The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 13, 1929, Page 4

nprodaiiy Publishing Co.. 1 y, N.Y. Telephone Stuyve > a e Four Square Pag e r d mail all checks to the Daily Worker. 2 e daily, except Sunday at 26-28 Union 1696-7-S “DATWORK.” Union Square, New York, N. Y Daily Worker al Organ of the Communist Party of the U. By Mail (in New/ York only) gs A { SUBSCRIPTION RATES, $8.00 a year: By Mail (outside) of New York): $6.00 a year; ‘ $2.50 three mbnths $4.50 aj nths: six $2.00 three months $3.50 six jnonths; rE | Against the Right Danger in Mass Work. PPARTY LI millinery shop of New York City, where a few members Party work among other workers, two scab window cleaners came up to wash the windows. Some of the workers met them with er d other deserving terms. Everybody felt that No union man or woman can allow scabbery n his or her In a certair the Communist es of “S be done. omething 1» to go or One of the Comm he union’s shop chairman, who member of the Communist Party, and proposed that he, the with the Shop Committee, call over the foreman and tell him scab window cleaners t be sent away at once—and if the should refuse, that the shop stop work. chairman refused to do so, on the grounds that—‘We can’t do anything.” The scabs remained, washing the windows. This happened between 12 and 0. When ,at 12.30, the same munist suggested that the workers wait for the scabs downstairs give them a farewell, and some of the workers showed a favorable response, the same chairman remarked: “Well, there is a policeman standing in the hall to protect them.” Thus pouring more sold water on the revolutionary spirit of those workers who felt that something uust be done for class solidarity, even though a “good boss” with a “good foreman” might be offended. The Communist nucleus which has direction of members of the Communist Party in this shop is certifying this incident and will take adeqt lenge op. ists approach The International Revolutionary Rivalry: What It Is. What is the meaning of this revolutionary rivalry between the ated proletariat of the Soviet State and the oppressed wor! The proletariat of the Soviet Union is building up socialism, the workers of the capitalist countries are groaning under the terrible weight of imperialist capital: then what can be the subject of the rivalry? Lenin gave the answer in the following words: f socialism is to be won, if socialism is to be fought for and called into being, the proletariat must carry out a twofold task, or rather the two sides of one task. First of all, by the reckless heroism of revolution: struggle against capital, the proletariat must carry along with itself the whole mass of workers and exploited, must | organize them and lead them to the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and completely suppress any attempt at resistance on the part of the bourgeoisie. its “The proletariat, secondly, must lead the workers and exploited, as well as the petty bourgeoisie, in the work of building up the new | economic order, by creating new social relations, a new labor discipline, | a new organization of labor which shall put into practical operation | both the latest results of science and capitalist technique and the mass | co-ordination of the ~vorke cious of their goal, who are building up large scale socialist production.” The proletariat of the Soviet Union is carrying out the second task in the strength and great heroism of its daily work . .. The first of the twéfold tasks of the international working class faces the proletariat of the capitalist countries .. . The subject of the rivalry is therefore quite clear and simple: who will accomplish better their side of the twofold task of the proletariat, the workers of the Soviet | Union, or the workers of the capitalist countries? Great Volga-Don Canal Is Part of USSR 5-Year Plan MOSCOW (By Mail). — In pre- {This will make possible tremendous years in the so-called “recon- Changes in the economic life of the | , q country. The fruitful Hinterland ‘oa thorough technical, economic|t® the left side of the lowe Volga and geographic transformation of Will be eiaecipated from its present he Soviet economic system with a |UMfavorable transport situation and riew to developing the whole social |PY developing its grain production | structure of the country in the di- ©”. speedily send large masses of | ‘on of industrialization and so- | tain for export over the Black Sea. | tialization. The great achievements of the Bast period’ with regard to electrifi- fact that the cost of transport to vation are generally known. The Rostov on the Don, the harbor town nost obvious expression was the 0” the Sea of Asov, will be reduced fact that in the economic year 1927- | Py about 12 per cent per