The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 15, 1929, Page 4

a BRR "be tre compraaaily Pubiiknine Col! me. Square, New York City, N. Y¥. Telephon Addrees and mail all ch $ to the Daily Worker, 2 aily, exce Stuyvesant 1686-7-8 Central Organ of the Communist Party of the T7. By Mai! (in New York only): @a SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $8.00 a year; By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a yearg wie FO $4.50 six month $3.50 six mont three months .00 three months PARTY BIE Lo stone’s Plans to ‘Split the Party By PETER HAGELIAS. Lovestone chose to take the path of the right wing opportunists it the time when he was still in Moscow. The Communist International n its Address drew the attention of our Party to that effect. Four months later, we find Lovestone and his followers excepting the line d policies of the International Right opportunists, and fighting our Party and the Comintern, not any longer under a cloak (although claim- ng that they are fighting for the line of the Sixth World Congress) but penly. Lovestone and his followers claim in their factional documents hat the Communist Party of the U. S. A, is “their” Party, and they try to make us believe that they do not have any intention of splitting the Party, but that their struggle is to correct the line of the Party and f the Comintern. But there is enough evidence to convince every hon- est Party member that in reality they are fighting the C. I. and under- nining the prestige of our Party among the American masses, in the name of Leninism, and the decisions of the Sixth World Congress, as always was the case of all the right wing opportunists and renegades. Srandler of Germany, began his fight against the €. I. in the name of the decisions and line of the Fifth World Congress, Trotsky decided o fight the Comintern in the name of Leninism, the same thing holds rue with annon, with Loruie, Max Eastman and ete. Now Lovestone accepts and uses the same tactics as all the renegades of the Com- | | | | | munist movement. | The Lovestoncites claim that our Party today is not making any | orogress because it follows an incorrect line. Party’s work in the South and the T.U.U.L. convention in Cleveland nrove not only to the Party members, but also to the whole left wing novement the correctness of the line of the C. I. and also the growing ;ood for struggle among the toiling masses of this country. But the progress of our at one did The Lovestoneites, who were in Cleveland with headquarters of the hotels there, during the period of the T.U.U.L. convention, not dare to come across with their opportunist € the Party which has been accepted enthusiastically by the 690 del tates representing all the basic and important imlustries of the U. S. The Lovestoneites when they saw the tremendous success of the con- vention they did not have even the guts to put up a fight in defense f their social democratic resolution on the Labor Party which was de- ‘eated by the proletariat delegation pitiably. TAKEN DEFINITE STEPS Lovestone and his followers today are taking definite steps in the direction to split our Party and to organize another anti-proletariat yarty, which will give comfort to the enemies of the working class and ill aid the imperialist masters in their infernal schemes against our | ‘arty and the whole working class. In one of the caucus meetings which took place in Cleveland during the T.U.U.L. Convention at their headquarters in the hotel, Lovestone added to the order of business the question of icing a newspaper to fight the Party and the Comintern. He brought out arguments to ustify his actions that they cannot use the same methods did—the capitalist newspapers, therefore it is absolutely Lovestone said, to publish their own newspaper, which will do there dirty work just as good. When some of the comrades, who were pre- ent at the caucus meeting (including m; if who was confused at the ime) told him that that this act is the f step for a second party and that we were against such a splitting step, he put up his deputy, Zam, to attack and to argue that we w expressing the “splitting | policy of the C ral Executive Committe That caucus meeting was enough for some honest and misled omrades to begin thinking the matter over more seriously ,and gra- jually come fo the conclusion that Lovestone is following the line of the international right wingers and is a renegade and enemy to our Party. Yurthermore he gave instructions to some of his one hundred ser cent followers that when they go back to their respective posts to ntensify their activities and carefully make plans to bring under their control the organizations that they are working with. Particularly hese instructions have been given to some of the delegates represent- ing new unions. Withott going any further it is plain to every Communist. Party member that the Loyestonites are using all methods at their disposal to split not only our Party but to split also our new revolutionary unions. Our Party, without any hesitations, must take immediately drastic steps to isolate and destroy this counter-revolutionary elements from our Party. Revolt in the South (iTS MEANING TO THE NEGRO MASSES) The recent violent attack upon the textile workers of the South (Gastonia, Marion, Charlotte) is by no means the result of any sudden degenration of the capitalist class of the South but it is simply a de- velopment of the terror practiced for decades by these land and trading capitalist against the toiling Negro masses before the industrialization of the South began. What is new is that now the lynch-law of capital- ism against its slaves extends to the white as well as to the black workers. In spite of this, however, many