The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 29, 1929, Page 4

blished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Ini Square, New York: City, N. Y. Telephone St Address and mail all checks to the Daily Work Four Sunday, at 26-28 Union Cable: “DAIWORK.” quare, New York, N. Y. oDailg! ae Worker. Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. 8. A. By Mail (in New York only), $8.00 a year: By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year; 50 three months three months x months: six months; $4 $2. ¥ “PARTY LIFE Notice of the Expulsion of Frank Vrataric, Nick Borich and Peter Gallia. The Central Control Committee*has approved the expulsion of Frank Vrataric, Nick Borich and Peter Gallia, former members of Anthracite District Buro, for their anti-Comintern and anti-Party attitude, for active support to the renegade Lovestone group in their splitting tactics and for their slanderous attack against the Party and against the Comintern. Vrataric, Borich and Gallia went even so low as to fake the name of the District Committee under the call for their meeting. All members of the Party are warned to have nothing to do with these renegades and splitters and to pay no attention to their attempts to confuse and to disrupt the ranks of the Party. CENTRAL CONTROL COMMITTEE C. P. OF U.S. A. CHAS. DIRBA, Sec’y. Notice of the Expulsion of Paul C. Reiss of Los Angeles. By action of the Central Control Committee, Paul C. Reiss, hereto- fore Daily Worker Agent in Lose Angeles, has been expelled from the Communist Party for a gross violation of Party discipline, failure to turn over and settle his accounts with the Daily Worker, and for an actual desertion from the Party. Paul Reiss disregarded repeated requests of the District Committee to appear for the purpose of settling the question of his accounts with the Daily Worker (nearly $600, according to D. W. books, without a cent having been paid on it since December last year); he left Los Angeles without permission, and even went so far as to write to his unit requesting it “to remove” his name “from the membership list of the Party.” CENTRAL CONTROL COMMITTEE C. P. OF U.S. A. CHAS. DIRBA, See’y. The Party Plenum By JOHN WILLIAMSON (Continued) Our chief organizational tasks, both in the center and in the dis- tricts are: 1. Establish a Functioning Center and Apparatus. Too many districts establish departments which are in effect one- man departments. This must be overcome by drawing in active com- rades, from amongst the lower functionaries and from the shops direct. Every department and committee must meet regular—discuss the main problems—and leave to the comrades engaged in the department proper, the actual detailed carrying out of the decisions. Other districts either completely neglect important phases of work (New York has as yet no Language Department, Pittsburgh no Organ- izational Department, etc.) or ohers create a dozen departments in name, none of which function. All our districts are undermanned in capable functionaries. Too often we await for the National Office to send comrades. Instead, we must pursue a daring policy of developing proletarian and youthful comrades, who have proven capabilities in their local activity. The organization Department must be closely connected with all other departments and actually be responsible for their functioning. Furthermore the Organization Department must be responsible for the carrying out of all decisions of the Buro or Secretariat and must estab- lish a control system, which will check up on the carrying out of all decisions. 3. Create Organizational Machinery For Applying Chief Party Tasks. To carry thru successfully any of our campaigns (against eapi- talist rationalization—against imperialist war—defense of the Soviet | Union—organize the unorganized—Gastonia—build the Party—strug- gle against the Right danger—i2th Anniversary Russian Revolution) it is necessary that we create the organizational machinery for this purpose. For example, let us take the 12th Anniversary Campaign. We must organize broad local: conferences, with representatives of unions, shop committees, workers’ organizations, etc., present. We must link it up with our struggle against imperialist war and for Defense _of the Soviet Union, therefore utilizing the campaign as a stimulant for organizing anti-war shop committees. Against, we must popularize the five year plan and its success—therefore we must issue a special pamphlet for wide distribution amongst the masses on this subject. Space does not permit the elaboration of the other necessary tasks. Similarly it is true in all campaigns, that we must create the organ- izationla forms for the carrying thru of our campaign. 