ton. Here 28 over five milliard kilowatt hours |the Siberian-Turkestan Railway will | 2 felectrical energy were produced | Play @ great Tole because it will as compared with two milliards in | tansport Siberian grain to the Cen- 1913. The technical reconstruction |ttal Asiatic Soviet Republics and and transformation does not limit |thu smake any grain transport from itself to the immediate processes |th eleft bank of the Volga unneces- nside the individual factories or |S@ty and freeing this district for ranches of industry. With the |the export of its grain to the west growing economic strength of the |@"d the world market. Here we country tremendous projects are rip- |Observe an extremely interesting ening, which will fructify more or Connection between transport prob- less large sections of the whole eco- | !ems and the problem of raising the nomic system and which will alter | Productivity of the country, = he economic picture of the country | The new canal will also facili- n the direction of planned economy , tate the transport of timber from and the opening up of new produc- th eforests of the Ural districts for | i the mines of the Donetz basin and | also cheapen the crop problem, and | at the same time transport Donetz coal to the developing industries of the, Volga district up to Nishni- Novgorod, thus replacing the expen- sive Naphtha fuel which is custom- ary there. The canal will of course also make free the way for the | transport of numerous other com-— modities, for instance, phosphate | vious itruction period” the basis was lai The gain for the agirculture of of this district will be seen from the ive forces, The most important of these great | orojects, man yof which are already being carried into execution and which are meeting with respect and mixed feelings from the capitalist world, are the tremendous hydrolic power station, Dnieprostroi, plus the | giant industrial combination which | will receive its power from the} Dnieprostroi; th idee Ee salts, foundry productions and va-| tan railway line, the tremendous oy. other indutrial commodities. ‘grain factory,” “Giant,” and other t+ is yeckoned that the year 1935 ies oe the 5 idl ein |will see the transport of something | iclges O tcice _ Gana oh \like seven million tons along this” and the Volga-Don Canal, whose Teanal! roam willl {be dealt. with German experts who have Deen | tex ead ‘called in to examine the project | ee arith dereer rer of She bare soso oo see cae faa viet economic system, the iner ‘the plans. In conclusion it mus exchanged proces leche, _ | mentioned that the canal is a great | various parts of the country, ete.,|importance as a section of the tre-| result in an increasing demand upon | mendous waterway rfom Europe to | the means of bie pan and a Se Central Asia in connection with the strain upon the- railway system Rhine-Main-Danube canal. In com-| which was only weakly developed | mon with other great building | si aN Se bea tay true vee a achievements of the Bivens Plan, | Soviet government has increased the the Volga-Don Canal will open up cailway*from about 58,000 kilometres | new land and new economic possi- in 1913 to 77,000 km. in 1927-28, or | pilities and offer a new and con- about 30 per centy but still urgent yincing proof of the economic con- | tp still sar Ban pene | structive capacities of the prole-| in this connection. e Volga-Don | tariat. Canal will now reduce the strain upon the railway system and at the | same time open up economically | out-of-the-way districts, The Volga-| °! Don Canal joins the two great| , rivers, the Don and the Volga, near! i Stalingrad, where they approach | described the evolution of the cl | within a hundred metres of each) struggles, and political*economists — other. , showed the economle physiology of the classes, 1 j The work for the building of the | canal will probably be commenced) troysr 1)” the in 1931-82 and will take six years | to build and will cost together with | the by-works approximately 20 mil- | lion pounds. When it is concluded | the canal will have established a di- | rect waterway connection between | the Casnian Ser and the Vole». he- Aw far as 1 am concerned, 1 enn't im to huve discovered the ex- o the | ety of free nud equal ‘ a Clevelan .