The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 4, 1929, Page 4

square, New York City, N. ¥. T rN Ps # stished by the Comprodafly Publishing Co., Inc., daily, except Sunday, ‘elephone Stuyvesant 1696- Cable: Addrees and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union t 26-28 Union DATWORK.” York, N. ¥. Square, New o Baily pas waHeE Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. 8. A. By Mail (in New York only): 38. By Mail (outside of New York): SUBSCRIPTION RATES: 3.00 a year: $4.50 six months: $3.50 six months; $2.50 three months $6.00 a year; $2.00 three months ee ~PARTY LIFE Comm For the Line of the Comintern—Against White Chauvinism The crassest expression of the Right danger which has been a sore spot in our Party for a number of years, and as such must be relent- 'y fought, is white chauvinism. This is an expression of the im- alist ideology of race arrogance emanating from a theory of in- herent inferiority of all darker races, and in America the Negro in par- This theory has been disseminated among the whites by the ist class as a sort of a conscience salve to facilitate the attacks 1 vicious exploitation of the Negro workers. The white workers by llowing themselves to become infected with this capitalist disease hten the yoke around their own neck by hampering the efforts of the class conscious workers to bring about working class unity as a most effective weapon with which to fight capitalist exploitation. Since the whole ideology of race prejudice has become part of the wool and fabric of the capitalist system and has been spread through the medium of the press, the pulpit and schools, the whole white work- ing class in America has become permeated with it in various degre: Therefore, it is not surprising that we find manifestations of it even in the most class-con Comm Many ways. as elements of the working class, even in the This white chauv Both openly anc itse t Party m expresses itself in ‘etly. We have had many instances of open expressions of race prejudice in our Party which have acted to the ¢ ment of our work in organizing the Negro masses. forms of this prejudice are even more dangerous because are harder to fight. This form of prejudice often manifests itself a condescending and patronizing attitude of some of our comrades toward Negro workers which is quickly sensed by the Negro and is deeply resented. It shoul@ not surprise us that Negro workers are sus- Picious of all whites, including the white worker, because of the repeated history of betrayals of Negro workers in the labor movement, in the American Federation of Labor in particular. Therefore, when a con- descending attitude is adopted towards him, he is convinced that there is “a catch in it” somewhere and that he is again about to be victimized. It is needless to say that through repeated manifestations of chauv- inism in our Party we have lost many Negro workers in the past and if we want to build our Party and increase its mass influence, among the most oppressed elements of the working class it becomes self evi- dent that we must sear out with a red hot iron all manifestations of this evil. Therefore, at the recent Plenum of the Central Committee of our Party, it was decided to carry on an intensive ideological campaign against white chauvinism with subsequent organizational measures in the nfost flagrant cases as an integral part of this campaign. Here- tofore, our campaign against white chauvinism has been sporadic and lacked continuity. Along with our campaign against the Right danger, it is possible to deal a decisive blow against the evil of white The District Control Commission of District 2 has taken deter- mined action in a recent case of a comrade who manifested this race prejudice in its most vicious form. This comrade took exception to the presence of a couple of white girl comrades with a non-Party Negro worker in the cafeteria by assaulting the Negro worker, telling him that the reason he assaulted him was because he was running around with white girls. The danger of this action to the progress of our Party was especially clear because of the fact that this worker was a non- | Party element whom we were winning over to our Party and the bad effect that this incident would have on the Negro workers in this dis- trict when they heard about it. It was with the greatest difficulty that’ one of our comrades persuaded the Negro worker that the Party would take action. The Control Committee took immediate and decisive action against the chauvinist and expelled him from the Party. We are publishing the statement of the Control Committee on this matter as an example showing such actions will not be tolerated in the ranks of the Communist Party. We are determined to carry on a con- tinuous fight against this evil and we will give full publicity of all in- | stances in the columns of our Party Press. Every comrade should be- comé convinced of the necessity of fighting chauvinism and the white comrades in particular should lead in this fight, and in that way we will be successful in overcoming. race prejudice. OTTO