The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 18, 1929, Page 4

Published by the Comprodai Square, New York City, N. Publishing Co., In Y. Telephone St * Addrees and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Unio: ——S——_———_—_——————— — y, at “DAIWOT Square, New York, N, PARTY Notice of Central Control Committee Decision on Grace Lamb and Nolan White The Central Control] Committ as expelled Grace Lamb, an intel- lectual from the C. P. of U. for an active support of the Love- stone group of splitters, for ticipating and speaking in their group meetings and otherwise promoting their disruptive acti; Grace Lamb was compelled to admit before the D. C. is on very friendly terms with the scoundrel Jackson, and that Jackson is very often in her house. Grace Lamb—Dungee—Jackson form an intimate group, and there is no doubt that Grace Lamb was the con- necting link between Lovestone and Jackson in the hatching of the “secret service exposure” in connection with Lov one’s raid on the Party office and the ements given by Jackson to com- rade Markoff. The C. C. C. has also ex name—Leblanc), an intellec the scoundrel Jackson and pl C. 2 that she pelled from the P. epti eq a double role against the Party. CENTRAL CONTROL COMMITTEE C. P. OF CHARL: arty Nolan White (Party Lovestone and the “Corridor Congress” . By EARL BROWDER. The renegade opportunists, Lovestone, Pepper & Co., fully revealed their ugly right-wing face. bined with the energetic and correct policie tral Committee and the assistance of the Comintern, they have been isolated and eliminated from the Party and the working cl: have now As a result of this, com- Now remains the task, so far as the renegades are concerned, of completing | the political analysis of this right wing program, and drawing the full political lessons for our Party—lessons which are an indispensable con- tribution to the Bolshevization of our Party, steeling it against all deviations and preparing it for the present period of sharpening class battles. One phase of this work is to trace the historical development of Lovestone’s struggle against the Comintern, especially at and since the Sixth World Congress. “THE CORRIDOR CONGRESS.” Lovestone, in common with many sections of the international right wing, makes a demagogic appeal to the Sixth World Congress of the C. I. decisions, as embodying his line, which he claims are being revised by the Executive Committee of the Communist International. In one of his latest documents he says: “At this Congress (July, 1928) there really took plage two Congresses—the official Congress whose leader was Buchagim and the unofficial anti-Bucharin caucus, the ‘corridor eengress.’ . . . Already at the Congress itself—in spite of unanimeus votes and ‘no differences’—a vicious underground agitation went on against the main line of the Congress and against its chief defenders (Bucharin, etc.). Because of the relation of forces, the revisionists did not dare to come out in the open; they contented themselves with demoralizing propaganda and with preparing the basis for the revision to come.” What are the facts on this point? It is a fact that at the Congress were two antagonistic lines, strug- gling with one another; that one of these lines was defeated in the delegation meetings of the principal parties, and that “the revisionists did not dare come out in the open.” On these points Lovestone’s state- ment is correct. But a “little correction” must be made to his other points. It was not “Bucharin, etc.” (that “etc.” of course means Lovestone and Pep- per), who defended the main line of the Congress. This is made quite clear by the following facts: Bucharin had introduced in his own name, and distributed to the Congress delegates, a first draft of the Theses on the International Situation. passed upon by any Party or delegation, for the first time in the his- tory of the Comintern having not been presented to the Russian Party before being generally distributed. In the delegation meetings of the German and Soviet Union Parties, Bucharin’s theses were subjected to sharp criticism, and finally, in the Soviet Union delegation, were amended in 22 points. Bucharin finally voted for these amendments, when his alternative was to go before the Congress with a fight against his own delegation and the certainty of a smashing defeat; his original theses were replaced by the amended theses of the Soviet Union dele- gation. This became the main line of the Congress. If there were two lines in the Congress, therefore (and there were), it is quite evident that the one which attempted to hide itself, which “did not dare come out into the open,” was precisely that one headed by Bucharin, with Lovestone and Pepper as two of his many lieuten- ants. Bucharin “etc.” were the leaders of the “corridor congress,” the faction conducting a secret struggle against the Congress line. “NO DIFFERENCES EXIST.” Lovestone, in common with the international right wing, tries to make political capital out of the declaration made by Comrade Stalin to a Congress sub-commission, that “no differences exist” in the Rus- sian Delegation or Politburo. He would do wellpto try to forget this incident as it furnishes an excellent illustration of the unprincipledness and cowardliness of the right wing. After the struggles in the German and Russian delegations (as well as in others, including the American) and the defeat of Bucharin’s theses, the Congress atmosphere was full of a quiet curiosity as to the political consequences. The Politburo of the Russian Party, on the initiative of Com. Bucharin and after he had formally accepted the amendments which changed the line of his theses, instructed