- A Mass Story By MYRA PAGE. This is the story of the six hundred and ninety delegates who made labor history at the Trade Union Unity League Congr which met Cleveland on August 31-September 2, 1929. It is their story, jotted wn as they told of it, of their working class experiences which had forced them and their fellow workers into struggle against the bosses, and roused them to send their representatives here to organize a revo- lutionary trade union center in the United St This mass story should be written down, as far as possible, so that American workers who could not attend will know how genuine an out- growth of themselves their new union center is, and how it marks the beginning of a new era for American working class. As one high point labor’s epic of struggle from: slavery to freedon, Cleveland is a story without beginning or end. Its roots run far into the past, and its triumphant climax remains for us to write in the years which lie ahead. I am giving the story as it came to me, in fragments from workers’ lives and flashes on to labor scenes which, when brought together, form a massive, stirring whole. The st session of the convention I sat between a miner’s wife fvom Superior, Pennsylvania, and a young Negro auto worker, from Detroit. She was a dark little woman with a baby in her lap which alternately threw itself bodily to and fro, up and forward, gurgling at the ceiling, and then, tiring of this game, whimpered and fumbled for | its mothers breast or pulled her hair.. The woman bounced and whis- pered to it, and gave it the breast, meanwhile attempting to take notes and hear all that was being said. Those fifty miners’ wives who had sent her here as their representative from their woman’s auxiliary of the National Miners’ Union would want to know everything that had | happened. She and her husband and baby had traveled all night in a truck with fifteen other miners and their wives and small children. BIG FAMILIES, NO WORK. Conditions back there were something awful, she said. Men with big fami to support and no work for months. Others with two or three days a week, and that not regular. Her man had been luckier than some. But most, their kids were wanting for shoes and coats and ying for bread. The U. M. W. had gone to pieces, since Lewis sold out e, and men were nigh desperate when the new National Min- ers’ Unior and Workers International Relief came. Now they were pull- ing themselves together, and with everybody jes’ sticking, and other workers backing them up, the miners and their wives would fight these ~ Jim, the well-built young Negro on my right, told of the ferocious speed-up on the belt in Ford, Packard and other plants where he had worked, and the rising tide of revolt among the tens of thousands of auto workers in Detroit, leading to spontaneous walkouts and the forma- tion of a vigorous Auto Workers’ Union there. Yes, there were many hundreds of colored men in the industry, and they and the white were figMting along side by side. High time they got together, too. Everybody was on their feet, as Foster mounted the platform and declared the convention open. Cheers and lusty singing of the Interna- tional. We looked around. The hall was filled, both floor and galleries. There were many familiar faces. Sam, formerly a wobbly organizer at seventeen years of age, now following his machinist trade in a mid- western city and carrying on revolutionary work among his shop mates. A conference of 150 unorganized workers had sent him to this conven- tion as their representative. When, six weeks before, Sam had gone to this town to work, he found the hundreds of metal workers there totally unorganized, without a union, shop committees or revolutionary organ- ization of any kind. Now, shop committees had been establishéd in a half dozen plants, a shop paper was appearing each month and getting wide circulation; an active local of the Communist Party, with seven- teen working class members was directing the work, and big mass meet- ings of workers had proven so successful that the American Legion and city government had undertaken to drive Sam out of town. But he was still there, grinning. Fired from one shop, he found work in another. Ask Sam if the workers were ready for action, just given the lead!! Louise, an auto worker from Detroit. A little firebrand, carrying on effective work, especially among women. Bill, looming above the crowd—railroad switchman, and president of his local union, which under his leadership was building its membership and successfully defy- ing the reactionary dictates of the International and A. F. of L. of- ficials. Henry, employed in the Great Northern shops, where unions had been smashed after the 1922 strike, working to reorganize the men on a firmer, more militant basis. Angelo and Mary, needle pushers from. Philadelphia, whom I had not seen in seven years. And many others. These were the type of workers who had been chosen by their shop mates to represent them at this convention. Close to the rank and file, coming right from the job and class struggle. Never had I seen so many young faces at a labor convention, or so many women and Negroes. And so many cotton dresses and work shirts! It was going to be different, all right, from an A. F. of L. or