3. Orientate the Party Completely Towards the Factories. The figures of less than 15 per cent of the membership in factory nuclei and those existing nuclei leading only a nominal life, show one of the gravest weaknesses of the Party life. The Organizational De- partment of each district, after a careful survey, must allot the task of organizing Party nuclei inside of a certain number of specific shops. ‘After this decision the District Committee must not forget it, but on , the contrary must give special attention to hese major asks by assign- ‘ng leading comrades to be responsible for the carrying out of our de- | cisions.. The organizing of these shop nuclei will involve many tasks, jineluding the colonizing of comrades inside the shop, the issuing of leaflets and'shop papers, the day to day personal agitation in the shop, jWinning confidence thru championing the demands of the workers, dis- |, tribution of Daily Workers, holding factory gate meetings, etc. How- ever difficult the task may be, this is the only way we will win the i working class to our Party—the only way to bridge the chasm which * separates us from the great masses of workers. , Every stréet nucleus which has factories in its territory must con- | centrate activity in reaching the workers of that factory. Our shop i paper activity is also indicative of the extent of our orientation towards \.the factories. At the present time we have some 70 shop papers, but these are by no means issued regularly. For instance, Detroit, the largest auto center in the world, which is undergoing deep radicaliza~ tion, has issued only one shop paper since the month of May, altho here we used to have 6-7 shop papers in auto plants alone, many of which were actually sold at the gates. A serious shortcoming in con- “nection with our shop papers is their irregularity of issuance. For in- - stance, New York on International Red Day issued twenty shop papers, “but only six of these have been printed a second time to date. To win “the confidence of the masses as a responsible, capable leader, and in - order to effectively mobilize and win the masses, our shop papers must be issued regularly and the number of papers must be increased mani- fold. We print a shop paper to win influence and members. Many ‘times, however, we print a shop paper for years and the result is zero. For instance in Wright Aeroplane Co., we issued a shop paper for , early two years but today we haven’t gained a single member. This *shows a definite weakness on the*part of the paper and also of the activity of the comrades involved. 4. Improvement of the Composition of the Party. The composition of the Party is unfolded when we see that less than 50 per cent of the members are in basic industries—that there are only 2 per cent Negroes in our Party—that we have 10 per cent work- _ing women and another 10 per cent housewives—that the average age of our membership is 85 years—that we have an insignificant number of native born workers in our ranks. However, when we look further, we see many basic industries where we have no members or an insignificant number (chemical, marine, railroad, rubber, etc.). It is significant that these are mainly war _ industries. In many cities our orientation is limited to only one or two industries, while in most small towns, we are not orientated anywhere. In New York District, for example, needle, shoe and food are the in- dustries closest to us. However, radicalization is not limited to one ‘or two industries and when the metal workers of New Jersey struck, or the tunnel-men, vegetable and oil truckmen of New York struck, we found we had no contacts there and therefore encountered many dif- ficulties even in approaching the men, Each District Committee must know the industries of its district and consciously direct the Party’s activities towards those most im- Portgnt tries. Equi necessary is it that we consciously concentrate upon reach- ing the Negro workers—working out new methods of approach. ‘While not neglecting work amongst housewives, we must realize our main task is activity amongst the working women. We must sweep away the school teacher and intellectual approach and bring in working women from industry to direct this work, also emphasizing that it is not a field limited to women comrades but is the concern of the entire 5 ‘Building Up of Fractions ‘and Leading Their Activity in Mass Organizations. The responsibility for organizing and functioning of all fractions lies with the Organization Department. ’ The policy for each fraction is 2, Bukharin’s Theoretical Conclusions and the Political Conclusions Drawn by Comintern “War be down and breaks some, and strengthens and en- lightens others—just as every ¢ s in the life of the individual or in the history of a nation. . . It is one thing to give earnest consideration to the cause and significance of im alist war on the basis of the high development of capitalisn inother thing to allow the war to crush one’s thought, to stop nation and analysis under the weight of the terrible sensations and painful consequences of nature of war.”