The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 31, 1929, Page 4

Show How France and Germany Planned for ‘wy exe Comprodafiy Publishing Co, Ync., daily, except Sunday, Y¥. Telephone Stuyvesant 1696- <Addrees and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York City, N. at 26-28 Ui Baal Central ¢ “PARTY LIFE tae - Malkin Refutes “Militant’s” Lies Box 51 No, 10061 Comstock, New York October 19, 1929. To the District Committee District Two, Communist Party of the U.S. A. Dear Comarades: No doubt you have read my statemeut of my disassociation and of my breaking off all my former relations with the Trotsky opposition. I therefore want to let the Party know that: , . (1) I am not responsible for any articles or documents printed s¥ Written by any group or individual outside of the Party, and espe- qially the articles written in the “Militant,” concerning my asking for reinstatement in the Party and my repudiation of all their policies and non-Communist line. # (2) I also want to say that I will fight to the last inch of my life as a Communist for the upholding of the line of the Comintern and its decisions and I fully endorse the decisions of the Sixth Congress of the fomintern and its section in the United States and I wholeheartedly accept its decisions on the cleansing of the Party ‘of all right wing op- yortunist elements like Lovestone, Wolfe, Gitlow and Company, and ary Trotskyist suppcrters. T also send my greetings to the Gastonia workers on trial and wish them victory over their persecutors and oppressors and wishing them immediate freedom. | Hoping that you will put this in the Daily so as to clarify my position and avoid all misfnterpretation, I remain, yours, M. L. MALKIN,10061. e i “HAND IN HAND WITH REV. MUSTE” By EARL BROWDER. More and more the opportunist renegades sink into the morass. In many respects they are already more emphatic enemies of the rev- olutionary movement than the Musteites, while playing the same gen- eral role. Compare Gitlow in “Revolutionary Age” with the Musteite “Labor Age” (the two papers have much more in common than the one word in their names; and the one is no more “revolutionary” than the other is “labor” on the subject of the T.U.U.L. Convention in Cleveland. ; Gitlow saw in Cleveland “a damnable crime against the working class.” “Labor Age” voices the same thought in milder language say- ing: “It is doubtful whether this is the auspicious moment for dual unionism, since dual unions may play into the hands of thé employers.” Doubtless Green, Woll, and the “Wall Street Journal” agree with both, and will widely quote both opinions with impartiality as equally valuable for their purposes. « Gitlow tries to discredit all the delegations at Cleveland as rep- resenting nobody, or only insignificant groups. He disposes of the National Miners Union as nothing, saying: “There were 181 delegates of the N.M.U. when this organization has barely 3,000 members. Whom did they represent?” Again the Musteites are more careful in express- ing the same judgment: “The Communist N.M.U., from all careful re- ports, is but a slight factor in the mine fields.” Let Gitlow and “Labor Age” take their “careful reports” to Messers Lewis and Fishwick in Illinois. These gentlemen would be glad to agree with Gitlow and Muste ,but they can’t do it this week. They are too busy in frantically mobilizing the bosses and government to smash the great mass swing of the Illinois miners to the ranks of the N.M.U. Gitlow sees Cleveland as “the burial city of the T.U.U.L.,” because it was connected with the R.I.L.U. He says: “the first criminal act that helped to wreck” the T.U.U.L., “emanated directly from Lozovsky and his clique in the R.I.L.U.” The Musteites are equally opposed to the R.LL.U. leadership, but are not so open as yet in their bitterness.. “Labor Age” complains to | the same effect but in a milder tone: “Everything to the last detail had been settled ahead of time by the R.I.L.U. in Moscow.” “What is unhealthy in the Communist position is . .. the stubborness of the blind, disciplined fanatic.” It is easily t obe understood how all varies of opportunism are completely opposed to the international leadership of the R.L.L.U. and to the “stubbornness” of the “disciplined” revolutionary workers upon which their opportunism comes to wreck! After establishing the politcal identity between Gtlow and the Musteites, it is interesting to note the minor differences between them. Gitlow can see nothing whatever in Cleveland except “crimes,” “wrecks,” “disasters,” etc. He sees the “will of the rank and file was flouted” because he, the great man with two votes in 690, did not direct the gathering. In contrast, “Labor Age,” not having Gitlow’s intense sub- jectivism and diseased ego, is able to note that “the decisions to make Cleveland the seat of the convention and the Labor-Day week-end the time, were wise”—altho to Gitlow this was the “first crime” of the R.LL.U. which advised it. “Labor Age” lists a dozen positive aspects of Cleveland, and concludes that it was a demonstration of “attention to the concrete situation, the application to details, the drive to penetrate into the ranks of the workers, the urge to create a mass movement of wage-earners.” We