The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 5, 1929, Page 4

Square, New York City Published by the Comprodaily Publishin§ Co. inc., daily, exc . Telephone Stuyvesant Addrees and mail all checks to the Daily Worker. 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. ¥. t Sunday, at 26-28 Union ® Cable: “DATWORK.” 1696 Baily SQ5 Worker o e e SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mui! (in New York only): $8. By Mail (outside of New Yor: $2.50 three months : $4.50 six months: | Herdedee eae) HEP ; $2.00 thiee months $6.00 a year; $3.50 six mont Central Organ of the Communist Farty of the U. S A Briand’s Pan Europe Idea By CYRIL BRIGGS. The correctness of the analysis of the Comintern in designating as the main war danger the attack of the imperialists upon the workers’ state of Soviet Russia receives fresh conftrmation in the reception n in the European capitalist press to the Pan-Europe idea of Briand. s in China—the attacks on the U. S. R. by the Chinese ckeys of Britain and the United States—the activities of ish imperialists in Afghanistan, their efforts to erect a hostile a against the Soviet State—the activities of the U.S. imper- rope, the enslavement of the German working dass through Plan; the efforts to effect a transfusion of new bleod into veins of European capitalism—had already given ample proof ectness of the anal: of the Tenth Plenum of the ECCI that: “In spite of the rivalry and acute friction within the éapitalist camp, the crucial and all dominating antagonism between the capitalist world and the Soviet Union becomes more and more apparent as a difference between two economic and political systems diametrically opposed to one another.” The significance of Briand’s advocacy of a “United States of Europe” becomes plain as one notes the joyous reaction in the capitalist press. The editor of “Journal de Genev cannot conceal his glee but openly confesses that while Briand’s idea has features of an anti-Amer® ican customs block, its main incentive is the fear of Bolshevism: * “If Europe is not able to protect itself against American competi- tion it will not be able to do away with unemployment, low wages and the discontent of the masses, which serve as a hotbed for Communist propaganda.” Directed against America the Pan Europe idea certainly is, but d primarily it is directed against the Soviet Union. But let us ine its American content. For sqme time now there has been a deep feeling of uneasiness among European capitalists caused by the growing fear that the big- | gest continental industrial concerns will eventually be gobbled up by | United States finance-capitalism. This fear has been openly voiced by | European industrialists, like Von Siemens, head of the biggest German | electro-technic concern. It also found articulation through the late un- lamented tool of capitalism, Stresemann, who in his last speech ingthe Reichstag warned European capitalism: “It seems to me as if all Europe is in danger of becoming a colony of those who are more fortunate than wel’ Nor are these fears baseles United States capital, avidly wel- comed after the war by chaotic European industry, used the occasion to get control of several of the biggest of European concerns. In Ger- many, the Opel Automobile Works and others, in France, the Citroen Works, in Italy, the Fiat Works, are all more or less controlled by Ford and General Motors Company. The General Electric Company con- trols one-third of the shares of the second biggest electro-technic con- cern in Germany, the Allgemeine Elektrizitats Gesellschaft, while ,of | great significance is the Harrison electrification of Poland, and the fight between British and United States capital for suprgmacy of the English Electricity Concern. In addition to this Europe notes the rapid growth of American capitalism on all world markets, especially in Latin America and China, where the United States is successfully pushing out the English and German goods. The Pan-Europe idea affords another example of the sharpening contradictions of capitalism in the Third Period. It would be simplicity itself to assume that the plan (if at all possible) would confine itself to defensive measures against American competition for the home markets. It would doubtless be turned into a bitter offensive against | America. Whether it could ever be realized as an anti-Americay cus- toms block is another question, “The existing conflicts between tHe European imperialist countries are so tremendous that to create an economic block of the European capitalist states against America’ is most impossible.” But there is always one question that the imper- ] find it possible to unite on: the question of the perpetuation of their exploitation of the home and colonial masses and therefore the necessity for a united front against Bolshevism. It is as another effort towards the foundation of an anti-Soviet block that the Pan-Etrope idea assumes special significance for the exploited workers of the imperialist countries and the downtrodden colonial peoples. ' Destruction