* . . . rin and his friends in th him on the question of im- bility of national wars in the im- IT was thus that Lenin characterized Bukh: 1916 in his well-known controv perialist “economism” and the p. perialist epoch. Were Lenin alive today, he could not write other- wise with regard to the present line taken by Bukharin and his present friends, It is only under the weight of “terribl ations” about the power of capitali: the capitalist trus overburdening of stal on, about the unconquerable strength of only under the sensation of the “crushing or human thought,” that he is able, in face of the present upw surge of the international working class movement, in face of the sharnening cri of partial capitalist stabilization, to produce theories about an organized and planning capitalist economy— that he.is able, in face of the brilliant results of the first year of the five-year period, to prate sadly about the deteriorization of agriculture, about the breach with the peasantry, and to preach—as the highest wisdom of Leninism—caution, caution, always caution! * + WHOLE year has elapsed since the Sixth Congress of the Comintern. In this period almost in every section of the Communist Interna- tional a bitter struggle has been carried on against opportunism, Right deviations and the “conciliators”; and the ranks of the Communist advance guard have been extended and strengthened by the merciless exposure of opportunism. The sections of the Comintern came to the Tenth Plenum enriched by the experience of this new strurgle, by the realization of new tasks set before them by the crumbling “third period,” and by the desire to solve the‘new practical problems before the working class movement. This fight against opportunism is far from being over. On the contrary, we have only completed the first stage of the fight, which has now been transferred to a higher plane. The significance of the Tenth Plenum lies in the concrete nature of the problems laid down for the sections of the Communist Interna- tional. And in the first place, in the concrete nature of the task of cleansing the every-day practical work of the Communist Parties from the opportunist conservative fungus, fram trailing along at the tail of events from passivity. The international Communist movement must press forward at every point on its wide front to achieve decisive victory over Right deviations in their practical manifestations, merci- lessly exposing, them before the working masses when they shelter under the guise of loyalty and formal voting for the line of the Party and of the Comintern. The special danger of Right deviations is that they are propped up by inertia, laziness, fear of new methods of work, which undermine revolutionary initiative from within and start de- composition in our ranks. It was just for this reason that the Tenth Plenum, with all the severity of militant Bolshevism, put forward a number of direct and unambiguous questions to those conciliators, who in practice had served and are serving as standard-bearers within the Communist International for those oven renegades who have been ex- pelled from the ranks of the Comintern. OF Rs eee WUT this “concretization” of the tasks laid down by the Tenth D Plenum of the E. C. ©. I. does not by any means signify the slight- est damping down of the ideological fight with the Right deviators and conciliators. The new phase in the growth of deviation consists in the building uv of its ideological, programmatic formulation. And because of this Bukharin came on to the stage. A number of Buk- harin’s pronouncements in recent months have shown, link by link, the growth of a whole system of programmatic theses, giving a fully adequate and complete theoretical basis for a platform, not only within the limits of the C. P. S. U., but on an international scale—a plat- form which is divergent from the programme of the Comintern. Be- ginning at the Sixth Congress of the Comintern, and going on through the famous “Notes of an Economist” and “Lenin’s political testament,” Bukharin went down the slope to Neo-Hilferdingism, singing the praises of trust organization and state capitalist planning. This transi- tion to a more definite ideological stage is the starting point for a new phase in the development of the Right deviation. Already at the Sixth Congress of the Comintern that strange over- estimation of capitalist stabilization, which he has put forward in his recent writings, was evident in embryonic form. In the first rough draft. of the thesis on the world situation submitted by him, he had attempted to associate the “third period” with the growth of capital- ist economy, blurring over the factors adverse to capitalist stabilization. Hence the transference of the centre of gravity for the development of proletarian revolution to the future imperialist war. Hence alsp the conciliatory tendencies towards the Right, which showed themselves at the Sixth Congress especially clearly in his defence of the German conciliators and his demand for a “Coalition” Executive in the German. Communist Party. The Sixth Congress made fundamental changes in the draft thesis prepared by Bukharin. But the Sixth Congress did not pass judgment then on this error of Bukharin’s, because he (and those of the same mind) was still wavering and voted for the cor- rections made in his thesis by the Congress. This was the “embryonic” stage of those cowardly-conciliatory tactics, which then continued throughout the year and resulted in a constant and deliberate blurring over of fundamental differerices, representing them as being only of a tactical order, secondary, “minor,” fuliy permissible and lawful within the framework of the single Bolshevik Party. In the memorandum of the conciliators to the recent German Party Congress at Wedding, it is stated clearly that their differences of opi:eon were not fundamental, but “of a merely tactical order.” “We only estimate the present situ- ation somewhat differently,” the conciliators modestly declare in this document. This “different estimation” (anti-Party and anti-Comintern) wash shown, among other things, in such trivialities as the question of the tempo of industrialization in the U. S. S. R., the extension of collective agriculture, the forms of alliance between the workers and the peasantry in the reconstruction period, the relations to social- democracy, the problem of the unemployed, independent leadership in economic struggles, new tactics in the election of factory committees. * * UT it is not only that these are tactical problems of the first order of importance, in view of the present upward surge of the working class movement, on the correct solution of which literally depends the fate of the Communist International—and in Russia, the victorious building up of Socialism. Even in chis first, initial stage of develop- ment of Right deviation, Bukharin, having gradually adopted the ideological inspiration of the Right opportunist deviation, went forward step by step in fulfilment of the “theoretical law” of international op- portunism as a‘whole. The first documents were directed, with his theoretical acuteness, against the general line of the C.P.S.U. In “Notes of an Economist” he gives the theoretical justification for changing of the Fifteenth Congress of the Russian Party. In accordance with the actual testa- ment of Lenin (not Bukharin’s version), the basic feature of which is the demand made to the Communist advance guard—to get through the “tight places” of Soviet economy on the basis of the proletarian dictatorship, and on the basis of working class power to equal and sur- pass the capitalist countries—the Party adopted and put into force the five year’s plan. Already in 1918, in his attacks on the Mensheviks especially Sukhanov and Martov, who had criticised the October Revolu- tion from the standpoint of its being not in conformity with theory, of the slow tempo of the proletarian revolution in such a backward country as Russia), had dealt caustically with these learned people, who had followed only the formal letter, but not the spirit, of Marxist doctrine. Lenin wrote: “Having once established the preliminary pro- letarian revolution, we shall be able to take gigantic steps, and, by revolutionary measures, to overcome our economic and cultural back- wardness.” Eleven years later Bukharin, whether he likes it or not, is in fact repeating Sukhanov and Martov, putting to the front, to be the corner-stone of Soviet economic policy, a levelling down to the “tight places.” What is this but the blackest pessimism, disbelief in the basic principle of Lenin’s teaching, in the program of October? In the first place,*in the course of a single year reality has confounded all the gloomy forebodings of Bukharin and his friends. The achievements of the first year of the five-year period are already a guarantee that the next year will considerably surpass the provisional plan. But how long ago was it that Bukharin was poking fun at those who build an edifice out of future bricks! * * * W hoe Party on that occasion did not exposure Bukharin, inasmuch as he was still waverin, and had not yet shown his stubborn determina- tion to defend his opportunist views. At the November Plenum of the ' E. C. of the C. P. S. U., in spite of his having come out against the line of the Party, he voted for the theses of the joint Plenum of the Central Committee and Central Control Commission of the C.P.S.U. But very soon after this, Bukharin, with a courage worthy of a better cause, renewed and strengthened his attacks directly against the line of the C.P.S.U. Bukharin’s next act showed a more complete deviation from Leninism; it concerned Lenin’s political testament, i.e., in Buk- harin’s own words, “the most able, the most carefully-considered state- ment, the most thoroughly thought-out last instructions” of Vladimir Ilyich. It can be said with confidence that in the last two years there has been no more shameless