The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 22, 1929, Page 4

Square, New York City, N. ¥, Telephone Stuy Address and mail all checks to the Daily. Work: Four i NM Published. by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily, except Sunday, at 26. N. sant | 1696 6-28 Union -28 Unio Cable: “DAIWOR. are, New York, N. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): $8.00 a year; By Mail (o@pide of New York): $6.00 a year; .50 three months $4.50 six months; $2. $2.00 three months $3.50 six months; eS Organ of the Communist Party of the U. 8. A. P A R a Y Be I F E Gov. Gardner to Mill Boss: It’s As Good As An Electric Chair. ate Y. C. L., Dist. 10, Hits Rights The following motion w of the Secretaries of the Y. Motion on c n in Party buro: Motion: That the League Secretariat of District 10 goes on record con- demnnig Comrade Garfin and oth for their motion in stopping street meetings and also in their motions refusing C@sarade Gillis, a Negro comrade, to be added to the Party buro, also ther formation of a faction, operating outside of the P: buro, against the District Organizer and the League r because of their (Party D. se questions. Their right wing line resulted in their motion to remove comrade Roy Stephens as D. O. and Comrade Grant from the League. This is also condemned by the League Secretariat and the League Secretariat will fight all right wing lines of that nature until they 10, League or Party. That we request the C. E. C. of the Party to remove Comrade Garfin and Comrade Peterson, the leaders of this clique from the of the Party. y passed at the last meeting rict 10: Resolution Adopted at General Membership Meeting in Los Angeles Condemns Renegades. The Comintern in its Open Letter to the Party corrected the deviations of our Party from the line of the Sixth Congress, the mistakes of the Majority and the Mino: and demanded the liquidation of the unprincipled factionalism and the consolidation of the Party on the line of the Sixth World Cong: It particularly condemned the “overestimation of American imperialism” and “the un- derestimation of the effect of the technical development and ration- alization on the working class” as “an intolerable opportunist mistake.” But the convention became the arena of unprincipled factional struggle | and was forced further away from the line of the Comintern. The Address of the Comintern to our Party again condemned the gross distortions of the line of the Sixth Congr specially “the so- called theory of ‘exceptionalism’ which found its clearest exponents in the persons of Comrades Pepper and Lovestone.” It exposed “the fac- tional lack of principle as an expression of opportunism which finds | its expression in the fact that both groups were putting the interests of their faction above the interests of the Party.” It categorically warned, “On the strength of this, the American Communist Party is confronted now in all sharpness with the question of the danger of the political disintegration of the present leading cadres which threatens to under- mine the whole work of the Party.” Under the leadership of Lovestone, a renegade opposition, open | and concealed, crystallized itself against all the decisions of the Comin- tern and is leading a fight to split our Party. The brazen refusal to accept the Address, the splitting cable, the organization of a caucus and the circularization of a spurious appeal among the Party members and even sympathizers, the circulars ridiculing the Party’s preparation for Red Day which was a day for the mobilization of the American workers in defense of the Soviet Union, referring to the Party’s slogan of “Down Tools” as “empty talk,” the solidarization with the capi- talist reactionaries and liberals in attacking the Party’s defense of the Gastonia strikers, the attack upon the Trade Union Unity Conference, the attack upon the Party leadership as “degenerate” and upon the Communist International as “a running sore,” the burglarization and rifling of the National Office, the connection with the opportunist in- ternational right wing—all these anti-Party acts have placed those traitors outside the ranks of Communism. We fully support the Communist International and the CEC of our | Party on the line of the Address and the Tenth Plenum of the ECCI, We fully endorse and support the CEC in the expulsion of the rene- gades and splitters, Lovestone and company. We fully uphold the de- cisions of the SDEC in expelling Al Shaap as an open supporter of Lovestone and his anti-Party clique. We likewise approve the expul- sion of S. Relin as one guilty of impermissible sabotage of Party work in the time of bitter attacks of the Jewish reactionary forces upon the Party—particularly its Jewish section and organ, the Freiheit, for its correct Communist stand on the Palestine revolt. We fully realize our responsibilities and Communist duties on the Pacific Coast which is the stronghold of U. S. imperialism