are not particularly interested in whether the Musteites see the positive sides of the growing left-wing trade unions. But it is instructive for our Party to see how quickly the renegades lose all objectivity, so that they can’t see even as much as a Musteite. It is hardly necessary to point out in detail how closely in soli- darity on essential questions of policy are the Trotskyites with Gitlow and “Labor Age.” The facts are well known. All of which throws new light on the political penetration of the R.LL.U. which was able to foresee these developments in July when it wrote: “It is only to be expected that the new centre, in carrying through its new tasks, would also have to overcome the resistance of certain self-styled ‘Communists,’ whose Communism consists in phrases to cover their essential opportunism. These renegade elements try to cover their resistance to the new unions by all arts of demagogic appeal to ‘free speech’ and ‘democratic rights’ within the organized Left wing, but their activities are of the most dis- ruptive sort and designed for opportunist ends. Of such are the group of Lovestone, which is rapidly moving towards unification with the Muste group on the basis of its own program, which denies the growing radicalization of the workers and advertizes the ‘over- whelming strength of American imperialism,’ and develops @ whole theory of exemption of America from the world crisis of capitalism. Upon the basis of the Muste group it will also find itself merging with the so-called ‘left’ group of Cannon, whose ‘leftism’ is indistin- guishable from the open Right opportunism of Lovestone in Amer- ica, or of Brandler and Walcher in Germany. Such elements, asist- ing the ‘new progressives’ in their efforts to dam back the leftward development among the workers, must be exposed and opposed as resolutely.” SS RTD Alliance Against USSR BERLIN, (By Mail).—“Der Jung- deutsche,” an organ connected with the German People’s Party, con- tive Reynaud who, as is known, also visted the German foreign minister, Dr. Stresemann. Not long ago the German nation- tinues the disclosures concerning the negotiations between German politicians and French politicians and soldiers. Referring to the con- tention of the German nationalists, that such negotiations took place in 1927, “Der Jungdeutsche” declares, that such negotations took place in 1929 also. Apart from the Reich- stags member Dr. Kloenne and Gen- eral von der Lippe, “Der Jung- deutsche” mentions the Reichstags member Treviranus, von Medem and von Alvensleben as the representa- tives of the Stahlhelm and Director Kriessheim for the Landbund as ne- gotiators. “Der Jungdeutsche” also declares that Captain Ehrhardt ne- alist Reichstags member, von Lin- deiner-Wildau was in Paris, The ring is closing more and more tightly. The declaration of the German nitrate industrialist, Arnold Rechberg, that “such negotiations took place with a whole series of political and economic personages, both of the German right wing, cen- ter and left wing parties,” has been confirmed. It is becoming more and more clear, that all German bourgeois parties, including the Ger- man social democrats, took part in these negotiations whose iter point was the question of a mili- tary alliance between Great Bin, is grtiated with Poincare’s represenga-] France and Germany against Sovjt Union. Al lene Irean of the Communist Party of the U7. 8 A. . eS . “Workers By Mail (in New York only): $8.00 a year. By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 @ ye $4.50 six months: 3 $3.50 six mont! months Building a Fascist Terror Machine Against the Working Class (THE REAL ISSUE OF THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN) Norman Thomas for Violence Against the Workers Under the Screen of Police Efficiency Behind the barrage of charges and counter charges of graft and corruption made by the three capitalist parties, démocratiec, republican and socialist, are concealed the real es 2 election campaign. Stripping aside the veil of election camou and capitalist dema- gogy with which the agents of the bi ing class, one sees very clearly the gene ing itself in this campaign. Two facts stand out sharply in the development of the campaign. First, the capitalist class is working feverishly to build up the forces of repression to centralize, consolidate and make more efficient the state machinery for suppressing the working class and to crush the rising resistance of the workers. In this connection the bourgeoisie is incorporating the underworld and the socialist party more directly into the state machinery in its plans of utilizing fascist terror against the working class. Secondly, the bourgeoisie is building up the socialist party as a third party of capitalism and is developing the socialist party so that it can more effectively play the role as the reserve power to put in force against the working class. Capitalism in the United States is faced with the fact of growing instability. American industry is confronted with the problem of a narrowing market for its overproduced goods. Capitalism is compelled to resort to the speeding-up of labor and to the adoption of measures of the greatest exploitation of the working class resulting in general decline