Com. Stalin to make the statement concerning “no differences” on the as- sumption that Bucharin had honestly accepted the line of the Party. That later Com. Bucharin continued his struggle is an indictment, not | of the Politburo, but of Com. Bucharin. “The same sort of incident occurred later, in November, when al- ready the fight of Bucharin was coming into the open. The Russian Party was preparing for its 16th Conference. Com. Bucharin was faced with the question: whether to fight for his line, or to accept the Polit- buro theses which condemned his line. He voted for the Politburo theses and remained silent before the Conference met. Therefore the theses were presented as unanimous, and the Party was informed that there were no major political differences. Again Com. Bucharin had deceived the Party. THE NATURE OF THE AMENDMENTS. What was the nature of those amendments which were made by the Sixth Congress to Com. Bucharin’s theses? Were they merely “little amendments” of an editorial nature? No. They were precisely upon the points around which struggle has raged since then, and in each case Com. Bucharin’s (and Lovestone’s) standpoint, for which he now fights was rejected. The original theses of Bucharin estimated the first period of post- war capitalism as one of revolutionary struggles which culminated in defeat for the working class. The “little amendments” changed this to include in the culmination of the first period, the victory of the U. S. S. R. over foreign intervention, and the consolidation of the Comintern. ‘The original theses of Bucharin characterized the second period as that of capitalist stabilization. The “little amendments” aided the rapid restoration in the U. S. S. R. and also the growth of political in- fluences of the Communist Parties over broad masses of the proletariat. The original theses of Bucharin characterized the third period as that in which capitalist economy is exceeding the pre-war level, as the period of rapid development of technique and accelerated growth of cartels and trusts, and in which tendencies of development towards | state capitalism are observed, with a resulting consolidation of stabil- ization. This line is now being openly developed by Com. Bucharin in his latest theories of the Third Period as one of “organized capitalism,” of the Politburo and Cen- | Class Against Class in the Charlotte Court When the Congress opened, this document had not been , disappearance of the market pgoblems of inner competition and crises, j nationg’? = © ~~~ Central Organ of the Commun Worker’. Party of the tt, @ A SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mall (in New York only): $8.00 a year; By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year; $2.50 three months $4.50 six months; $2.00 three months $3.50 six months; SERVICES RENDERED. By. Fred Ellis By BILL DUNNE. The class struggle rages in the Charlotte courtroom where Fred Beal, Louis McLaughlin, W. McGinnis, K. Y. Hendricks, Clarence Miller, George Carter, and Joe Harrison, organizers and members of the National Textile Workers’ Union, face from twenty to thirty years in the penitentiary. The veil of legalism with which the state has tried to cover its role as the instrument for working class suppression has been cast aside. Openly and brazenly, perhaps more so than in any similar labor. trial, the state’s attorneys, aided by Judge Barnhill, are appealing to the lowest prejudices of the farmer jury—a jury whose greatest enthusiasm since the trial began was aroused the other day by a%limpse of Cyclone Mack, a fundamentalist evangelist called fondly by his followers, “the Billy Sunday of the South.” The close connection between the attempt to railroad these workers to the penitentiary, the unbreakable bond between the trial and the whole campaign of the mill owners and their government for the i | and the organic growth of capita “ttle amendments” added, in- tense development of the contradictions of world capitalism, growth of internal contradictions, swing to the left of the working class, grow- ing acuteness of class struggle, and changed the conclusion to growing shakiness of capitalist stabilization and general sharpening of the crisis of capitalism. : The original theses of Bucharin did not contain any reference to the “left” reformists and sharpening the struggle against them. The amendments characterized them as the “most dangerous,” and called for a more intense and systematic struggle. The original theses of Bucharin did not place the Right danger as the main danger, and did not mention the conciliators to the right wing. The amendments declared the Right as the main danger and declared that without a sharp struggle against conciliation, the Right danger could not be overcome, Thus, it is clear that the amendments, adopted against the line of Com. Bucharin at the Sixth Congress, were precisely those points which determined the whole line of the Congress, and that precisely those positions which the Congress rejected constituted the right wing plat- form which the renegades Lovestone, Pepper & Co., brought back to America and tried to foist upon the Party as the “decisions” of the Sixth Congress (strengthening stabilization, “industrial revolution,” softening toward “left” social democracy, and an inner-Party course based upon the Right wing). THE RIGHT WING AND TROTSKYISM. Lovestone is today making propaganda to the effect that Trotsky- ism has triumphed in the Comintern and Russian Party. For this pur- pose he demagogically cites the collapse of the Trotsky opposition and the surrender of the leading Trotskyites to the line of the Party and Comintern, What are the facts of the relations of the Right wing to