of the Soviet Union, the fortress ‘of the Communist world revolution, the main-stay and in$piration of the liberation movement of the colonial slaves of Africa and Asia, is the main objective of Briand’s Pan Europe idea. The world proletariat may be sure that the significance of the suecess of Soviet economy, of the sensational progress of the Five Year Plan, which in its first year has surpassed all expectations, is net lost upon the’ imperialist enemies. World capitalism notes (what the International Rights are too blind to recognize) that the proportion of sirength between the capitalist world and the Soviet Union has altered since the time of the October Revolution and is continuing to change in favor of the Soviet Union. Hence the intensifying attacks upon the U. S. R. in the international arena, hence the ever growing danger of a new intervention of the imperialists against the U. S. S. R. The capitalists also realize that, apart from the tremendous pro- gve-s of the First Workers’ State in regard’to socialist development of industry, the Soviet agricultural enterprises ‘already surpass even the anced forms of agriculture in capitalist countries. e facts are of tremendous historicssignificance to the oppressed under capitalism—and this is what world capitalism knows = s why the enemies of the Soviet Union are engaged in fren- zied offensives against the Workers’ State. And giving objective aid to world capitalism are all those right wing and conciliatory elements who not only seek to revise the tactical principles of Communism, but have gone over politically to the camp of the enemies of the Soviet Union. While the socialist construction of the Soviet State leads on to new triumphs, while our brother proletariat in the Goviet Union are taking up the last decisive fight against the capitalist survivals in the villages, against the Kulaks and Nepmen, the International Rights are doing all in their power to undermine the class fight against capi- talism. The fight for the revolutionary defense of the Soviet Union, the fight for the destruction of the imperialist attacking front, which todayy js increasingly coming under the leadership of the parties of the Second @ International (Social Democratic Party in Germany, Labor Party in Great Britain) is the most important guarantee for the further advance- ment of socialist construction in the Soviet Fatherland. i On this 12th anniversary of the October Revolution, the advanced workers of the imperialist countries and the colonies must increasingly | cemonstrate their solidarity with the workers of the Soviet Union. The Communist Party of the U. S. A. must intensify its activities among | the white and Negro masses of this country, among the oppressed masses of the West Indies and Latin America, to mobilize the working | class for the defense of the Soviet Union, for the prosecution of the international revolutionary struggle, for the reinforcement of interna- tional solidarity of the workers, for the destruction of the vicious capi- talist system. FASCIET FURY REVEALS ITALIAN CRISIS ' ——_——_ i in the Carso the homes of the peas- | ants Sorga, Vesnaver, Kmet, Vato- | vec, Vardon, Antonio Valentino, | Sturner, Smedlaco, Pietro Tulo and others, Persecution, assassinations, fires and violence, of every kind have been perpetrated day in and day out.” To our comrade Iva of Rovigho, Visintni, Communist councilman of Trieste, and Berce’ tens and tehs of killed workers have been added. In the years of 1927, the fascist government has passed a law pro- posed by the fascist leaders of the “redeem” regions suppressing schools rnd societies, preventing the |press and circulation of Slavonic |books and forbidding Slavonic ser- mons in the churches. The hatred of the Slavonic and Italian workers against fascism is notoriously un juenchable,’ On the day of the so-called “ple- biscitarian election” the fascist’ wanted to exchange for their ter- roristic activities, the Slavonic and Italian \ rkers to express with their votes the approval of the fascist (Continued from Page One) who have been sent to prison and deported to the islands were 45 teachers, 21 preachers, and many clerks, shop workers and peasants. On account of the ill treatment re- ceived seven of them, among whom the Bishop Manhio, died. On the 13th day of July, 1920, the fascist “squadre” led by the present secretary of the Italian Parliament, Honorable Francisco Giunta, set afire the building “Narodni Domm” of Trieste and Pola, the Cafe Com- mercio,” the homes of the lawyers Wilfan, Pretner,- Abron, Agneletto and Kinovec. The locals of the ship- ping company “Balkan” anud several restaurants were completely de- stroyed. During the month of February, 1921, the fascists set afire not only the typografical establishments of the Italian Communist paper “II Lavoratoe” an dof the Slavonic Com- munist paper “Delo,” but even the Labor Chamber of Trieste, those of Istria and Friuly and all the cultural clubs of that region, among which nd the work- judski Oder.” set a%ire th Yo. The ch ce of hom y 4 | MILITANT LABOR VOTES. The Capitalists Demand More ‘ _from. the » By Fred Ellis. Muilitancy A. F. of L.. By JACK STACHEL. Telegram of October 8 under the caption “Where Is the A. F, of L.