in the standard of living of the workers. American industry is on the verge of a new economic crisis already indicated by the over- production of automobiles, oil, in steel, agricultural products, building construction, which has been registered with striking force in the col- lapse of the stock exchange. The capitalist class in order to overcome this crisis is compelled to resort to new methods of exploitation and to a more intensified attack upon the wages, living standards, and conse- quently upon the organization of labor. Opposing this offensive is the working class, that is not’only taking up a defensive position, not only engaging in strikes and organization campaigns, but through militant action is going over on to the offensive to defeat the rationalization schemes of the exploiters, is fighting militantly to organize itself against the capitalist class. A wave of struggle is developing as shown not only by the heroic fight of the Gastonia, Marion and New Orleans workers of the South, but in the struggles of the oil truckmen, the food truckmen, the strikes of the needle trades workers, the movement for general strike among the transportation workers, the sympathetic strike action of the longshoremen in the oil truckmen’s strike, and in a series of battles occurring in and around New York. The capitalist class is conscious that this wave will spread and that the development of the economic crisis resulting in a further slashing of wages, increase in unemployment, new speed-up devices, and an all around lowering of the living standards of the wage workers, that gigantic class battles of the New York and American workers will take place. The sharpening rivalry between the capitalist world and the Soviet Union and between the imperialist powers themselves, in the first place between the United States and Great Britain which is leading to new imperialist war, is compelling the capitalist class to resort to pacifist camouflage on the one hand and fascist terror on the other. The major demand of the capitalist class is the strengthening of the power of the state, the per- fection of its state apparatus, for the sharpening class struggle. Tam- many Hall in control of the city government has already built up a secret spy system. It has applied terror against the striking workers in the very midst of the election campaign, it has been using thugs and gangsters and its police force to crush the strike of the oil truckmen, window cleaners’ strike, etc. It has increased the police force by eight hundred men, is building an air force, and is developing the police sys- tem as a special pretorian guard against the working class. The re- publican party through its candidate, La Guardia, agitates for the con- sdlidation of the city government for making it more efficient and in the person of La Guardia, it puts forward a candidate that openly pro- Z ¥ Pitch asthe : round and mates his ates On the Snorage oP claims his admiration for fascist rule in Italy and assures the bour- geoisie that his candidacy means swift and decisive action against the workers through the police department, courts, district attorney’s office, etc. The socialist party likewise raises the question of the police force and charges Whalen that he is disrupting the morale of the city police while ex-Tammany Police Chief Enright also makes his main plea for support on the issue of stamping out corruption from city government, principally the police department. Tammany Hall and Jimmy Walker makes its main claim to continuation in office the fact that the city gov- ernment has been cleaned out of graft and corruption and that the po- lice foree of New York City is the world’s best. All parties are out to prove to their masters, the capitalist class, that they can bect carry through the reorganization and the adaptation of the state machinery to the tasks of the present period of carrying through the offensive against the working class. Into the campaign has been injected the “unsolved” Rothstein mur- der, Republican, socialist and Square Deal parties show the greatest alarm about this mutder. What in reality does this signify? The Roth- stein case is the symbol of the fact that the bosses are utilizing the underworld gangsters and fascist thugs on an ever increasing scale, that the underworld is being employed as part of the st@e machinery to crush the working class as has been sufficiently demonstrated by the needle trades struggles, the present oil truckmen’s strike, the fascist thugs in Gastonia, and as every left wing worker knows, in his fight with the trade union bureaucrats who are agents of the capitalist class. Under ‘the screen of lamentations about the unsolved Rothstein murder the bourgeoisie is aiming to conceal the organic integration of the underworld with the capitalist state machinery and the development of the so-called democratic state machinery into a fascist force against the working class. The bourgeoisie always carries through its plans of greater ‘oppression and exploitation under the mantle, of general welfare of the needs of the people, under the guise of attacking “crime,” “graft,” “corruption,” “law and order.” Nowhere is this better illus- trated than in the issues that have been thrown