falsification, no greater slander of Lenin than this work of Bukharin’s. When the united Trotskyist opposition was carrying on its counter-revolutionary attack on the Party, it con- stantly declared as one of its ‘main arguments that under Lenin such things would not have happened, that Lenin knew how to “keep to- gether” people, and not “to drive them away,” thus representing Lenin, the powerful revolutionary, the leader of the militant Bolshevik army, as a sentimental, weak old man, who “united” everyone, “pacified” | everyone, and patted everyone on the head. In the document written by Bukharin, which he tried to impose on the Party and the Comintern as Lenin’s political testament, again we have before us, instead of Lenin the revolutionary, whose greatest historical service was precisely that he placed in the hands of the proletarian advance-guard the powerful weapon of revolutionary implacability and initiative, we have before us some liberal professor, whose particular specialty was peaceful broadmindedness and the “cautious” direction of the proletarian dicta- torship towards Socialism—“by moderate steps, along a timid zigzag.” (To be Continued) 4See Lenin's article July (1929) number cf “The Proletarian Revolution.” ee laid down by the respective committee, under the general jurisdiction of the Buro. To date our fractions in many places (trade unions), don’t exist and where they do exist, function poorly. A few examples of what takes places, because of this lack of functioning: (a) In New York there are 500 building trades workers in the Party but time after time fraction meetings resulted in 50-60 showing up. As a result we find not a single TUUL group in existence and the Party members denounce the proposal to organize such as “leftism.” Further, a member of our Party serves on a Negotiation Committee of the Painters’ Union, and after the workers voted to strike, our Party member votes together with the fakers to call off the strike. Only after this occurred did 20 comrades show at the fraction to discuss the matter. (b) In New York in a bakers’ local of the A. F. W., Communists | have been officials for years. However, because of poor functioning of fraction and failure to win the workers ideologizally, the workers de- feat the proposal to elect a delegate to the Cleveland Convention. A more brazen example is the situation in the Iron and Bronze Workers’ Union. (ec) Either thru lack of functioning or poor functioning of the Party fractions in the Icor, we found that the Party policy on Palestine, when presented by the Freiheit, was denounced by,a majority vote of the Executive Committee of the Icor. Confusion exists on the matter of the Party fractions in the unions affiliated to the TUUL and to auxiliary organizations such as the ILD, WIR, ete. In unions affiliated to the TUUL there must function a .Party fraction—but there must exist no TUUL group (wrong policy in N. Y. needle union). Party and union leaders must consciously train the members and raise these ‘ideological level. In all mass organizations, whether friéndly or in opponent organizations, the Party ffactions must be built. Party fractions are not policy makers. Party policy is laid down only by the Patty Committees. Party fractions are the instrument of the Party to carry out its policy—to establish the influence and leader- Party. rs 6. Building the Party. The task of recruiting for the Party must go hand in hand with all activities and campaigns—in the factories and mass organizations. Especially must we learn the basic task of individual recruiting for the Party. This is the most effective way of recruiting members to our Party. Yet, we have members in our Party who have worked 10 years in one shop and never recruit a single new member. We must not only be Party members when we come to a nucleus meeting but all 24 hours of the day, particularly in the shop. very individual membey—every fraction has the task of conducting daily systematic recruiting activi- ties to build our Party. In the coming Recruiting Campaign which we will initiate, we must la yout definite goals to achieve both in recruiting of new members, but also of the organizing of shop nuclei—the establishment of shop papers —and the securing of subs for the Daily Worker. Thruout the ranks of the Party wé must initiate a spirit of so- cialist competition, between units, cities and districts as well as in- dividual members, The Party must prepare itself for the coming Re- cruiting Campaign, to take advantage of the growing struggles of the workers—the increasing prestige of our Party—to build our Party and , for every petty bourgeois Lovestoneite and Cannonite expelled, to take | in a hundred proletariaps. y, j If the union is affiliated to the TUUL, the. 7. Democratic Centralism—Discipline—Proletarian Self Criticism. In the days of factionalism, all three of the above principles were relegated to the background. Today, in order to face our Party tasks