® This editorial was writen on the eve of the A. F. of L. convention in Toronto. It deserves cayeful study as it provides a fair insight to che policies and plans of the bourgeoisie. This editorial is even more significant when we take into szcount that this same paper | has endorsed Norman Thomas for mayor of the City of New York in the present municipal elections. The editorial begins: To any one interested in the rights and welfare of the workers, the American Federation of Labor meeting this week is a Somewhat pathetic organization, Tt has to repert a failure to make appreciable gains*in mem- bership being now below 3,000,900 compared with its 5,000,000 and more in 1920. It has to report a labor awakening in the South in which it has little share and industrial warfare in the South which it has done little to mitigate. From the very beginning therefore the cat is let out of the bag. What is worrying the New York Telegram is not the “rights and wel- fare of the workers” but the “industrial warfare in the South.” The reason why the A. F. of L. is a “somewhat pathetic organization” is not the fact that it has lost memMership and become ‘part and parcel of the capitalist state apparatus but because first of all it has not prevented the “industrial warfare in the South” and secondly “it has done little to mitigate” this “industrial warfare.” The editorial after calling attention to the fact that the A. F. of L. has done little to organize the workers in the basic industries (steel, auto, rubber, oil, ete.) and that the A. F. of L. has no “constructive program” in these industries as well as for the mining and textile in- dustry “in which chaotic conditions drift from bad to worse” also goes on to complain that the American Federation of Labor does little in the face of “anti-labor injunctions evil handcuffing the unions.” Further the editorial continues: If the A. F. of L. cannot get justice for labor in Congress in the courts and in industry who can? The truth is that the A. F. of L. is failing miserably in its stewardship. Every year its weakness is more apparent. The southern ¢extile situation is a vivid example of that failure but it is,only one of the many examples. For thirty years the A, F. of L. has ignored the field except for easy resolutions and a handful of organizers. The job has been left to the Communists. Now we have it quite clear. Whet is really irritating to the cap- italists and their New York Telegram i sthat the Communists are or- | ganizing and leading the struggles of the masses. The capitalists are aware of the present economic situation and the rapid development. towards the oncoming crisis. They see the growing radicalization of the workers and are much alarmed about it. They are particularly alarmed at the splendid show of militancy of the 100 per cent native American workers in the South who were advertised as docile and obedient slaves immune from the “revolutionary theories.” Th® capital- | ists are determined. to overcome the oncoming economic crisis at’ the expense of the workers through a ruthless policy of rationalization and wage cutting. The capitalists are preparing for another imperialist war and first and foremost * an attack against the Soviet Union, In such a situation the capitalists count on the A. F. of L. a great deal. The A. F. of L. certainly does not deserve the criticism because it has in any sense given any cause to the bourgeoisie to doubt its loyalty to the capitalist class and the capitalist government. No, not this is the complaint but the fact that precisely at this time when the masses are becoming radicalized, when the masses are resisting. the offensive ef the employers, an! when the Communists are leading @e developing mass struggles of the worker “ie “A. F. of L. is failing in its steward- ship.” Certainly it is failing in its stewardship when it has been unable y interestifg and instructive editorial was published in the | a e sd } to prevent the Communists and the National Textile Workers Union from making the advances in the South and principally in the Gas- tenia region, The capitalists are complaining that the A. F. of L. is vowing weaker “that every year its weakness is more apparent.” | Vhat {> mean of course that every year the Communist and left wing influence is growingeand that the A. F. of L.’ has not been able to heé&d off the movement of the workers, the developing class struggles. The capitalists are complaining because the A. F. of L. does not | do its work, that it has neglected many of its tasks laid down for it by the capitalist class and that it has particularly failed in the South | where the Communist Party and the National Textile Workers Union | are making rapid progress. They. correctly point to the fact that the ; South “is a vivid example of that failure” and that the “job has been | left to the-Communists.” | | Most interesting and instructive is