Amalgamated Convention, where middle aged men, in new suits and stiff collars—fat-bellied officials and skilled workmen from labor's aristocratic upper-tenth—pretended to legislate for American labor. Here at Cleveland was American labor, straight from shop, mine and field. No longer were the officials to be allowed to speak for labor, it would speak for itself. What would it say, what action would it take? A silence fell over us, as Foster began the keynote speech of the congress in his quiet, analytical way. We stretched forward, straining to hear every word. There he stood, a former railroad worker, leader of the great steel strike, and our trusted organizer. At his back was a silly painting of a middle class estate, while overhead hung the red banner. The stage scenery had a grotesque familiarity. What labor convention in the United States ever lacked this misplaced element! Nevertheless, this time we would make a symbol of it—labor stepping forth from capitalist society and pronouncing its doom. In simple, forceful language Foster told how things stood, in this “land of the free,” for the toilers. Here we were, pitted class against class. The rich getting richer and the poor poorer. Speeding up be- yond physical endurance, in order for capitalists to get more profits out of Then the broken ones cast to the dump heap. Rationaliza- tion throwing four millions out of work. Imperialist war threatening. And everywhere in the capitalist world workers suffering like this and fighting against the bosses’ greed. Only in Sovet Russia, where work- ers had take& power, were things different. In America, the masses of labor, betrayed by the A. F. of L. and the “progressives” were rising in revolt. A strike wave was under way, Gastonia, Elizabethton, Marion, New Bedford. The miners’ battles in Pennsylvania, Illinois, West Vir- ginia. Auto mechanics striking work in Michigan and California. Shoe workers strikes in Boston and Lowell and those of food workers and needle trades in New York City. Everywhere, walkouts for workers’ demands. We were here to organize and lead these revolts to build a powerful discrimination, to organize the unorganized, fight American imperialism and its war danger, and defend the Soviet Union against its capitalist enemies. We were here to man and direct the struggle of American labor against capitalism and for a workers’ society. Once again we were brought to our feet as representatives from the Gastonia strikers filed onto the platform. A slip of a girl, a gaunt, middle aged woman and a young boy. Daisy MacDonald stepped forward to speak. “I’m mighty glad to come to this convention, as representative of the Gastonia locals of the National Textile Workers’ Union, to tell you how much your backin’ us up is helpin’ us strikers there in the South. How much we appreciate it. And if ever you need it, we'll do the same by you. All of us work- ing people must stand together. And we want you to know that what- ever the bosses do, we’re goin’ to stay by the union and stick until we win our demands, “Now I want to tell you somethin’ of why we went on strike an’ what we’re fightin’ for. . . . Mothers with small children have to go into th’ mills to work for twelve hours, all night. My husband and I had to leave our little ones at home, alone. . . . No chance or place to sit down, all night long. Men gettin’ ten and eleven dollars a week. We couldn’t give our kids th’ ejication we want ’em to have. They have to stay ignorant. We jes’ barely did live. No coal, jes’ wood. And it was worse for th’ colored folks. Colored women sweepers getting seven dollars a week, where I worked. And they’ve got the same problems as we white workers have. They got to live and raise their kids. So we should stick together, and help one another out. “When the union come, we know it was for our good, ’n we signed ‘up. “The bosses tried every way possible to break up our union. But they couldnt do it. Police. Arrests. Turning us out of homes into the streets. Spies. Promises. Threats. Nothing broke our spirit. We only fought harder. Then they decided to git our leaders.” (The story of the June days followed.) “So now we got to fight harder than ever, to free our leaders’n build our union. people’s help everywhere, we'll win.” Later, in private talk, she said, in a quiet, matter-of-fact voice, “If the jury decides against us, ’n they try to send our leaders to th’ electric chair or give ‘em long sentences, afore we’l let ’em do it, there’s goin’ to be a war down thar.” . When questioned, she told us she and her family were living in the union tent colony. She and her husband were blacklisted, and until the union won recognition they couldnt get work in any mill in the Caro- linas. “But this is better than it was