up in the present elec- tion campaign. The socialist party and the candidacy of Norman Thomas are serv- ing the capitalist class with the special competence in helping to carry through the fascization of the state power and in endeavoring to turn the eyes of the masses away from struggle against the capitalist sys- tem. ‘he socialist party supports the Young Plan which means in- creasing burdens upon the German working class and which is a weapon of struggle against the Soviet Union and against Great Britain. The socialist party is particularly vicious in its attacks against the Soviet Union, against the socialist fatherland, a; tt whom American capi- talism is mobilizing to destroy. The socialist party in alliance with the A. F. of L. bureaucrats stands for class peace, for collaboration with the bosses, for capitalist rationalization, and spreads the myths of eternal American prosperity, which are the very things which the rulers ‘of American imperialism need to carry through their plans for greater exploitation and oppression and for plunging the working class into a new world war. The socialist party in the last election campaign in the name of efficiency of government, stood for the four year term for governor, favored the reorganization of the state government, called for a more efficient polce force, as it does in the present election campaign. At the same time, Norman Thomas conducts pacifist propaganda, ex- presses lofty sentiments of praise for Hoovers demi peace propa- ganda (behind which is concealed the most feverish preparations for war) has endorsed the Kellogg Peace Pact which is a collossel peace of deception of the working class and whose real character was shown in the attempts of Secretary of State Stimson to utilize the Kellogg Peace Pact as a means of invading the Soviet Union. Thomas attacks the Communist Party at the very moment when the entire capitalist world |. iseconcentrating its forces for driving the Communist Beit ‘ander- 7 THE CITY .---==- OF BREAD Reprinted, by permiasion, from “The City of Bread” by Alexander Neweroff, published and copyrighted by Doubleday—Doran, New York. TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN e (Continued.) Mishka’s conscience triumphed over his indecision and thrust him forward. He ran as fast as his legs could carry him to the hospital steps, then stopped as if rooted to the ground. Three windows were completely dark. In one, a dim light burned. He went to the door— it was locked. He struck his head in at the window where the light burned nd some one seized him by the shirt. ere are you trying to go? Do you want to break the glass?” Muchke turned; there stood a man with a broom in his hand. “I want to see Serioshka,” “What Serioshka?” “Ours, from Lopatino.” ° “There is no Serioshka here. Clear out!” Imagine that! They had just taken him in, and now they say there is no Serioshka here. Just then at the station the engine whistled. “The train!” ui Mishka dashed away from the hospital, hardly feeling the groun beneath his feet. He rushed into the station, but he could get no satis- faction from any one. Some ran here, some there, some sat around drinling tea. He asked a mujik, and the mujik shrugged his shoulders: “I know nothing, little brother, if is the fourth day that I myself am waiting. ... Where are you bound for?” - “T must go to Tashkent.” “The Tashkent train left long ago.” “Left?” “That’s exactly what it did.” Mishka felt as some one had shot him. He hurried over to the other side and in the darkness bumped against a woman who was carrying a pail of boiling water. The pail rocked and the boiling water scalded her fingers. She dropped the pail to the ground and began to scream: “Hold him, hold him!” No fleeing deer, thrusting apart the bushes with its horns, ever ran more swiftly than Mishka ran, his sack over his shoulder. Behind him the uproar grew, beating about his ears: “Stop thief, stop thief!” The Mujiks barred Mishka’s way: “Hey, you, son of a bitch!” “Let him alone, don’t beat him!” “Get the militia!” “Here he is, comrade militiaman .. .” “He stole a sack from a woman.” “Move on there! Make way!” Either the ground was spinning like a wheel beneath his feet, or the people were turning somersaults all over the place... No. The ground was not spinning around, nor the people turning somer- saults: it was Mishka’s head that was spinning so that everything was blurred and confused before his eyes. He stood within a terrifyin; circle, and his tongue refused to utter a single word. He wanted t speak, but his tongue would not work. A tear splashed down Mishka’@/ cheek, but who would notice a tear in all this confusion? All eyes were on Mishka’s sack. Mishka’s plight roused the mujiks, stupefied with hanging about the station week after week. “Pups like that need a good thrashing!” The militiaman took him by the arm: “Come along!” Lost! One thought filled Mishka’s mind: “They'll never let me out again.” (To Be Continued.) “al pas prosperity, the very same hypocritical excuses which its bourgeoisie give in attacking the vanguard of the working class. The socialist party in its platform and practices is indistinguishable from the other capitalist parties, it is a third bourgeois party, except that the