the following concluding sec- | | tion of the editorial: | While the hungry southern mill hagds are facing alone the organized employers and hostile authorities, beaten by mobs and ,,Shot down by sheriffs, the sf&ek A. F. of L. officials sit twiddling id their thumbs at mohogany desks in bis for or are making patriotic speeches to the Mational Security League or at West Point. The A. F. of L. is ace:yately described as the aristocracy of labor. All arictocragies are subject to dry rot. This is indeed a gem. Doubtless many workers reading this sec+ | tion of the editorial will believe that what the New York Telegram is , here advocating is a policy of the organization of the unorganized, aga ‘ast patriot’: speeches at We. Point, ¢ -. pose of this editorial. This editMial is an expression of the fact that | the capicausts tear that the A. F. of L. has already become and. is more | and more becoming discredited among the masses of workers. They fear that their agents in the ranks of the working class are becoming impotez:t because of too g- exposure cf their actual role and the | consequent strengthening of v..c class consciousness of the masses and | the growth of the revolutionary movement led by the Communist Party. | | They want the A, F. of L, to remain loyal to the capitalists and they have no fear that the Gre&ns and the Wolls will fail them in the least. But they, at the same time, want to present these gentlemen to the ) workers as their leaders fighting in their interes They want the A. F. of L. to win the contidence of the great mass of unorganized workers in the basic industries so that they may defeat the Commun- ists and defeat the workers in the developing struggles thus assuring tke carrying through of the bosses’ offensive and the success of the war preparations. They want the A. F. of L. leadership to do a little less “twiddling their thumbs at mahogany desks at Washington” and put on overalls and go to the unorganized masses with their confidence and betray them. They can afford for the moment less speeches from | the A. ‘F, cf L. leadership at West Point. There are pelnty of others that can make these speeches. They are not unaware as to for example how the workers in the Brooklyn Navy Yard were aroused against Gregg when he appeared there at the time of the launching of the Pensacola. They are aw@re of the response received at the time by | the Communists and the Daily Worker from the exploited workers in the Brooklyn Navy Yard. The best thing the Greens and Wolls can | de now for the moment in the war preparations is not so much to make | speeches at West Point but rather to assure the defeat of the move- | ment for the organization of the unorganized seriously undertaken by | the Trade Union Unity League and the Communist Party. The Telegram editorial reads no different from a manifesto of the iluste “Conference for Progressive Labor Action.” Almost the same ords, the same phrases, are to be found in both. This is no accident. | The Muste movement is the great:st danger within the labor movement. These people appear at this time with their radical phrases precisely because of the leftward drift of the masses, precisely because of the growing influence of the new ions under the leadership of the Com- ot Party. | No, not this is the pur-| The Muste movement expresses the needs of the bour- | regime that is enslaving those peo-/¥onic, Croatian and German work- gpeaks violences and noihing eel ‘ihe’ Anti-Faseisii Alliance Ua re, geoisie. They will t.!ng the “radical phrases” and the A. F, of L. betrayer in overal’ back on the sc:1e side b, side with the “mahogany desks in Washington” so that the American Federation of Labor tan be saved as the instrument of the capitalists in the attacks against the workers in the present period. ‘‘he capitalist government will use the | old trick of “arresting” the Muste A. F. of L. betrayers so that they ‘ay appear as “militant” leaders in the “interests” of the masses. This SR SSSR EEE SEER A perpetrated by the fascist to intimi-! North America appeals to all sec- | date the workers and compel them tions, all workers’ organizations and ito vote “Yes.” The peasant Ivan | societies to organize protest demon- | Subitan was killed while other work- | strations against the fascist terror \ers who refused to vote fascist were which falls upon’ the shoulders of | beaten and wounded. the Italian and Slavo:ie workers. | ic an ot trick often used in old czarist Russi, uscd extensively through- The voters were dragged violently, Anti-Fascists! Fight for the right out the world by the bourgeoisie to. restore the confidence of the masses to Pisino where the president of the | to self-determination of the national - i" their agents who have become discredited in the eyes of the workers, jelection station voted in their stead. | minorities oppressed by fascists im-, It is noteworthy to remember that the New York Telegram has It was in jsue ha surrounding, | perialism! | endorsed Norman Thomas, one of the principal leaders of the Muste charged with hated and