afore. We had nothing to lose, anyhow. We barely could live. Now we've got something to work and fight for in life.” (To Be Continued.) revolutionary union center, to fight against capitalist speed-up and race | And with your ’n the laboring : Lett = OF BREAD | Reprinted, by permission, from “Tke City of Bread” by Alexander | LRANSLATED FRC THE RUSSIAN Neweroff, published and copyrighted by Doubleday—Doran, New York. (Continued.) From the dark wet garden two more dogs came runnng. “They'll bite!” said Mishka. The boy answered sombe: “If it had been one, I’d have fixed him all right with a good stick.” “What’s your name?” “Trofim.” “Let’s get back.” “Wait a minute, there’s going to be a fight.” “What for?” Trofim male no reply. He stood there dressed only in a shirt ripped across the breast, bareheaded and barefoot. Acro shoulders, in place of a jacket, he wore a tattered piece of canvas s g, tied together beneath his chin by a piece of string; so that little, taciturn Trofim looked like a tiny comical priest, in brief vestments. The dogs sniffed around in silence. Then they began to growl, showed their teeth, and fell upon the one that held the bread between his teeth, whirled around in a flying mass, drew apart again, and once more sprang at each other.: For a long time Trofim regarded them with somber, unblinking eyes. then he said in a grim, sepulchral voice: ¢ “Tt would be good to have teeth like a dog.” ni fear. He looked at Trofim searchingly. Who Mishka shrank | was this boy, anyway, in his short priest’s vestments? The Continuous Working Year and the Five-Day Week By SCHLANER. Detailed consideration was given, as soon as it became known, by the foreign press, to the plan for reorganizing Soviet industry on the basis of the uninterrupted working year. Although it is only about three months since the project was published in the Soviet papers, the idea of the unbroken working year has undergone an enormous evolu- tion. The advantages and the significance behind this idea have been grasped with an astounding rapidity by the broad strata of the Soviet working class. Even in the most outlying districts of the Soviet Union a mass movement in favor of the continuous working year has’ taken shape so spontaneously that it has proved difficult indeed for the legislative organs to secure the necessary planfulness in effecting the transfer to the new working methods. The idea of the continuous working year has even penetrated into the farming industry, and reports to hand indicate that both the new, big-seale farms run by the State and even some collective farms, combining the holdings of small peasants, are introducing the new working methods as well. The same applies to the offices of administration in the towns — and provinces, to the machinery of distribution managed by the State and the cooperatives, to the schools, the universities, “cut-treatment”. centres and the like as apart from hospitals, theatres, cinemas and all organizations catering for the cultural, recreational and sport re- quirements of the workers. A VERITABLE REVOLUTION. This reform is of immense importance, not only in the economic, but also in the cultural respect. Indeed, one can hardly speak of 4 reform, but rather as a veritable revolution in the cultural develop- ment of the working class. That revolution will come as the result — | during the summer, this depending on whether the workers employed were allowed a fortnight’s or month’s annual leave. As a result, industrial enterprises worked only 263 or 274 full (eight | or seven hour) working days. An exception was furnished by plants where the technological aspect of the working process could not permit _ at all of any such periodical stoppage of plants, e. g., in the case of | chemical plants and metallurgical works which, however, only for 15 to 16 per cent of the total number of workers employed in the whole of industry. Thus, the transfer to the continuous working year will signify in the first place an increase in the potential output capacity of industrifl plants by anything from 25 to 38 per cent; while instead of working 263 @r 274 days in the year, plants will work 360 days, stopping only on the five revolutionary holidays occurring during the year. Taking the basic capital of the industries run by the state at about ten milliard roubles, it follows that the full exploitation of this newly discovered reserve, as we might call it, will have the same effect as the fresh capital investment of two to three milliard roubles. It must be added, though, that it will not be possible, in the first year, com- pletely to utilize this increased productive capacity. In many industries, e.g:, in the textile, leather and some other industries, a difficulty will be met with in