communist International. The unit welcomes the expulsion of the Lovestone opportunists. We instruct the Unit Executive to draw up, in cooperation with the Section Bureau an agreement with some other unit for socialist rivalry, on the basis of carrying out the practical daily tasks of the Unit in: (1) reaching and organizing the factory workers of our ter- ritory for the struggle against tationalization and for defense of the Soviet Union; (2) in activizing ous comrades in trade union work; (3) in reaching and organizing Negro workers, working women and youth; and (4) in securing new members for our Party from factory workers. ROSE DEISS, Organizer. could put it to service | By ALBERT MOREAU. . 0% July 2nd of this year, General Augusto Sandino, head of the Nica- raguan statement to the effect that General Estrada was left behind to con- | tinue the struggle against American intervention and for the inde- | pendence of Nicaragua. Since then, the readers of the Daily Worker have undoubtedly asked themselves: “Whither Sandino?” Immediately * following the occupation of Nicaragua by American | marines ordered by Coolidge in the early part of 1927, Augusto San- | dino, a Nicaraguan patriot, ably organized an army of ‘Workers and peasants, who, with bayonets and machine guns declared themselves in open revolt against the Yankee invaders and their lackeys, the Liberals and Conservatives. - The latter were then engaged in a strife for’ power, both groups promising to best serve the interests of the American imperialist gov- ernment in Nicaragua. In spite of the modern methods of warfare used by Coolidge, air- planes, gas bombs, machine guns and cannon, the Army of Liberation under Sandino heroically resisted the attacks of the vandals. The clar- ion call for an armed insurrection against the internal and foreign ene- mies of the workers and peasants of Nicaragua sounded all over the republic and found its echo ir al] the Latin-American countries. The oppressed masses of Latin-America saw in this rebellion one of the ef- fective means to fight Yankee imperialism that tries to rob them of “the last vestige of freedom. The army was swelled with fighters from almost every country of the continent. TWO YEARS OF COURAGE. For almost two years the oppressed peoples of the world and the revolutionary proletariat pinned their hopes on Sandino and his brave soldiers. The anti-imperialist forces began to grow. The méyement took on a widespread character. The, revolutionary workers of the United States did not hesitate to hail the rebellion and gave it uncondi- tional support. Meanwhile, the state department, notwithstanding the loss incurred by the intervention, was paving the way to put through its program of complete subjugation of the small republic. The marine “supervision” of the elections resulted in a “victory” for Moncada. which was never any higher in principle than a hunger for office be- tween the Liberal and the Conservative factions was “fixed” in Amer- ican style. The National Guard sponsored by the American govern- ment to be financed with American capita] at the expense of the work- ers and peasants, was organized. New loans were arranged and finally Dr. Cumberland, an imperialist emissary, concluded his report on the Fonseca. ° All was well for Wall Street, but the forces of Sandino were still ment of revolt among the oppressed against the treacherous Moncada. Here we must say that the repeated attempts of the agents of “| PUT MYSELF IN THE POSITION OF A YOUNG LADY.” —NORMAN THOMAS. The Socialist Party’s Next Step. By NAT KAPLAN. “I am not absolutely against changing the name of our party,’ said Norman Thomas, “but I put myself in the position of a young lady. I would fain change my name, but before doing so I would want to know something about the gentleman. I would at least want to know his name.” The fact of the matter is that Norman Thomas knew the name of the “gentleman” he was “offering himself” to. The day after the New York municipal elections Thomas already proposed that the socialist party take its next step towards still further degenration into a third capitalist party. He proposed an immediate marriage with the petty- bourgeois Dewey group, with the bourgeois N. Y. Telegram, ete. The N. Y. Telegram which had supported Thomas throughout the campaign, quoted him the day after election (Nov. 6) as announcing: (1) “That the socialist party will be reorganized and overhauled once more into a working machine after rusting for more than a decade. (2) That he has been chosen as the principal mechanic. And the model upon which the new party is to be patterned by Thomas will be the British Labor Party.” When Morris Hillquit objected to this immediate marriage, jhe did not do so because he stood for a real workingclass party based on “pure socialist principles.” Norman Thomas and Hillquit are fully satisfied that the socialist party has already degenerated into a third capitalist party, into an effective tool for American imperialism. That is’ why the S. P. convention in 1928 dropped the class struggle pledge from its application card. That is why its organizational form was changed from a membership organization into a ward organization of voters, In Milwaukee and Reading the S. P. has. proven to the bourgeoisie that, just like MaeDonald in England, it makes the best