HALL. * * * The District Control Commission has expelled S. Mataxos from the ranks of the Communist Party of District 2 (New York), for acts of white chauvinism. At this time it is necessary to bring to the atten- tion of the Party membership the necessity of carrying on an unceasing | struggle against this criminal capitalist ideology that permeates the | labor movement, some of the remnants of which still remain in the ranks of our Party. ers in the company of white girls is part of the whole system of white chauvinism. In the Communist Party and in the revolutionary trade union movement such acts cannot be tolerated. They are part of the systematic attempt of the capitalist class to pit one section of the work- ing class against the other, under the slogan of racial superiority. Our task is to fight for the full political, racial and social equality of the Negro masses and to win the Negro workers for the revolutionary move- ment. The District Control Commission will handle with the severest measures all cases of white chauvinism that may arise. DISTRICT CONTROLL COMMISSION. LEO HOFBAUER, Chairman. J. L. PERILLA, Secretary. Not a Latin-American Party Member - Lovestone By ALBERT MOREAU. The revolutionary age, the counter-revolutionary sheet of the ex- pelled Lovestone group is enraged for its failure to recruit anti-Com- munist adepts among the Latin-American workers of the Party. Con- comitant with its policy of renegadism, it pledges itself in its first issue to be unscrupulous and use any conceivable lie in order to attack the Party and its loyal members. Commenting on the expulsion of Saby Nehama from the New York Spanish Workers Club, it says: “Albert Moreau who was doing the dirty work tried to mask his actions and made all sorts of slanderous attacks against Comrade Nehama.” What were the facts on the matter? Why is it that satrap of Nehama did not state the truth before the editorial staff of his paper? The objection of this man Mataxos to seeing Negro work- | Why do the Lovestoneites who know the real cause of his expulsion not | mention it in the comment? Because Saby Nehama is a foreman and on this ground he was expelled from the Spanish Workers Club, There was no “slanderous” attack against the foreman renegade but, on the contrary, every Latin-American, Party member, took the floor at that meeting and in a true Communist manner defended the Party against the vicious attacks made by Nehama. Saby Nehama had the indecency to deny his being a foreman but facts cannot be disputed. Only a few days ago, we had the opportunity to meet a worker who toils in the sweat shop, complaining of th eincessant repri- mands this worker gets from this foreman Nehama for coming late in the morning. I remember having conversations with some of the ex- comrades in which we again and again had come to the realization that Nehama’s job of foreman is incompatible with membership in the Party. I personally happened to be present in the shop on various occasions and saw Nehama performing his duties of the boss’ tool of exploitation. Nehama is a foreman in one of the worst sweat shops of the city where the workers toil for $15 to $20 per week ort a 48-hour week. But Nehama, presumably being ashamed to state before Latin-American workers that he is a “worker,” had told them the truth in private con- versation, that he is a foreman. Four Latin-American comrades brought the charges demanding his expulsion. No member could be found to defend him, But Lovestone puts this exploiter on his ‘“Na- tional Council”! The ease needs no further explanation. In their vicious attacks upon the Party the Lovestoneites stoop low and will do so in the future. They will not get any Latin-American workers to play a treacherous role against their Party and the Communist International. é The Communist Party has filed a|d list of its candidates in the munic- cted mostly against the Soviet | ion. The fight that the party is | putting up in the election campaigns | is also centered around the struggle against the imprisonment of the Gastonia textile leaders and for the | mobilization of the American work- ers to defend the legal existence of the Communist Party. In the present municipal election campaigns the Communist Part@ is exposing the treacherous role of the | Socialist Party which openly re-| ceives the endorsement of the capi- talist class and the capitalist press, and became the third party of Am- ipal elections now taking place in a number of industrial cities. This year the Communist Yarty put out its candidates on a clear Communist platform as a challenge to the capi- talist class. The slogan under which the Communist Party is cart rying on its campaign in the various municipal elections is “class against class.” While mobilizing the work- ers on immediate demands and is- sues such as housing, transporta- tion, Jim-Crowism, etc., the Com- munist Party is at the same time pointing out to the workers that the |¢tican capitalism, In its various only way the working class of this Municipal election platforms _ the | country can free itself from