violence; it! Intensify the struggle against fas- | movement, for mayor as against both Walker and LaGuardia and that +; vs 4 A it calls for the annihilation of the loyal republican party in New York was to evenge his people oppressed, cism, organizé mass meetings of, * ‘ F 5 ‘i tortured and assassinated by the | protest! | and the rallying of all liberal forces around Thorfas for the creation - adimi i of a permanent oppositfon to Tammany. pias caiheictenn ok Ake alia Sy ie the neh oe doomed by the! putting forth the socialist party, the third capitalist party, as the op- B Faigle sso'lnl | capitalist and fascist vengeance! | position party to head off the development of the influence of the The fascist “iolences resorted to! Fight for the liberation of all the) Communists and to lead the leftward drift of the masses into the chan- against the minorities and against political prisoners! ' nels of capitalism and to create in the socialist party a reserve for the Italian workers unite us iin the Only the world wide protest of| “saving” capitalism. struggle against the capitalist re-’ the workers can prevent the assassi- | This policy of the bourgeoisie shows the necessity of a merciless gime of the black ‘shirts of Rome jation of all the anti-fascists! struggle against social reformism and exposes the opportunism of the and Belgrade. | Down with the Special Fascist! Lovestone theory of exceptionalism expressed in his sneech at the The infamous gpntences of the | Tribunal! | New York membership meeting on October 2, 1928, ¢> ° s'We “Special Tribunal” realizes the un- Down with the fascism of Roma! are now in a period of decisive clashes betwe2n the severable bond o fthe Italian, Sla- and of Belgrade! | and Communism for the leadership of the majority of tic ‘ Long live the unity of the Italian’ This is so in all countries of high capitalist development with the od Slavonic workers in the strug-| ¢xeeption of the United States.” (Emphasis mine. See “Communist” of the overt’ro~ of ise fascist) November, 1928.—J.S.) ors under the leadership of the'r sey polite) p: \ ® the ground, puffed and panted. \ | | | | | | | | | | This is an obvious policy of | THE CITY------ OF BREAD TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN “The City of Bread” by Alexander Deubleday—Doran, New ott. Reprinted, by permission, from Neweroff, published and copyrighted by ee (Continued.) . The train left during the night. s At it got under way, the engine shrieked deafeningly, rasped along : On the down grades it plunged for- ward headlong as though down a mighty precipice. The cars rocked terrifyingly, ready to lezp from hte rails, sacks flew down from the shelves, chests fell with a crash, the iron shutters rattled on either side of the two windows that snatched the warm stars from the racing sky. The mujiks moved about were lessly in the darkness, like horses in their stalls. One rummaged in his sack, another htrew his bread wallet to his neighbor; a third cursed loudly when he felt a pair of feet agajnst his head. “Whose chest is this?” “Whose cup is under me?” “Who is there?” “And who are you?” “Who are you punching in the nose?” : Matches Qared, making ragged rents in the darkness, revealing grotesque, foreshortened bodies with moving beards. Women shrieked, Mishka lay sprawled out at-his ease. The warm food had soothed him, and against his breast four pieces of read still lay. : It was a pity about hfs grandmother's skirt, but the sack was noth- ing to hang yourself about: it was small and full of patches. If he had luck in getting work in Tashkent he could get new sacks. He wasn’t a child any longer. And better not think about th, skirt any more. That would be a lesson—not to be suc ha fool again. Why did he have to dump everything in the same place? Why was the knife still safe . . . because he had worn it fastened to his bela If he had put that in the sack, that would have been gone too. Mishka fondled his knife and hid it in his breast. He tightened his belt around his waist, then paused and reflected. It might be better to hang it from his belt again—fi only the thong didn’t break. You couldn’t find a knife like that nowadays: “Like a razor! It will cut thyough any stick.” Magpe he could take his jacket to market as well. If they. took women’s skirts, they would: probably take a jacket. No need to be downhearted. Jacket, knife, soldier’s belt. And if there weren’t any regular factories there, maybe even his cap would find a buyer. Let’s see! For the jacket, two poods, for, the cap and knife, a pood and a half? Lopatino village floated by. Before his eyes stood the hungry izba, and in the hungry izba his mother, lying sick. They are waiting for Mishka and bread. Yashka was looking for sparrows in the garden-patch. It would never occu» to him to pick up the yoke that lay near the shed . . . Mishka had forgotten to put it back in its proper place, and Yashka would never think of it. What he loved best was to whittle at sticks—a regular carpenteer. It would be fine if he could learn properly i a carpater’s shop, but in