strikebreaking government against a militant working class. In the New York elec- tions the bourgeoisie was unanimous in welcoming the “constructive criticism” of Thomas. Mr. Hillquit in order to avoid any misunder- standing with his masters on this score makes haste to declare: American imperialism to buy Sandino with American gold proved of no avail. The@international character of the Army of Liberation compelled Sandino to see a little clear into the situation. In one of his mani- festoes he declared that the independence of Nicaragua ean only be ob- tained with the cooperation of the peoples of Latin-America. He con- | interests of Wall Street. But at the beginning of 1929 the anti-imperialist movement in Army of Liberation, reached Vera Cruz, Mexico, and made a | The internal strife | construction of the Nicaraguan Cana] and a naval base at the Bay of | dealing severe blows to the American marines and spreading the senti- | stantly made sharp attacks against the lackey governments serving the | ° LJ 1 Latii | Latin-American governments inviting them to a conference proposed by him to be held in Buenos Aires for the purpose of discussing the pro- ject of the construction of the Nicaraguan Canal. As expected, none of the governments made a reply to the call. Why did Sandino choose. Buenos Aires as the seat for the conference? Presumably, he persisted on the illusion that President Irigoyen of Argentine fights imperialism. This, of course, was his second depar- ture from reality. What are*the causes which led him ultimately to | believe 3nd hope that such a conference of the puppet governments | could solve the problems of Nicaragua? If such conference were held, | it would be begause Wall Street wished it, and relied on it giving Latin- | American san®ion to the canal. Since its inception, the Army of Liberation led by Sandino did not have a program of action. While we again reiterate that the armed tain the emancipation, the fallacy lies in the traditional ideology which | looks up at an individual as the “hero” and the “master” of the des- tinies of the people. MORE THAN MILITARY ACTION NEEDED. The genuine anti-imperialist struggle of the masses of Nicaragua was to move omon the basis of a program of concrete aims: distribu- national territory, nationalize the natural resources of the country, to } abolish all treaties which bound and enslaved Nicaragua, to establish | a Workers’ and Peasants’ Government. No military struggle can be effective without a program that motivates its onward trend. The struggle of the oppressed masses of Nicaragua cannot be sepa- rated from that of the Latin-American masses who are also dominated by the same foe: American imperialism. Hence, the necessity to in- clude in the program and fight. for a Federated Workers’ and Peasants’ Republics .of- Latin-America. Sandino had no such program. of Mexico as his international representative. Dr. Zepeda is a duplica- tion of Turcios, who betrayed Sandino only a few months ago. They are hoth agents of Wall Street. His persistence now to “convince” the Latin-American governments of the urgent necessity for a conference to discuss the construction of the canal points to a change of policy in his struggle which will un- doubtedly destroy. its original scope. The anti-imperialist movement | today cannot have at its head the vacillating elements of petty-bour- geois oririn which ultimately betray the very interest-of the opnyessed masses. The mass basis of the struggle is a prerequisite for the vic- tory against imperialist oppression and for complete independence. AT THE PARTING OF THE WAYS. . Sandino must now choose between the traitors (no matter their category) and- the genuine revolutionary workers and peasants who really fight for their independence. The adoption of an anti-imperialist | program is absolutely essential. | Augusto Sandino may fall into an imperialist trap but the move- | ment will goon. We believe the deceptions resulting from the silence | following the call for the conference and the betrayal of Turcios should | decide him to follow the truly anti-imperialist program of the Frank- | fort Congress to which he sent his representative. The final victory of thé workers and peasants of Nicaragua will only be obtained with the struggle against the national bourgeoisie and American imperialism, a struggle which is to be led by the Communist Party of Nicaragua. This is the historical mission of the Party. “Especially since the war, the socialist movement has broadened out everywhere in its social concepts, methods and-types of adherants. Its idealistic appeal for social justice and for international peace, its growing interest in practical work for substantial economic, social and political progress have attracted to it thoughtful men and women of all ranks of society and all degrees of culture.” In other words, since the socialist movement betrayed socialism by supporting the last imperialist war, it has become one of the best instruments of imperialist war preparations, by spreading pacifist illusions, it has become the best supporter of capitalist rationalization | which it calls “substantial economic progress,” and thus has won the | support of the bourgeoisie. | The next step of the S. P. is its complete degeneration into a social- | fascist organization, into an instrument that will help every move to- | wards fascism made by the bourgeoisie as the means of quelling the | revolutionary movement of the proletariat. The S. P. already shows these social-fascist tendencies. What else is the meaning of the elec- i | tion slogan of the S. P.; “Free the police. Let them do their duty!”