capital- | Communist Party definitely demoh- | strates that it is the only political | party fighting for the interegts of | the oppressed Negoes and of the ex- | ploited American working class gen- erally. A vote given to the Com- campaigns is centered around the munist Party candidates would be a | task of mobilizing the workers in| vote directed against the gapitalist | the struggle for the right to organ- | System, ize into industrial trade unions ‘and | The Communist Party is now suc- | the struggle against the fascist ter-| cessfully conducting a municipal ror of the capitalist state and their | election. campaign in Cleveland, supporters, the reactionary Ameri-|where it put out the following can- can Federation of Labor and the So- | didates for election: cialist Party. One of tho main is-| District 1—John Fromholz, M.| sues in the municipal election cam- | Erdei... District 2—M. Catlos, A.| paigns carried on by the Communist | Eloff. District 3—S. Van Veen. } Party is the struggle against capi- | District 4—Betty Gannett. | talist rationalization, which is part} In New York City, the following! of the imperialist war preparations |candidates are heading the Com- ist exploitation is through the over- throw of capitalism and the estab- lishment of a workers’ and farmers’ | government. The act: ies of the Communist Party in the municipal The Party Plenum and. the Concentration of the Forces unists Active in Elections Thruout the United States munist ticket in the local elections: |driver; Steven Stanley, machinist; | For Mayor, W. W. Weinstone; for |Joseph Drill, food worker; William | Comtporller, Otto Hall; Chairman of | Hagerman, carpenter, | the Board of ,Aldermen, Harry M.| In the San Francisco municipal | Wicks. * Jelection sfor the board of supervis- | In Pittsburgh, the capital of the | ors, thé ommunist Party has in the | bosses’ coal and iron police, the cen- |field two candidates, Henry Glick- | ter of the most brutal exploitation son and Louise Todd. of the workers, the Communist With the growth of the war dan- Party is entering the local elections | ger, the Pacific Coast of the U. S. A. with the following list of candi-|is assuming special importance. The dates: Communist candidates are carrying For Mayor, Emmett P. Cush; for |0n a strong campaign in the strug- controller, Thomas Myerscough; | gle against war and for the defense | Council, Max Jenkins, Ben Careath- |0f the Soviet Union. ers, Fannie Toohey, Rebecca Horo-| These various municipal election | vitz, Anton Horvat. jcampaigns in which the Communist | In Philadelphia, where the Com- |Party is actively participating, dem- | munist Party is carrying on an ener- | onstrate the growth of the Commun- getic struggle for the right to use| ist Party and its active participation the streets against the corruption | in every strug ‘e where the workers of the Vare Administration and |are involved. Th- Communist Party against the enslaving Mitten class-|has no illusions about these local collaboration plan that is dominat- elections. It knows that the capi- ing the transportation system of | talist class will use all means at its that city, the Communist Party in| disposal to intimidate workers vot- the logal elections put out the fol-|ing the Communist ticket and sup- lowing candidates: . |press the actual number of votes For Controller, Leo P. ¢Lemly,| that the Co--nunist Party will re- electrical worker. ceive in these elections. It there- For City, Treasurer, en Thomas, |fore at the same time exposes the machinist. |fak democracy of the capitalist class For Magistrates, Frank Mozer, jand prepares the workers for or- plumber; Samuel Burt, needle ganized militant struggle for the| worker; Jennie Cooper, Secretary International Labor Defense; Frank | system of society and the establish- Kennedy, Negro building laborer. |ment of a dictatorship of the prole- For Constables, Thomas Halligan, | tariat. complte destruction of the capitalist | | of the Party By JACK STACHEL. | The October Plenum ofgthe Central Committee brought the Party for the first time since the Ninth Plenum of the ECCI (Feb., 1928) in | line with the decisions of the Communist International. Since the Ad- dress (May, 1929) the Party was adapting itself to the line of the Com- | intern but it was not until the adoption of the Thesis at the October Plenum that the Party really formulated in a definite form the correct | position on all the important questions. Naturally there can be no mechanical separation between the whole activity of the Party since the Address anl the Thesis adopted at the Plenum. The Plenum Thesis is a high point in the development of the Party’s adaptation to the line of the Comintern marking a new stage. The Plenum of the Central Committee had before it the whole de- velopment in the United States as well as throughout the world that confirmed the correctness of the decisions of the Sixth World Congress and the Tenth Plenum of the ECCI. The number of important strikes and struggles in Germany, France, Poland, India, Great Britain, the United States, etc., fully demonstrated