in its fight for world markets. We approve the work of the DEC and SDEC who follow the line of the CI and the CEC and who bend their collective ef- forts towards the elimination of last remnants of factionalism and lead- | ing the membership along the road of real Bolshevik activity. We greet the Bolshevization and cleansing of the Party’s ranks of petty-business elements as one of the effective means of strengthening our ranks for work among shops and factory workers and recruiting them into the Party’s ranks. are eradicated from District | buro | Sixth Convention of our | We send our revolutionary gre Gastonia prisoners and strikers and behalf until the fight is won. basis of the CI line and decisions! War Preparations By GEORGE PERSHING. | In preparing for war the imper- ialists find it necessary to build il- lusions among the masses of young workers, who are trained as canon- fodder behind screens of “physical culture,” “patriotism,” and “educa- tion,” as are evidenced in the Army, | Navy and Marine Corps recruiting | Hokum. The imperialist government of the United States now surpasses all} other governments in expenditures | for war preparations. The annual military expenses of the five leading imperialist powers for 1929-30 is as follows: United States .. ++ $741,000,000 Great Britain .. 547,284,600 France . « 523,240,000 Ttaly .... + 234,229,320 Japan ... + 247,229,230 The real purpose of such organ- zations as the “Pershing Guards,” “Minute Men,” “Scout” organiza- tions for both boys and girls, Rifle Clubs and various “Sport” organi- zations is made clear by the Jingo- ist General John J. Pershing, who stated bluntly: “That we have not adopted the principle of universal military service renders it highly essential that training which leads up to, and as far as possible includes preparation for military service, should be popularized by all avail- able methods.” The youth in the United States as well -as in the other imperialist countries are being subjected to an intensified period of training. An attack on the Soviet Union is hang- ing by a thread which may be at any moment. In the United States the Citizens’ Military Training Camps have grown from an organization of approxi- mately 10,000 in 1921 (the first year ‘the camp swere held) to an organi- zation training almost 50,000 youths in 1928, and this year has been even larger. In this direction huge sums are being appropriated annualy. The expenditures of the United States were $624,600,000 in 1927 and $684,- 700,000 in 1928 while $741,000,000 ‘appropriated in 1929 for the of preparing the youth for the imeoronrhing, weld wer. ofsim: ; * Long live genuine Party unity on the |compulsory in many of them, Rifle, | paganda. etings to the brave comrades, the pledge our tireless activity in their | | } perialist territorial conquests end| destruction of the Soviet Union. | Training in Colleges. Military training is also given in 224 universities and colleges in the | United States to 120,000 students. | Under the direction of the War De-| partment these schools offer special inducements to all students who take | this training and it has been made | pistol, machine gun, bayonet, gren- ade, gas and light artillery training is given while special emphasis is laid on the anti-working class pro- The roe of the National Guard in war time as well as the strike-break- ing an danti-labor characteristics of this capitalist mercenary organiza- tion make it of special interest. Every worker is familiar with the strike-breaking activities of’the Na- tional Guard. In New Bedford, Eli- zabethton and Gastonia the pro- nounced role of the National Guard is apparent. Its present strength is near 200,000, which is distributed throughout the various states in a strategtic cities and concentrated especially in the large industrial cities. In “peace-time” the National Guard furnish the industrial barons with an armed force to crush every attempt of the workers to obtain better working conditions and wages. While in time of war it becomes the core of the enlarged regular army. Militarism in England In’ England the same forms of militarization are found under dif- ferent names. The Cadet Corps of England were formed in 1860, and after aervival in 1906 they became one of the chief means of militariz- ing the youth in England, The yung workers drill with dummy rifles but use small-caliber rifles for firing Trial of Prejudice By LISTON OAK. | “That’s the dirtiest, meanest) | speech I ever heard in a courtroom,” |commented one of the local lawyers | who had been an interested specta- tor throughout the trial in Charlotte | when Jake Newell finished his bar-| rage of invective and villification against the defendants Thursday afternoon. Newell has been the most vicious of all of the mill owners} lawyers who are doing their utmost to carry out the orders of the Man- | ville-Jenckes company that the seven militant strike leaders must igo to| | jail. . The