this regard, owing to the limited possibilities of supplying the necessary additional raw material that will be required. In working out the programs governing industrial production (control figures), for the fiscal year 1929-30, the increase in production, as calculated in conjunction with the introduction of the continuous working year, was placed at something like six hundred million roubles, which is equal to about five per cent of the total volume of production. In actual practice, it is most probable that this figure will be outstripped really. of the fact that simultaneously with the continuous working year the | five-day week will be introduced, that is, that after four days of work | the worker will have his regular day of rest on the fifth and last day of the week. This reduction of the working week with its equal distribution of the workers enjoying their off-days on every day of the week opens — up wide vistas with regard to the matter of raising the cultural level and bettering the skill of the working masses. As we shall later show. in this way it will even be found possible not only to provide all the workers with a sound training in their trade, but also to provide a middle and to a certain extent also a higher.technical education. In view of the extraordinary economic and technical importance of this question, we give below a systematic outline of the logical ef- fects and accruing benefits of.the continuous working year in order to show in what manner this innovation will entirely alter the economic and cultural life of the Soviet Union. IMMEDIATE ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES. Up to now all workers had their rest day on the one and the same day. This meant that, with 52 Sundays and 18 different holidays all plants stoc idle for a total period of 62 days per annum. In addition the workers knocked off two hours earlier on Saturdays ‘and on the eve of all holidays, so that this in itself meant the loss of 14 full work- ing days every yeer. trial plants also lost in some cases 24, in Besides there rerular factory stoppages, indus- other cases 12, working days ie Yc PRODUCTION RISES—COSTS DECREASE. And we find, for instance, that the Leningrad District Economic Council calculates that the complete transfer of all industries in the Leningrad district could effect an increase in production amounting in value to 400,000,000 roubles. The fact must also be taken into con- | sideration that other advantages of an important economic value will . also accrue in addition to the perfectly mechanical increase in the length _ of time during which machinery and plant will be run for exploitation. Such advantages include increased labor productivity, industrial ration- alization, and a reduction in production costs. The total result will produce an all-round economic effect far be- yond that merely due to lengthening the working period of plant and equipment, This applies primarily to the cutting of production costs. Costs will not only be reduced on the basis of government estimated costs—which remain practically unchanged—but also on account of many technically necessary, thougi unproductive costs which plants have to meet in order to maintain their equipment in working order during stoppages of industry. Thus, for instance, glass works alone use fuel to the value of more than one million roubles per annum on Sundays which is totally unprodv :tive. | The law has laid it down that, in carrying through the reform, bs, the yearly working hours of the workers are on no account to be it creased. This is leading, on the one hand, to a big reduction in the id use of the factor; He would fly at Mishka’s throat like a dog, bear him to the ground, an dtake away his jacket and his cap. Nowadays rich people were ‘peing killed all over, and Mishka was riched than Trofim. In his terror Trofim seemed still bigger, as he stood there in the moonlight, in the dead, deserted field, that was packed with ravanous dogs, tearing at one another’s throats. In reality there were no more than five dogs there, but to Mishka there seemed to be thousands, snarlin gand baring their teeth; and when they had torn each other to pieces, they would go over to the station and begin tearing the people to pieces. Suddenly Trofim said: “Are you afraid of dogs?” “Are you?” “I’m not afraid of anything.” “How old are you?” “Fourteen.” . . Mishka glanced at Trofim out of the corner of his eye, and tried to sound as if he too feared nothing: “Then we’re the sam eage: I’m fourteen too.” “You lie!” Mishka raised himself on his toes a little, in order to seem taller. “I’m soon going to be fifteen ‘I’m small for my age, but I'm old anyway, and I can lift two poods.” “How?” “Anyway you like: weights or in a sack.” They