Trotskyism? At the period of the Sixth Congress, when Com. Bucharin was ac- cepting formally the line of the Congress and the Russian Party, it has since been disclosed that he was holding a series of secret conferences with the then Trotskyist, Kamenev, with the purpose of forming a bloc with the Trotskyites in order to effect a change in the line of the Farty. In America, the right wing opportunist Lovestone, representing the international right wing, has arrived on all practical issues, at slogans and criticism of our American Party, of the Russian Party, the Comin- tern and the whole international situation, which are approximately the same as the slogans and criticisms of the Trotskyite Cannon, It is the most rotten elements of the right wing and Trotskyist groups which are politically amalgamating, while all that was healthy in both groups are repudiating their deviations, and returning to the Party and Comintern on the basis of complete and unconditional ac- ceptanée and approval of the Leninist line worked out at the Sixth Congress, elaborated at the Tenth Plenum, and applied in life under the leadership of the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- PAR ARPS bis ohio AaB | lis ami moss Gaeta suppression of all working class activity in this section, especially that of the National Textile Workers’ Union, is shown by the fact that the whole strategy of the prosecution for the last week has been to lay the basis for a raid of the black hundreds upon the two conferences— the Southern conference of the National Textile Workers’ Union and the southern conference of the Trade Union Unity League held October 12th and 13th in Charlotte. HATE COMMUNISTS. The Communist Party, even more than the N.T.W.U., was singled | cut as the target for attack. It is not necessary here to quote at length specific questions and statements made by the state’s attorneys since these have been given wide publicity in the press. One statement of Judge Barnhill, however, made on Monday, October 14th, shows cl?arly the anti-working class character of the court: “Well, if he is a Communist and is in an effort to overthrow the government, when he comes to trial under the laws of that gov- ernment he ought not to expect to be tried as a loyal citizen of that government. When a man goes on the witness stand, he subjects himself to the scrutiny of cross-examination. The jury is entitled to know what manner of man he is.” It is sufficient to say that the main line of the prosecution was to connect the legal offensive against the worker defendants with the extra-legal offensive against our Party, the National Textile Workers’ Union, its members and sympathizers, the textile workers generally and specifically against the two historic conferences of southern workers. The state advanced to the attack under the banner of “white su- periority.” It made the Communist demand for racial equality the center of its attack, second only to its offensive against the whole struggle of the southern working class for the abolition of the stretch- cut, for the eight-hour day, equal pay for equal work, recognition of the N.T.W.U. and the other demands around which thousands of southern textile workers are rallying for struggle. “MERELY MURDER CASE.” It will be recalled, and certainly must not be forgotten, that for weeks the mill owners of the state and their propagandists filled the southern press and northern press as well with persistent announce- ments that this case was “merely a murder case.” They went farther than this in their attempt to conceal the fact that this trial is a class trial, and that capitalist justice would do its level best to railroad the workers who had challenged southern capitalism. Capitalism’s propa- gandists met with some success. They succeeded in convincing certain weak elements who sympathized, or claimed they sympathized, with the worker defendants and the cause for which they fought, that our Party and the International Labor Defense were jeopardizing the lives and liberties of the worker defendants by insisting that this was a class trial, that,the issues involved—the right of workers’ self defense, the right to organize for self defense against the armed hands of the mill owners and their state, the right to organize militant unions, the right to strike and to picket, etc—were class issues and that the prosecution representing the class interests of fthe southern capitalists would proceed against the worker defendants, against class enemies. The sharpening of the struggle throughout the South, the tremen- dous mass movement in support of the worker defendants, have made it impossible for the state to disguise its class role any longer. Nor can the state any longer conceal from the working class the fact that. this trial is directed not only against our Party and its members who have taken a leading part in the struggles of the National Textile Workers’ Union, but is directed against the whole working class. The outright butchery of six striking mill workers in Marion while the trial is in process, immediatély following the statement by Governor Gardner declaring that workers had nothing to fear from the state as long as they remained away from the Communists, has made it impossible to carry out the “merely a murder trial” strategy. SHARPEN THE STRUGGLE. The immediate atsk of our Party is to sharpen and broaden the whole struggle against the capitalist conspiracy to railroad our fellow workers to prison with sentences which actually ntean a death penalty carried out by a torture process extending oyer years, OF BREAD Reprinted, by permission, from “The City of Bread” by Alexander Neweroff, published and copyrighted by