charge against the defendants | was reduced from first to second degree murder when the State was forced to recognize the weakness of | its case, the strength of the defense and of the mass pressure of the aroused working class. The fact. that the State’s case is| a maze of contradictory perjured evidence forces the prosecution to resort to chicanery and cajolry in | its appeal the prejudices of the jury | in the final. plea to the jury now| going on. | Both Clyde Hoey and Jake Newell | have concentrated their fire against | Fred Beal and Clarence Miller, against whom there is the least evi- dence. The fact that these two are northern Communists with a record of militant activity in the revolu- tionary movement enables the pros- ecution to play more readily upon the racial, religious, and political prejudice of the jurors, fundamen- talists in religion, conservative in —— or serve in the citizens’ army. This compulsion covers the entire period of training and is divided into three cycles as fellows: From 12 to 14 years of age in the Junior Cadets. ‘From 14 to 18 years of age in the Senior Cadets. Fro m18 to 26 years of age in the citizen force. Military Training ,in France is firmly rooted in’the schools, espe- cially in the elementary institutions where the greater number of work- ing-class children can be reached and distorted with the mercenary and imperialist aims of the French government. The Societies of Mili- tary Preparation are in charge of this work and through a huge net- practice and all drills are conducted according to the latest army regula- tions. Junior divisions of officers’ training corps are organized in many schools which correspond to the officers’ training corps in the United States, In the dominions, England has also conducted intensive militariza- tion programs. In Australia all male citizens who have resided there for six months and are citizens must work of these societies it reaches thousands of the young French workers each year, In Japan military training is of special importance becaulse of the tradition assigned to military ca- reers and the desire of the Japanese government to give Japan “a place in the sun.” Military training is given in the,schools by retired army politics, and dogmatic in their belief, but a professional agitator and an in white supremacy. organizer of hatred, idleness, and eaoishr taocm{w taoshs taocin tacta|trouble. In strike after strike Beal “The wicked flee when no man/jhas been advocating violation of the pursueth”\ was Newell’s text. He|laws of our country. accused Beal of fleeing because of|ers Miller even taught little children Edith Saund- | a “concsiousness of guilt.” He con- veniently forgot that the Committee of 100 was searching for Beal with the expressed intention of lynching him that night. The natural and exactly what he did—go to Char- lotte to consult Tom Jimison, I. L. D. lawyer, and to follow Jimison’s advice to get away from the pur- suing Black Hundreds of the bosses. One lying accusation followed another. Newell made no attempt to base his vicious charges on the evidence in the case. He gave a version of the events of June 7 that bore not the slightest, resemblance to the actual facts. Newell distorted the evidence to suit his purpose or disregarded it entirely. With lying innuendo. and venomous insinuation he painted the defendants and de- fense victims as scoundrels guilty of every act of immorality and crim- | inality, resorting to every trick ni the repertoire of shyster lawyers, Newell’s obvious purpose was to in- flame the basest prejudice of the jury of farmers. Displaying the blood stained gar- ments of Aderholt, Newell made an heroic attempt to transform his sneering expression into one of hyp- ocritical sympathy, i ‘Newell referred to Beal with a snarl as “not an organizer of labor, ligatory for all, males above five years of age in the elementary schols and takes on a highly imper- ialist propaganda character in the higher institutions. In Italy, Germany, oland and Hun- gary, the military training of the youth continues in a much more rapid pace than bgfore the last world war, Role of Y. C. L. The young workers in these war countries are not passive to these war preparations against the Soviet Union, The Young Communist Lea- gues are waging a fight against the militarization of the youth in all of the imperialist countries. The Young Communist Leagues, in every imper- ialist country are calling upon the armed forces and al lyoung workers who have had military training to organize andprepare a united front together with the whole working class against the preparations for an attack on the Soviet Union. The working-cass, united with the ser- vicemen, must turn the coming im- perialist war into a war for the over- throw of the imperialist govern- officers and non-commissioned offi- cers of the regular army, It is ob- : a ae aa | | ments and the establishment of Geant to all hatred of the American flag