? What else is the meaning of the united front of the S. P., capitalist state, and underworld against the working class in the needle trades? Does Thomas demand a broader base than Hillquit for the next step towards social-fascism? No. That was not the issue between them. Hill- quit does not object to merging the S. P. into a broader third capitalist party movement. Says Hillquit: ‘The socialist party does not claim to be the sole form of political organization of American labor. If organized labor of this country should follow the example of the British workers in forming an independent political party, the American social- ists will at all times be ready to merge with it, as their British com- rades have merged with the labor party of England. SSS eee eee —— Hillquit is a much ..ore clever servant of American imperialism. He realizes that his main role is to mislead radicalized workers, that he must guarantee that the flow of the exploited masses away from the two old capitalist parties will be diverted into the channels of social reformism. He will not jeopardize this by a too narrow marriage with the Dewey group. He is waiting for a broader movement towards a thitd capitalist party which would involve the bureaucracy of the A, F. of L., wider sections of the petty-bourgeoisie and even. so-called progressives of the old capitalist parties. Hillquit did not hesitate for a moment in jumping on the LaFollette band-wagon in 1924, | The sharp cleavage within the capitalist parties in the Senate on | the tariff issue, the increased activity of the Dewey group, the large vote for Thomas in the New York elections, are indications that a move- ment towards a broader third capitalist party will grow up in. the com- ing period. Historically we have seen third party movements come into being in the U. S. on the crest of an economic depression or crisis. We are now rapidly entering a sharp economic crisis, already reflected by the crash on the stock exchange. The increased misery of the pro- letariat and the hitting of large sections of the petty-bourgeoisie (par- ticularly through the accentuation of the agrarian crisis) «will not only manifest itself in the form of big economic struggles on the part of the proletariat, but also in the form of a big swing away from the capitalist parties. Hillquit is waiting for this opportune moment to “broaden out.” His attitude is the same as the elder LaFollette who declared: “New parties are brought forth from time to time, and groups of men have come forward as their heralds and have been called to lead- ership and command. But the leaders did not create the party\ Jt was of resistance against the imperialist vandals is an effective means to ob- | tion of the land to those who till it, to oust the imperialists from the %| A further misstep of Sandino was the appointment of Dr. Zepeda | | America received the first blow when Sandino (issued a call to all® | | at the head of the American government and: helping the bourgeoisie usher in fascism. OF BREAD Reprinted, b: from “Th Neweroff, published and copyrighted by Di TRANSLATED FROM | THE RUSSIAN of Bread” by Alexander leday—Doran, New York. (Continued.) ‘ At first Mishka was unwilling to pay the high price asked for bread, and went around pricing it from stall to stall, like a mujik pric- ing a horse. But the price was everywhere the same. He was ter- ribly hungry, and the sight of all the loaves displayed on the stalls made him hungrier. He took a last look at his thousand-ruble note, and bought a big piece of wheaten bread. He ate half of it, felt heavy and swollen | side, and thought languidly: “That’s enough, I'll eat the rest tomorrow.” A mujik was carried by on a stretcher. Mishka saw the blond beard, the blue trousers, the naked blackened heels, felt the burden of the others’ suffering on his own shoulders, grieved over the dead man: “T have luck: he’s dead, and I’m going ahead on the train Behind the station sat mujiks, women, old men, young girls- the whole famine-stricken herd of them. Mishka tried to start a cor versation with two of the mujiks: ‘ The mujiks made no answer. Mishka got angry. “Why don’t you say anything?” Then one of the mujiks said: “Don’t bother us, boy. We have our own troubles without you. And the other added: = “Four days we've been waiting around this damn doesn’t make you feel like chattering. .. .” Then Mishka said, like a regular grown-up mujik: “T’ve waited around as much as you; I stayed all night alone on the steppe, and I went versts and versts on foot.” “How did you happen to do that?” ‘ “I did it because I had to.” “You don’t know what you’re babbling about yourself.” Mishka straightened his old cap on his head, and launched into his tale: how his comrades had deserted him, how he had spent. the the whole night alone on the steppe, and then another night in a signal hut, all alone, no one with him at all. Then he had come across the place. It engine driver, Comrade Kondratyev. He had taken him on his engine, given him tea out of his kettle, and a piece of bread