went back to the station friends. Mishka learned that Trofim came from Kazan district, that he had been in four cities, had left home six months earlier, and was making his way toward Tashkent. If he succeeded in getting there, he would not return to his home. Things were very bad there in Kazan district, not a thing to eat; Trofim’s father had died long before, only thrty- eight he had been. Twice he had been in the war and had not been killed, and then he had died in the famine. Mishka said: “Now things are bad for all the mujiks. but no one ever gives us anything...” “Got to get into the Party!” sighed Trofim. “Into which?” “The Bolsheviks.” “Would they really take you in?” “Some they take in, some not.” “They dont talk so well about the Bolsheviks,” said Mishka. = “There are all kinds of Bolsheviks,” said Trofim, sighing again. At the station a single lantern flickered. It was late. i ‘ Mishka’s head was heavy with gloomy thoughts. In the car, under the cars, behind the cars, people lay, without stirring, without speaking, as if they lay in wait for something, their teeth set, their hungry mouths sealed. In the dark dread stillness, pierced by the single lantern, a woman and a child wept bitterly, monotonously. The one voice was dull and muffled—drawn from inner depths of pain, the other a despairing wail. It cut through the air like a whilplash, it rasped, scarcely audible, like the rasping of a violin. The voices intertwined with one another, weaving, straining, rattling hoarsely, they caught up with one another, Jike two streams. These two streams carried on their current the bitter agony that had-been cast up by fate on the vast Kirghiz steppe. On the little station there was no escape, neither forward nor backward, Trofim said to Mishka, pointing to the woman: “She came here from far away and she cant go on any jmore.” “Why, do you know her?” “T know all of them, I’ve been here four days, hanging around the station. She came here with her husband, but her husband died. See, over there, that’s where they buried him. . .” Gloomy thoughts weighed Mishka down. (To be Continued) We have to be giving, numbers of the unemployed, and on the other hand, is also making for the more far-reaching ~ationalization of j-zoduction. Since under Soviet industrial condicions, rationalization methods can usually only be introduced providing the labor power thus set free is at once providéd with other opportunities of work, rationaliza- , tion measures can never be so quickly and ruthlessly carried out as in the case in other countries. But as, in consequence of the transfer to the continuous working year, a huge potential dearth of labor power will suddenly be felt, most favorable conditions are thus created to speed up the work of carrying out fundamentai plans for rationalization. MEETING DIFFICULTIES SUCCESSFULLY. In those branches of industry where, owing to limited supplies of raw materials or owing to the fact that it will be impossible to in- inerease production for fear of glutting the market, there will be an effective concentration cf factories. In Moscow, for instance, the work of three large cigarette factories will be concentrated in two factories, | the workers of the closed down factory being absorbed by the two factories in question, which will be run continuously the whole year through. This will effect.a saving in costs of about 700,000 roubles, | 470,000 a year; besides releasing factory buildings which can be at once used for some other industrial purpose. Similar chances for far-reaching concentration are also offered in the case of the leather, soap and fat industries, and more parti- cularly in the textile trades. Single factories are also transferring te the continuous working week which are not able to increase pro- duction over their industrial programs. As in their ease 20 to 25 ‘per cent of the machinery can thus be stopped—and one-fifth of all | the workers employed will be resting each day—it will be possible to concentrate ‘the work on the bes’ machines, In quite a number of different branches of the light industries the construction of new fac’ories already planned will be given up, as the resulting increase in production will be effected by simply transferring to the unbroken working year. The economics thus effected will be applied to the finencing uf the heavy industries, The light industries will be mainly extended over the original Five-Year Plan by making buildings released as the result of industrial con- centration. Owin:: (o this speeding up of the process of industrializa- tion, in the next ‘ge to four years something like one and a half million worke wilt ve absorbed into industry over the number pre- viously plarned. i (To be Continued) oe est un he os Tey ee ye