successfully, they. must be reestablished. While recognizing the author- ity and carrying out the decisions of all leading committees, we must stimulate thoro discussions in the units of the political tasks before our Party. We must:-eliminate the handing down of decisions by individuals. Decisions must be made by the proper committees after consideration and discussion. Especially must we stimulate proletarian self criticism, | which means, firstly, thoro open and frank criticism of mistakes, sec- ondly, an examination of the reasons for the mistakes, and thirdly, con- | erete proposals of what to do to overcome the mistake. Simultaneously we must and will go to a strengthening of our | Party discipline. We must combat and eradicate remnants of petty bourgeoisdom which still exists in our ranks, where comrades argue “that they won’t do such and such a thing.” After a decision has been reached by the Party every comrade must carry out the decision, wheth- er he likes it or agrees with it or not. Failure to carryout the decision by any comrade must be met by sharp disciplinary measures. Discipline expresses itself not only in formal way, but also insofar as responsibility is concerned. A disease of irresponsibility has crept into our Party from years of factional struggle, when comrades were protected by their respective groups, which ruins the very life of our Party. Meetings start hours late—comrades don’t pay dues for months —teachers fail to show at classes or speakers at meetings, etc. All of this must be overcome. 8. Dues Payments and Financial Responsibilities. zx . Payment of dues is the most elementary duty which every member of the Party has. Still fully 85 per cent of our membership fail to ob- serve it and our District Committees tolerate it and are even responsi- ble for this condition many times. If the District Committee takes up this problem seriously, it can readily be overcome. However, it means every unit must be visited—its membership roll and dues payments examined—personal talks given to members in chfonic arrears first and then disciplinary measures—sending monthly letters to each unit dealing with their dues status, etc. At the present time what do we see in some districts, for example, Philadelphia claims 600 members, but its average dues payments are 300. Cleveland claims 500 members but its average dues are 400, or Minnesota, which claims 570 members and have only an average dues record of 360. This discrepancy must be overcome at once. However, this is not sufficient, the CPUSA has the lowest dues payments of any Payty in the Comintern. Serious consideration must be given to the question of increasing the dues payments, collecting dues: on a percentage basis of wages earned, and taxing all those who are not workers in our ranks thru special form. In each district and lower unit there must be a rationalization of je our financing. We must deflate wherever necessary -and stand on the basis of our actual strength and resources and not on a fancied or de- sired base. Budgets must be introduced in all Party sub-divisions and the present irresponsible methods (in one unit in New York this week there were twelve collections in the unit and this by no means un- common) eradicated. Under no circumstances can Party auxiliaries base Ives upon the Party financially—but on the contrary, must, base tl elves on their aactivity amongst.the broad masses of workers. | Every district must establish a Finance Commission which will eer ove set amanda nan abana fas ee. aga “A Reply to P. Kievsky,” published in the last | TRA TED THE CITY. cone, OF BREAD Reprivted, by permixsion, from “The City of Bread” by Alexander Neweroff, published and copyrighted by Doubleday—Doran, New York. (Continued.) 12, AROUND noon-time a train came in, not a muiik train, but with fine cars, Mujiks could not ride in it. They put off Vanka and Pyetka, and took three girls to thhe Tchheka, “Riding without tickets!” Mishka had luck. He kept on edging towards the locomotive with its high red wheels, then sprang to the footboard. He would surely have been able to get away, but for the thoughts that kept running through his mind. “You left him, you left him, you left your comrade in the lurch! Your sick comrade!” ‘s The engine wheels began to revolve, the thoughts in his head to whirl faster and faster. “You left him in the lurch, you left him in the lurch!” Mishka jumped down from the footboard, almost weeping with vexation, “What did you ever have to drag him along for?” The engine,went off with its high red wheels, only the longing for it remained behind. Serioshka lay in the sun behind the station. He licked his lips feebly with his swollen tongue. His cheeks were sunken, his features sharp. Mishka sat down beside his comrade, and shook his head. He took the rag out of his sack, put a pinch of salt on his tongue, frowned and spat. Then he went in silence alongside the railroad cars. He drew off his