the opportunist conception of” the International Right of the estimate of the third period and capitalist stabilization. The May Day events in Germany, the International Red Day celebrations, the events in India, Palestine, China, Latin America, etc., further gave the lie to the opportunist social democratic position | of the right wing, to their denial of radicalization, to their talk of the \ strengthening of stabilization, etc. | The Plenum had before it the developments in the United States since the Sixth World Congress full of rich experiences of the struggles . of the workers. Gastonia, Marion, Elizabethton, New Orleans, the movements among the miners, the stirring among the auto workers, | the struggles of the needle and shoe workers and a large number of | smaller and partial strikes as well as the response of the masses’to the | TUUL Convention and the International Red Day demonstrations was convincing enough to unmask the bourgeois theory of exceptionalism which dominated the Party line for some time particularly since the Ninth Plenum of the ECCI. The Plenum estimated the present econ- omic situation in the United States as a pre-crisis situation. The de- | cline in the auto industry the slump in the building trades, the fluctua- tions in the steel industry and the stock market and credit situation already foreshadow this crisis. The developments of the stock exchange since the Party Plenum confirm fully this estimate.- It is clear that the stock exchange developments are not accidental or isolated and will not be solved by “psychological” remedies even if prescribed by the House of Morgan. They are a symptom of the oncoming economic crisis of which they are also a contributing factor. The Plenum thesis laid down the line of the Party on such impor- tant questions as the estimate of stabilization, the radicalization of the masses, the meaning and content of capitalist rationglization, the strug- gle against social reformism, the struggle against the Right danger, white chauvinism, the growing war danger, etc. One of the greatest achievements of the Plenum was the serious- ness with which the members of the CC discussed the problems and tasks of the Party and the spirit of self criticism that dominated the entire discussion. There was absent from the discussion the spirit of petty bourgeois self satisfaction that prided itself in little achieve- ments and did not see the enormous shortcomings and tremendous tasks. There was absent the factional expediency and covering up of mistakes that marked previous plenums and conventions of our Party. Nor was there the past “American advertising” of the achievements of the Party brought forth in order to bolster up and perpetuate a certain factional regime in the Party. Not that the Plenum did not take note of the im- portant achievements of the Party since the Address. But the Plenum saw in these achievements the fruits of the application of the line of the Comintern as against the previous Right orientation of the Party leadership and concentrated its main attention on the struggle against th Right danger, which does ~c: disappear from the Party with, the expulsion of the Right renegades, and on overcoming the disparity be- tween the cbjective possibilities for winning the masses and the Party readiness ar.1 mobility to take up these growing tasks. @ The disparity between the growing radicalization of the masses and the unpreparedness of the Par<,, was obvious, Here was Marion, N. C., Elizabethtown, Tenn., ‘few Orleans, where the masses were ready for it * and where they were left to be betrayed by the A. F. of L. | bureaucracy and the Party apd the TUUL were completely absent from | the scene cf struggle, Similarly among ‘!¢ shoe workers and the enthracite miners ‘ forces o” the Party were not taking advantage of th> mood of the masses for Eveste In the auto industry and in ether important industries the ses are seething with discontent v ‘ gig, Sones | @ conscious policy of drawing in new proletarin forces from the strug- against The inhuman ratior ‘ization of the employers and very little is being done by the Pa:'_ to really undertake the organization of these | nillion: of unorganized. The ~ ‘2rnational Red Day demonstrations | demonstrated that in many instances the masses were ahead of the Party. The Plenum therefore considered one of the major tasks in the immediate future the overcoming of this disparity between the readiness | of the masses and the lagging behind of the Party. The Party and the new unions are being attacked most bitterly at the present time. The capitalists, conscious of the developing economic crisis, are trying to solve their problems through an offensive against the workers; through another imperialist war and through an attack against the Soviet Union. They hope to solve their present developing crisis through a greater rationalization, reduction of wages, etc. They are conscious of the growing radicalization of the masses and the lead- ership of the Communist Party which is leading the struggle against their war preparations and their