and of law and order. to revere the Red flag of bloodshed, anarchy, and revolution. That's | what Clarence Miller and Fred Beal sensible thing for Beal to do was; stand for. As Mr. McCall admitted, they are against war. All progress comes on the wings of war.” Neither Newell nor Hoey attempt- ed anyanaylsis of the evidence sub- mitted by the State. Thaddium Adams, of the International Labor Defense, counsel of lawyers, on the contrary, searching, analysis of the evidence given by beth State and defense witnesses, Four Points. “In arguing to you that you can- not conceivably find any of*the de- fendants guilty under your oath as jurors,” said Mr. Adams, “I shal discuss four propositions. First—That these defendants formed no conspiracy to kill or do any other unlawful act. “Second—That even if they had formed the alleged cnospiracy, that it had no legal relation to the death of Aderholt or wounding of the of- ficers. Third—That it is impossible to de- termine from the evidence, under the law.and your oath, beyond a reason- able doubt, whether Aderholt was killed and the other wounded by any act of these defendants or by some other person to you unknown. * Fourth—That even if you could ‘be satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt from the evidence in the case, that the defendants killed Aderholt and wounded the officers, any such act was done in the necessary de- fense of their rights.” Adams declared that “the cause of the defendants is in the last an- alysis, the cause of us all; and, in- deed, the one great cause of all hu- manity.” . Law for the Rich, “The law as originally establish- ed was established nad maintanied by the rich, the strong, and the powerful tosecure themselves in their own arbitrary power and prop- erty rights and to oppress and en- slave the poor.” Declaring that the strikers has every legal right to self defense Adams referred to the Magna Char- ta, “the beginning of all constitu- tional law,” to the Bill of Rights in the constitution of the United States and to the constitution of North Carolina, “‘A man’s house is his castle’ said William Pitt. ‘The is poorest man may, in his cottage, bid ‘he deecus of the She taught them | gave a thorough and} By Jacob Burck anteed that no citizen should suffer from invasion by the forces of the law without due process of law. Bill of Rights. “North Carolina stayer out of the |union until the Bill of Rights was jadopted. That Bill of Rights is sup- posed to guarantee the right of be |free from unlawful search or arrest. |The constitution of North Carolina provides that no person shall be ar- rested or his property seized unless by due process of law. On June 7 Aderholt and his officers were tress- passing on union property without }a warrant and had no right to be |there. The strikers had a perfect |legal right to protect themselves and |their property. Aderholt, Hord, |Gilbert, Roach, and Ferguson vjo- |lated the most solemn covenants of |Magna Charta, the constitution of the United States and the constitu- tion of Narth Carolina when they went upon the private premises of the union without a warrant for ar- rest and without a search warrant. Therefore the prosecution of these defendants for what happened there that night is nothing less than per- secution. Do you think that those officers would have dared trespass upon the property of Major Bul- winkle, Solicitor Carpenter, or the Manville-Jenckes Company? It seems that there was one law in Gastonia for these gentlemen and another for the workers, because the Manville Jenckes Company has taken over the government of Gastonia.” Killed By Own Men. “No one will ever know who killed Chief Aderholt. It may have been one of his drunken associates who went for the avowed purpose of raising pluperfect hell on the union grounds. Such wild men usually shoot wild and are always irrespon- sible. Or the fatal shot may have come from the wild firing of some of the hirelings of the Manville- Jenckes Company. In »all events, gentlemen of the jury, there. is in- THE CITY.-.----- OF BREAD Reprinted, by permission, from “The City of Bread” by Alexander Neweroff, published and copyrighted by Doubleday—Doran, New York. TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN (To be Continued) Then Mishka got real furious. He spat beneath the buffer and said: “Fall then, I'll go myself...” Then Serioshka was quiet, but the soldier caught seight of his head. A H “Who’s there?” m Now they were in for ft, “Get down!” Nothing to be done. Either they must get down or they must try to bluff it out. Mishka decided to enter into negotiations with the | soldier. “This, Red Army comrade, is a little boy from our village, and he’s traveling with me.” “And who are you?” “Y’m a Lopaniner, Buzuluk county. bread.” “Show me your papers.” “Passports?” “T'll give you passports’ And another soldier behind him souted: “Take him along to the Tcheka!” Mishka’s heart sank. “Now we'll get it!” Serioshka