such*times! And yet without learning, it was almost impossible to get along. Poverty was like,® stone Sant. the mujik’s neck—he couldn’t shake it off. If Mishka got back from Tashkent, he would have to think first about the sowing. Perhaps by then the government would be giving help to the peasants ... If his land were not tilled, he would have to make another journey to Tashkent, and live through all these hardships over again. ® In the dark, overcrowded car, Mishka reviewed in his mind all the details of the farm, calculating poods and pounds. Then he thought of Serioshka. “Couldn’t stand much! “And you?” “T'm a little tougher.” At this ponit one of the mujiks tugged at his leg. ‘@ley boy, where aye you going?” Mishka made no reply. Again the mujik tugged at his leg. “Sleeping, are you?” Mishka kept up the pretense: let them think he was asleep. Maybe they would gtart talking about him: that might be interesting. The mujik began grumbling to anothér one: “Why did we have to take this lad along? him out, the devil take him!” The other mujik answered: “We can’tethrow him out: the Tcheka brought him here.” “Well, what’s the Tcheka got to do with us anyway? We got this car for d&rselves, we have to think of that too. It would be all right to take a regular grown up man who would pay his way, but what will we get out of this one?” Mishka pricked up his ears and listened eagerly. “Could they really throw me off the car?” Again the second mujik addressed the first one: “Better not start anything wit this boy. Who knows who he might be. Maybe he is related to the Tcheka. It’s easy to throw him out, but you might get yourself into the devil of a mess afterwards.” Mishka listened in the darkness and smiled to himself. “Aha, you’re afraid of me, are you?” The mujiks wrangled about what should be done with Mishka, and Mishka snored so they would not know he was listening. “Curse away! I know everything you’re thinking . . . Again the second mujik said ot the first mujik: “We won’t kick hi mout. But tomorrow he'll have to get out— and we won't let him on again.” Msihka snored. “You neay think so! But nothing will make me get off this train T'll hold out for two days...” After an hour of wrangling, the mujiks began gradually to settle down. Impenetrable darkness lay over the close-packed car with its cons fused tangle of legs and arms. Even the women, cramped and crowded into the corners by the men, subsided into silence. The engine crept around curves, shnieked madly on the upgrades. First it would race along for a few versts, then for a while jog slowly. The wheels ground on and on... and to the accompaniment of the peaceful sgind Mishka’s drowsy thoughts wove themselves into pat- terns and dissolved again: You're on the way, you,re on the way—one! “You must be smart, you must be smart—two! Tak, tak, tak! Ttak, tak, tak! Tak, tak, tak! What a fine lad, what a fine lad, what a fnie lad! You will get there, you will get there, you will get there! Never get freightened, never get freightened, never get frightened! Knife and belt. knife and belt, knife and belt! ° Pood-pood-pood! Pood-pood-pood! Pood-pood-pood! Too weak!” We ought to throw now. + (To be Continued) ————=EE———————— tween th Communists and the republican and democratic parties, Love- stone’s t¥tory of exceptionalism here as in other questions is sheer op- portunism. It means underestimation of the role of social: reformism in the ranks of the working class. Lovestone sees the socialist party as a small organization without any influence. He sees the A. F, of L. not as a social reformist organization because it differs in its develop- ment from the traditional social reformist organizations in Europe. He does not see the influence of the A. F. of L. on the unorganized masses and spoke of the small membership. of the A. F. of L, This means to stop the struggle against social reformism and thus abandon the masses to the influence of the social reformists. The capitalists with their A. F. of L. and the Musteites will not stop the development of the mass struggle of the workers and the growth of the Communist movement. They will not stop it any more than they can stop the oncoming crisis or any more than they can save the capitalist system. Not even the Lovestonites who have become the left wing of the Musteites can stop the class struggle. They can, however, confuse and mislead large sections of the workers for a time. They would be successful for a longer period if the opportunistic policies of Lovestone would still dominate the Party line. They would be more successful if the Lovestone group operating a Right opportunist faction would still lead the Party. But our Party is today standing firmly on the line of the Comintern. The Pazty will defeat the efforts of the Musteites and the Lovestonites to save the A. F. of L. and the efforts of the A. F. of L. to save capitalism. Our Party is conducting a merciless struggle against social reformism and against its generous wing—the Musteites and Lov zB ; r ' tt s , 1 + 3 1 ‘ - 1 a = —= —e = ey adoesterosot#actcgds