cap, stopped below a car window for a moment, then moved on again. He picked up some potato peels lying in the dirt, © moving his hungry jaws painfully. A thick odor of mutton broth came from another car. Again Mishka pulled off his old cap. “Auntie, do give just a little for a sick boy.” “For who?” iF “A sick boy.” : “Get out of here before I hit you in the eye. a minute’s rest, that devil’s brood!” Mishka sighed and was silent. He went beyond the last car and sat down on the narrow gleaming rail. His dead father always used to say: “Our people must always be giving, but nobody ever gives us anything.” Mishka buried his face in his hands in frozen despair. Ds al “Our people die and nobody cares.” : Just then a woman came up to him with a white handkerchief over her head—a hospital nurse. In her hand she held a big piece of black bread. Did she guess at Mishka’s anguish, or read it in his- eyes? “Where are you bound for, boy?” The pitying voice warmed him through like warm water. He looked up into her face—no mockery was there, and her eyes were compassionate. In another moment Mishka was pouring out all his troubles, as at confession. He and his comrade had planned to go to Tashkent together, and stick together whatever happened. But now his comrade was sick and nobody would give them bread. He, Mishka, had to huryy farther, but he could not leave his comrade in the lurch.. If he was alone it would be the end of him: he did not know how to look out for himself. This was the first time he had ever been any- where; he was even afraid of steam-engines. “What’s the matter with him?” “He has diarrhea from bad water, and some kind of fever.” “Where is he?” They went behind the station where Serioshka lay huddled on the ground. “Here he is,” said Mishka. The nurse examined Serioshka and said: “That’s not fever, it’s typhus, and he certainly won’t be able to go on with you.” “But where can he go?” The nurse thought for a moment, then said: “Our hospital car is filled up with patients, but we’ll have to find a place for him somewhere. We'll take him along to the nexxt station and put him in the hospital there. All right?” It was not because they were going to put Serioshka in the hospital that Mishka was happy. At least, not that alone. He was happiest because there were good people in the world. Only it wasn’t always easy to find them. His heart felt lighter, and the gnawing hunger at his entrails not so*sharp. The nurse brought him a piece of bread. Mishka nearly wept with joy. ‘ “Thank you very, very much, Auntie.” And he thought to himself: And he thought to himself: “Tf only they’d take me along too!” The nurse must have been a sorceress. Sho thought immediately. “Where are you going now?” Mishka looked into the pitying eyes. “Auntie, if only you’d let me sit in a corner of the car, I wouldn't tell a soul.” Thhere are good people in the world! It makes your heart feel lighter, and the hunger doesn’t gnaw so sharply at your entrails. Mishka sat in the hospital car and could hardly believe what was happening to him: was it a dream, or was it really true? The train rattled along, rocking him like a cradle. The wheels rattled, made a tune, and Mishka in his corner smiled through the blue haze that was settling dewn over his thoughts, - Where was handy-legged Vanka now? And the station camp- ‘ires? . And then all the fires faded away, only down below the wheels “kept saying: “Tu-tu-tu! Tu-tu-tu!” Then even the wheels were silent. Sleep . .. They don’t give you read Mishka’s (To Be Continued.) ——_—_[———EEeEEEe ee ruthlessly establish financial stability and order in the Party ranks, 9. Planfulness of Activity. The Party, from the C.E.C. to the units, must establish a practice of planning their activity, so that one activity or campaign will not conflict with the other but that they will complement each other. Other Party tasks and especially the specific detailed tasks of the Organization Department will be dealt with in another article,’ CONCLUSION. , All of these organizational tasks are tied up closely with the main political tasks of the Party. Under no circumstances can there be a separation of political and organizational tasks. Comrade Kuusinen, in dealing with this problem at the Tenth Plenum stated: “How is the synthesis, the connection between correct policy and correct organization, to be established in practice? For this syn- thesis we need no new slogan, we have had a very good slogan for many years. It is the further Bolshevization of our Party. Bol- shevization means a correct revclutionary policy combined with a proper organization.” The American Party today faces the task of Bolshevization. Since the arrival of the Address our Party has made strides forward in de- feating Lovestoneites and winning the Party for the Comintern. The recent Plenum of the Central Committee gives us our tasks for the next immediate period—in a word the organizing of a broad mass Com- munist Party, “Qased