Doubleday—Doran, New York. FROiI AN (Continued) * ee | beta acemoplished two things at once; he found out the way to Tashkent and begged a crust of bread from a Red Army comrade. He must see to everything himself. No bread, no money, and Serioshka unable to help himself. He would have to get him something to eat, so that he wouldn’t lose all his strength. Mishka thrust the crust into his pocket—the whole thing would make only two bites—and thought: “Pll give hi must a little. It doesn’t matter, he'll give it back to me later.” He meant to run right back to the hut, but his eyes fell on the telegraph instrument in the window. That was an interesting thing! A white tape came creeping out of the instrument and a man kept tap- ping with his fingers. Another man with a tube to his ear spoke through a wire. Mishka gazed and gazed, and never noticed when he put the crust of bread into his mouth, Suddenly he remembered hungry Serioshka and his conscience began to trouble him: “Why did you go and eat it all up?” He ran back t othe place where Serioshka had been—Serioshka was not there. Here was the same hut with one window—or was this another one like it? What had happened? He must have got loose somehow. He went back in another direction, and came to a field. A haystack glimmered white, the moon stood right over a little hill and looked at Mishka. No one in sight. Only some one hammering back of the station, and some one sobbing quietly in a ditch. Mishka drew nearer, and there in the ditch sat a peasant women with her children. The fire near her was going out. The woman’s hair was falling down. She rocked from side to side and said over and over again: “My darling children, my darling children, where can we go now?” And Mishka thought: “And where can I go now?” He returned to the station and began shouting for Serioshka. In the village a dog barked. “This is a bad business! Desert him? oath, “What a fool I was! much better.” Where to look for him now?” He could not. They had made a pact, given their If I had gone by myself, it would have been Mishka sat down near the door of the station and into deep thought. He sat and he sat, and his eyes began toclose. He forced them apart, they closed again. He thought of Serioshka and sighed. “He won’t stay lost. Mishka’s head fell forward onto his knees, his body began to float up into the air. It floated along as if on wings, rose higgher anr higher. I'll find him in the morning.” His mother cried out from below: you go so high?” “Mishka, you'll fall! Why do And brother Yashka was shooting pigeans with his wooden popgun. Crack*-one pigeon. Crack—another. He shot ten, then tied them to- gether to a string and began beating Mishka over the head with them. Mishka grew angry and was about to hit out at asYhka—there stood a soldier with a gun before him. “You can’t lie here!” A little dog came by, sniffing the wind. He looked in at the door, then tiptoed away. A hatless mujik came out. “What’s the matter, boy, cold?” “I would like to sleep, little uncle.” “To Tashkent with Serioshka, but he’s gone and got lost.” “Go into the waiting room—you can sleep there.” Mishka went into the waiting room. There was such a crowd of people that you couldn’t move a step. They lay in heaps. A cloud of steam rose from them, as in the bathhouse, and through this steam came the sound of crying and spitting and blowing of noses. An old man was crawling along the floor—sideways like a crab. They swore at him, but he kept on crawling. “Where the devil are you going?” Mishka’s boot struck against some one’s head; he was freightened. . The head raised itself and yelled: “What do you want here?” “I’m looking for Serioshka.” “H’m! You're probably a pickpocket!” Some one else called: “Throw him out! He’ll steal something!” Mishka elbowed his way through to one side of the room—no Seri- oshka, As though he had fallen into the water! But Mishka must continue to look for him: they had made a pact. He pushed his way through to the very purthest corner, and there, huddléd together, law Serioshka asleep. n “Hey there, you rascal, always getting lost!” Serioshka opened his eyes, uncomprehending. Was that Mishka’s voice, or wasn’t it? The face was Mishka’s, but the head seemed dif- ferent, Again Mishka tugged his arm. “Wake up! I could hardly fnid you.. Why did you run away from there?” “I was afraid!” : : “Afraid! You're not,in a forest, are you? You didn’t do what I said. It’s a good thing for you I didn’t get tired of looking for you. Else you’d have been left all alone, That would have been fine, wouldn’t it? You think that’s the way to act? Little idiot! We made a bar- gain to go together and so we muststay together.” integral part of the struggle for the liberation of the whole southern working class, and as such is an outstanding and immediate task in the struggle of the American working masses. (To be Continued) The campaign for the liberation of our fellow workers should now proceed under slogans of unconditional release, the disarming of the fascist bands of the mill bosses, the right of workers to organize for self defense, workers’ defense units in the southern mills and the united front of the entire working class to smash the conspiracy intended to destroy all working class organizations and to terrorize the most ex- ploited workers in the United States into submission to the capitalists and their state—a submission which in the coming war will be capi- talized by the rulers in terms of cannon fodder and which in the im- mediate period will be registered in greater profits in the account books of the mill barons, The center of the struggle of the working class in the South is erat our fi + V egececmt an an ee I |