socialist party works for the bourgeoisie in the name of “labor,” in the name of “socialism.” This cover of “labor” is what the bourgeoisie needs at this time to attack the Soviet Union, to crush the working class, to attempt to isolate the Communist Party from the masses. The capitalists need the socialists and A. F. of L. bureaucrats to give mass support to the terror of the bourgeoisie and to attempt to stave off the movement cf the masses to the left, to justify its terrorism and brutality against the working class. If the British bourgeoisie that is suffering from sharpening of the contradictions in its system, from acute unemploy, ment, from the general world crisis of capitalism, requires the “pacifist MacDonald, the spokesman of the so-called labor party, to carry out it: plans for war against the Soviet Union and against American imper- ialism; if the German imperialists need the social democratic party of Germany in order to shoot down workers and to check the revolutionary developments in that country, in the same way, American imperialism requires the building up of the socialist party (as a last reserve of the bourgeoisie against the working class), as an instrument to carry through greater rationalization, greater exploitation, a whole reign of terror against militant and fighting labor. That is why the New York Telegram and the New York World endorse the candidacy of Thomas. That is why the big organ of finance capital, the New York Times, de- votes enormous space to the socialist party. That is why these strike- breaking sheets conduct a conspiracy of silence against the Commu- nist candidates. That is why Harry Fosdick, Rockefeller’s pastor, and ethat is why Lamont, the son of the partner of Morgan, supports the candidacy of the socialist party. The two parties of capitalism, republican and democratic, are grow- ing discredited before the masses, by their open strikebreaking service to the bosses. The capitalists are therefore pushing forward the so- cialist party that stands for the capitalist system to bolster up their tule and to stem the left swing of the workers. The cunning bourgeoisie express this need in the name of liberalism, but tHis only reveals more clearly that under the badge of “liberalism” and “progressivism” the fascist fight against the working class is being made. The Telegram, in endorsing Thomas, declares: “We believe that Thomas better than La Guardia provides a rallying point about which liberals of the city can seek to proclaim the end of the local republican party and open the way for a real and lasting liberal movement.” What the Telegram means is not hard to perceive. Terror under the guise of liberalism— socialism—laborism. The German socialists have shown the way. Everything to fight the Communists, - The Communist Party is | the foe. To isolate the Communists, to drive them out of the worki class movement, to lynch, murder and imprison them, that is what th capitalists are doing to put thru rationalization and imperialist war a1 to crush the rising tide of struggle of the workers. To do it with thi support and through the A. F. of L. bureaucrats and the socialist party, that is what is needed by the bourgeoisie. Communism is the foe in the South. It is the force for the organization of the unorganized. It is the only power that can destroy Jim Crowism against the Negroes, It is the instrument for the mobilization of the millions of brutally op- pressed Negroes. It is the danger to the plans of the imperialists for the imminent imperialist war. To crush the Communist Party, to do it in the name of pacifism. That is the way the bourgeoisie thinks it can succeed in its plans. Here is where the Thomases and the Hillquits are such splendid allies of the bourgeoisie. Communism is the foe. It militantly fights against speed-up, it leads ‘the. masses to use their strike power, to break the offensive of the bourgeoisie. The Communist Party must be crushed. To do it in the name of peace in industry, of harmony between the classes, here is the role of the socialist party. . For the working class the issues. are.clear., To. fight against ra- tionalization, to organize the unorganized, to fight against fascist ter- | ‘ ror, against imperialist war, the workers must fight ‘the capitalist par- | ties, and above all, the deadliest of the capitalist parties, operating, in | the’ ranks of’ the’ working class, the social reformist—social ae party, the party of the Thomases, of the Hilquits, of the: Mustes, the MacDonalds, of the hangmen of the working class, the priser Py and ‘the Scheidemanns. To support the Communist ticket, to vote for the Communist can, didates is an act of self defense of the working class. To support the)’ Communist Party, to vote the Communist ticket, is to strike a blow for for the organization of the unorganized, for the establishment of the seven-hour day, five-day week, for the organization of the unemployed, || for the freedom of the oppressed colonies, for the defense of the Soviet it Union, for establishing social, racial and political equality for the Negroes. To support the Communist Party, to vote the Communist ticket means to strengthen the hand obits, wirking citer eras os arcane or las ari eta capitalism and |