offensive against the workers. They aré therefore trying to destroy the new unions, the Trade Union Unity League and first and foremost the Communist Party. ‘ In this situation the Party must mobilize all its forces and con- | centrate them in such a manner that the Party will be in a positiqn to lead tH developing mass struggles. This requires a redistribution of the Party forces and the drawing in of all Party forces into work. The Plenum of fhe Central Committee and the plenum of the various district committees have.already taken the first steps in this driection by drawing into the leading committees new proletarian forces and the comrades of the former minority who had been factionally excluded from the Party’s work and leadership. This must be followed up by gles that are taking place and that are developing. | While strengthening the National Center in all its departments it is necessary to send experienced forces into the districts particularly in the most industrial districts. The past practices of concentrating all the leading forces in the center and allowing the districts to remain without real leadership is particularly dangerous in the present period of the developing struggles and of increased government persecution. It is necessary to strengthen the leadership in the districts and to de- velop the greatest initiative on the part of the districts while at the same time creating a greater centralization of the work from the Na- tional Center. Only in this way can we be assured that the Party will function in spite of the attacks of the government and will not lag behind the developing mass struggles. Similarly the districts must not concentrate all their best forces only in the district headquarters city, but must strengthen the local organizations giving particular attention to the industrial towns. The strengthening of district and local organ- izations does not mean to merely send in capable organizers. It means the building up of collective leadership, the building up of the depart- ments, the greatest organic connections between the higher and lower committees, the drowing in of all Party comrades into activity and the constant training and selection of the best proletarian forces out of the struggle into the leading bodies of the Party. One of the important tasks in connection with the improvement of the district and local leadership is the systematic and serious coloniza- tion. This colonization does not only mean the sending of comrades from the New York District to other districts but primarily the distri- bution of the forces of every district in such a way that the most im- portant industrial cities and large plants ‘in the basic industries will receive first attention. The Lovestone renegades who clamor about the revision of the life of the Sixth Congress and are already pretty close to the line of the Second International on many fundamental questons as for example, capitalist stabilization, are allready peddling their old wares and are “worried” about the Communist Party being “turned over” to the for- mer minority. They will surely try to utilize every effort of the Party to strengthen its leadership for the purpose of confusing the masses and the Party membership as they are trying to do with their talk of revision of the line of the Comintern. Let them talk. They are already isolated from the Party membership. The Party is consolidating itself, wiping out all remnants of factionalism, and engaging in the serious work of winning the masses. They are becoming more and more ex- posed as the enemies of the workers, an agency of American social imperialism. The Lovestoneites are living in the past. They do not see the de- velopment that has taken place in the last six months (since the Party Convention). They are still talking about the “glorious” past when they were in control of the Party organization. They can not think in any other manner except as a faction. Byt they are no longer a faction within the Party. From the right wing in the Party they have travelled until they are today the left wing of social reformism. The Party, on the other hand, no longer thinks in terms of minority and majority. The Party is united on the line of the Communist International and is concentrating its energies on the development of the mass struggles, on the strengthening of the Communist Party. As the days pass they will ‘more and more have recourse to looking backward. e Party is Teoking ahead, moving forward! For they have thrown in their lot with jhe Socete Cai ce, baaaeciale Our Party is mobilizing the masses for | THE CITY -----'----- | OF BREAD Reprinted, by permixsion, from ‘The City of Bread” by Alexander Neweroff, published and copyrighted by Doubleday—Doran, New York. TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN (Continued.) Mishka cried for an hour, cried for two hours—but he had to begym doing something. He sobbed half of his grief away, then got up and walked the tracks to the station. He must get away from the place. When he had gone a hundred yards he remembered about Serioshka: I must say