was half dead with fear. The soldier seized him by the arm, as though he would pull it from its socket. “Little snot-noses! Interferring with transport! .. .” There you were! They had started out for Tashkent to get bread and they would land in the Tcheka. And the Tcheka meant a trial. Mishka had heard the word from the mujiks—and they had nothing very good to say about it. If only he could slip the soldiers some- thing, but he had no money. He might pretend to cry, but they would know he was pretending, and meantime the train would leave. All kinds of ideas spun round in Mishka’s head but he could think of no awy out. Then he saw that Serioshka was whimpering, and resorted to strategy. “What are you crying for? They won’t put us in prison, they'll just find-out where we come from and then let us go.” Then he turned affably to the soldier: “That’s what always happens to us. noses where we shouldn’t .. .” ‘ The soldier said nothing. ics “Red Army Comrade, could’t you let us through? We’ré famine children.” “Come on, come on, tomorrow you can go farther.” Mishka pondered: “How can I get the better of him?” Suddenly he seized the soldier by the hand, whispering: “Red Army Comrade, there’s a mujik up there.” “Where?” “Qver there. He ducked down®behind the car.” ‘The soldier looked, and there—what luck!—it just happened that two women’s heads were showing. “Stay here!” Mishka assented eagerly: “Stay here, Serioshka ,stay here! We must wait here for the Red Army ‘Comrade—he has no time for us now . : ‘The soldier ran over to drive away the women. Not a soul in sight. Fine! Mishka straightened the sack on his back and whispered hastily Aa Serioshka: ue # "Don" éam! Give me your hand. Hiutthey cat back of tha station, past the cow stall; in the dark- ness they ran into a manure pile. The y freightened a sleeping dog. The dog began to bark, and freightened Serioshka. Theyran as far as the water-tower, and dived beneath a car at the very end of the train. There they sat for a while, then squirmed along farther. Mishka stopped, sniffed at his hand, spat. “The devil! Some one’s messed up this place! Did you dirty your- self?” “I to0.” “Keep away from me!” i They took a survey—no one in sight. What did that mean? The clamor of the crowd seemed to come from far off in the distance. “Serioshka, we're not going right.” 3 They rushed over to the other side—there stood an engine, right in front of their noses. “Here it is!” a Mujiks and women were silently climbing upon the engine. “Don’t make so much noise!” ‘ Mishka started helping his comrade up. “Climb up!” “What about you?” _ “Climb up, don’t talk'to me!” You couldn’t ansker back: Mishka was the leader. Serioshka clambered up but did not know which way to turn. He took a step gingerly in one direction, it was hot beneath his feet. “Mishka, it’s an oven here!” Suddenly something whistled right over his head, there was a jerk I’m going to Tashkent for We're forever sticking our ° | and a bang, and beneath his feet something went: F-fu! F-fu! F-fu-u! Serioshka’s hair stood on end. “Little farther!” At first they went slowly, then faster and faster. Something right over his head bellowed and thundered and rattled and roared. Sparks ranied down on him from above. The wind beat in his face and tore ‘at his hair. Whew! If the machine upset, they would be smashed to pieces—not one person would be left. Serioshka peered ahead, then jerked back in terror. A monster sufficient evidence from which to find beyond a reasonable doubt as jthe law requires that any one of these seven defendants killed Ader- holt or wounded Roach, Gilbert, or Ferguson.” : “Some of my clients are mill work- ers. I have seen the effects of the stretch-out system in these under- nourished, broken-down, emaciated and prematurely old workers that come to me for legal help. The mill owners would make profits out of the bowels of babies and the virtue of women. Capital is organized and workers must organize likewise to protect their rights. We lawyers have a union, and th emill owers are organized. Why workers have a union of their-own? Otherwise their rights will be ground under the foot of organized greed. They have no other way of their ¢o if a jouldn’t the mill): with fiery eyes was coming straight toward them. In a moment it would dash them to pieces. But the monster went past their machine, “Shh—shh—shh. . . .” : And they hadn’t been dashed to pieces. | bs In Planning For War WASHINGTON, Oct. 21.—Hoover |port of dictatorships, ete;, and te is planning another “{ |-will” tour | drive out British imperialism. of Latin American countries, accord-| The contemplated visit of Hooves ing to a statement issued at the | would be his second official ttour of statement de-|Latin American coun:ries, the first being after his election, but before inauguration. It is the general opin- jon here that Hoover's next “good will” tour, which will doubtless be made on a warship as his first fy itt »