to eat. If there were more men like that, every one would reach his goal. Mishka spoke tranquilly, in a firm confident voice that made him seem bigger than he was. The mujiks listened attentively. Those sit- ting in the rear drew nearer; they looked into the speaker’s face. The boy, satisfied and at ease because of the bread he had eaten, swung his stockings as he talked, and stood there in the midst of the mujiks like a little preacher, strengthening men’s fiath for their long unending journey. Carried away by the general attention, Mishka began to brag. “Now I’m going to sit in the engine.” “In what engine?” . “Comrade Kondratyev’s.” And off he went. He looked back at the mujiks and thought: “They all envy me all right.” Two engines were shunting around, whistling piercingly. Cars were coupled to the engines, buffers clanged. The thin piping of the switchman’s whistles mingled with the noise of the engines. Seeing a conductor standing with two bottles in his belt, Mishka asked him: “Where’s this engine going, comrade?” “To the devil’s grandmother.” “Nanu?” - “Nanu? Nanu?” Both laughed. The conductor went on, Mishka remained standing, with his bare feet on the hot rails. A Red Army soldier with a rifle ‘Went by, and Mishka thought he would like to have a talk with him'as well: “What's the time now, comrade?” “What would you like it to be?” “Is it two yet?” “Tt is,” said the Red Army soldier, “two big ones and three little ones.” Mishka didn’t get angry. | They joked with him, and he joked, with them too. Yesterday he had been a little freighteed, but nov]’ he had eaten, and he felt better. How fine it would be if he had a big; chunk like that to eat every day. NS Near the signal hut stood a switchman, his brass whistle in his hand. The whistle was polished and glittering, and the switchman looked approachable, with his big black beard, and his eyes that were not angry. Mishka went up to him and said, just to pass the time: “Want to buy a knife. comrade?” “What for?” “Maybe you ean use it for something.” “Well, let’s have a look at it.” Before he handed over the knife Mishka picked up a thick piéce of wood from the ground, “Here, cut it, just try. ... It cuts like a razor!” The switchman tried it—the knife really was sharp. “You ddin’t steal it?” Mishka was offended: his own knife, that his father had brought back from the war! And if he weren’t compelled to, he would never have sold it at any price, because you wouldn’t find a knife like that again, especially in these parts... even in Buzuluk you couldn't get another like it. * “In what Buzuluk?” mo % “Tt’s a city—smaller than Samara.” They talked together for a long time. Mishka did not sell his knife, but there was no hurry about it.- now. Every now and then he would stretch out his hand for alms; drawing off his old hat and saying quietly, not at all piteously: “Give me a piece of bread!” They shouted at him: “Go to the devile! You dogs don’t give us a minute’s peace!” Before, Mishka would have been furious. But now he was not asking out of hunger, not because his entrails were empty and starving, but just to pass the time. He :till had a small piece of bread in bis pocket, and everything was all right. In one car, however, two men displayed their goodness of heart: one who was sitting and reading a book threw him an apple core with a big worm in it, and the other gave him a handful of melon seeds. Mishka was delighted with the seeds, ate them shell and all, felt full and heavy and strolled lazily about, never noticing how the day was drawing to a close... Evening shadows began to fall, lanterns were lit, Near Agitation Point a harmonica was playing. ‘ (To be continued) the ripe issue of events . . . But if it should come quickly, we may be sure strong leadership will be there.” (Autobiography, 1913.) There is*no sudden rush for Hillquit, he wants events to ripen more for the third party movement, he wants the A. F. of L. bureau- cracy and “progressives” of the old capitalist parties to be swung into the maelstrom of the movement. Not only that but Hillquit stands for the hegemony of the social fascists in this movement (ie, the socialis party and the A. F, of L.), he will demand that the name of this ied capitalist party shall be “labor party,” just like in Great Britain./ Hillquit no doubt already sees himself as an American MacDonald That is why Hillquit publicly scolded Thomas for prematurely “putting himself in the position of a young lady.” The “left” social reformists (Muste and Company) andthe rene- gades from the Commfinist Party, Mr. Lovestone and Mr. Cannon, ar 1 doing their bit to help the Hillquit strategy. They are also working for the formation of a broad “labor party.” organized from above, whichy can only be a third capitalist party in the present period. Muste will be the medium through which Lovestone and Cannon will be ultimately involved into a united front with Hillquit and Green. It is the logical tactical conclusion of their present policies. The Communist Party will fight such a third capitalist party, in its efforts to win the workers away from capitalism its main fire will be directed against the bosses’ agents—the social reformists and their new allies--the renegades from Communism. More sharply than ever will the Communist Party put forward the tactic of: Class against class! peesoecine