good-by to him. Perhaps I wlil never see him again, If a good man comes along he may take pity on me. If not, it is the end. I can still hold out a little longer, but if no one gives me bread by evening, I don’t know what will become of me. No. I'll fall down. I'll lie there in my misery and never get up again. No one needs me. If anyone sees me lying there, he will turn and go away again. He will say: there are enough of this kind lying around... Let him die. Stop shining, Sun, ,.. You bring no joy. And you bells in the church tower, what is the use of your tiging? A heavy burden—the agony of mankind. Bread! ... At the hospital they regarded Mishka with rtrien dh eaies “What do you want?” “Serioshka is here.” “Come back tomorrow, n oadmission nm “I won’t be here long.” * “He's not here. He's dead.” “Dead?” “Go on, go on. Don’t you know what dead is? They buried him. if That’s where Serioshka is.” | t What a day of misfortune! Mishka sat on the hospital steps; then went over and lay down under a tree. The affair had turned out badly; the skirt was gone, no one would give him bread. Why did the rooks keep on crowing? Wasn't that a—how was it called?—a cockshafer creepnig along over there? T’ll catch’it and eat it—we ate dogs and cats in Lopatino... and a | cockchafer ... And there a sparrow hopped. So there were still sparrows. Aha! ..». If Yashka were here now with his popgun... ‘ Gaunt famine-death rose before Mishka. breathed the odor of salt rye bread into his face. Where did the smell of bread come from? ... He picked up a splinter and the splinter smelled of bread too. He sniffed it, threw it away again . . plucked a blade of grass and chewed it. And again his eyes closed in anguish. , “ Death. And yet there are good people in the world. Gaunt famine-death bent above Mishka, counted away the last hours and minutes of ‘his life. Already it was laying cold fingers on his lips. Look up for the last time at the far-off, alien sky— look your fill, Let your thoughts fly in despair from Tashkent to | Lopatino and from Lopatino to Tashkent. Tear from your heart your peasant thoughts of earth and rain and harvest. Death tramped, heavy-booted, over Mishka’s temples, whispered in his eal “What is the good of crying? No one will take pity no you.” At this moment Comrade Dunayev of the Tcheka happened to pass along, recognized the boy and paused. “Hey there! Michael Dodonoy! “T can’t go on...” “No more strength.” Mishka looked up at Comrade Dunayev—he seemed to be a good» man and his voice was kind. Shouldn’t he tell him of his suffering? +++ Maybe he'd take pity on him’... And then he wore a Red Army star too, like Ivan the Communist at home in the village. “Comrade Dunayev, haven’t you even a very little piece of bread?” “What for?” “I'm so terribly hungry, I’m afraid of getting sick .. .” Dunayev smiled down at him. “Why are you afraid?” “Because my mother is alone at home, and if I don’t .get back she’ll die together with the children. So please help me, comrade! ...” Dunayev stroked his mustache with one finger, and smiled again. “Well, well! What can we do? Such a plucky boy must be helped. Come along, take your time.” Was he dreaming or was it really happening? When they got to the Tcheka Dunayev said to his assistant: “Comrade Simakov, this boy must be fed and put on the train. He can ride for four stations.” No, this was no dream. _ . They gave Mishka four pieces of bread and put a big bowl of soup before him and joked with him, “Go ahead, Michael Dodonov, eat, don’t be bashful! A plucky fellow { like you will come through all right! Non-party, are you?” Mishka could hardly: hold his spoon for happiness. “We have a group in our village.” “Do you go to the meetings?” “Where is the time? Our Ivan the Communist, he goes.” Comrade Dunayev stroked his mustache with one finger, observing Mishka. } “You are a good mujik, Michael Dodonov; go ahead, lick it all up...” Mishka fell ravenously on the hot food, ate till his whole body was in a sweat and he breathed with difficulty: he had stuffed himself too ful. - On his nose and round his ears hung drops of perspiration. “Well, how'is it now? Think you can go on?” “I can go on.” “Take him to the train, Comrade Simakov, and tell them in name they’re to give him a place... The Tashkent train willesoon be _ leaving.” - Why are you lying there?” Wonderful people! ‘A One moment they arrest you, the next they put you on the train, It might be because he had sufferéd so, or it might be that some people were really like that. ) Comrade Simakov opened the door of the railroad car: the mujiks crowded round him, ten at a time. He was chief: there was nothing ¢ he couldn’t do if he liked. “You are to take this boy with you.” “No room, comrade! We would he only too glad...” But Simakov pretended not to hear: “Its no use, comrades, I have orders to get him a chiéf’s orders.” The mujiks made room for Mishka, __ They all stared at the boy, felt him over with their eyes. ‘What sort of person. is this that bring into the car place here— goit this tor ‘The equi pris pap feet dang eton mas byt Hun amo.