of the white workers, not understanding that the issue is, and has always been, one of class against class still believe that the lynch terror is a question of race against race. Today, however, the struggle calls not only for the unity of workers of both races in the South but of all races of the world. No longer can the white workers of the South allow a vicious race prejudice, taught them by their capitalist masters in order that these masters might more easily exploit them, stand between them and their fellow black workers in their struggle to build a militant; courageous, rank and file unions in the South. Once and for always, they must be made to realize that the time has now arrived when this dastardly prejudice must be uprooted in the most militant fashion possible. Already, however, signs of progress in this direction are being manifested, where the white workers in the mills of Gastonia, under the militant and fighting leadership of the Trade Union Unity League and the Communist Party, are openly working among the Negro work- ers and calling upon them to join the new Left Wing trade union—the National Textile Workers Union. The American Federation of Labor, which has been received with cpen. arms and glad heart by the mill owners, these bosses being well line and against the line | aware that this bureaucratic organization would utilize all of its influ- | ence to turn the revolutionary spirit of the workers into reformist channels, is being emphatically scorned by the workers. Very rapidly are these workers coming to realize that the leadership of the A. F. of L. is a treacherous leadership, as for instance in Marion it has employed all of its power to sell out the workers but has not succeeded. The workers realize that the entrenchment of the A. F. of L, in the South means disaster to the workers, black and white, and steps are being taken by these workers, as they must be taken by all workers, to defeat the policy of open betrayal of the interests of the American workers sponsored by the A. F. of L. Events of historical importance are now taking place in the South. Events such as have never before been known in this section of the U.S. In Gastonia, S. G., one of our Negro organizers was rescued by white workers from a lynching mob, formed by the mill owning capi- talists. A workers ’jury, recently arrived in the South, including among its. members two Negro workers, one from the T.U.U.L., the other from the American Negro Labor Congress, created a sensation in this locality. It was. something decidedly unusual in these parts for the two races to fight jointly against the combined forces of white terror which has | been carrying on its depredations for decades. The white comrades of the workers jury showed to the workers of the South what is meant by solidarity in the class struggle by refusing to be separated from the Negro jurrors and by joining them in the Jim-Crow gallery, where the capitalist overlords, in their efforts to break this real class solida- rity, forced the Negroes to sit. The white comrades remained in the Jim-Crow gallery, despite numerous threats from the gory lynchocrats. The seven comrades now on trial, leaders in the fight for the liberation of the black and white workers of the South must be saved! The present issue in the South is of paramount interest to the Negro masses since they suffer most from the oppression of the white ruling class, who is directly responsible for the lynching and burning at the stake of many of their number. With the establishment of a militant trade union movement in the South the Negroes will be able to resist more miltiantly these brutal attacks which must inevitably come from the rulnig class, and can count’ on the powerful support of the left wing union. The bosses of the South, being more conscious of their position ; than are the workers, le ‘that a left wing union movement in the HAIL, THE SOVIET FLYERS! By Fred Ellis. CO age The Sixth National Congress of the Young Communist League of Great Britain - By W. RUST. The political background of the Sixth National Congress of the Young Communist League showed in sharp relief the salient features of the third period. The Congress opened two days after the Interna- tional Red Day and took place in Manchester, the center of the struggle of the half a million locked-out textile workers against the wage-cut- ting rationalization drive organized by the joint forces of the employers, trade union bureaucracy, and the Labor Government. A few miles away was the big imperialist Jamboree a vivid reminder of the mili- tarization of the youth and the fact that a signal feature of the present situation is the struggle between the bourgeoisie and the revolutionary workers for the leadership of the youth, The Congress met a few days after Henderson had informed the Soviet representative that there could be no recognition with “guarantees” thus openly stating that the Labor Government, intended to carry out Baldwin’s war plans, In honor of the Indian Revolution the’ Congress elected two of the Com- munist leaders of the revolutionary proletariat, Comrade Bradley and Usani, as honorary members of the Presidium. The task of the Congress was to understand the meaning of this new period and on the basis of this understanding to show in a prac- tical way the new forms and methods of work which the Y.C.L. must develop, in order to overcome its isolation and to become the leaders of the masses of young workers. The achievement of the Congress was that it showed sharply and for the first time the necessity for a decisive change in the whole work and method of the League towards mass activity, and explained in a practical way how this change must be carried out. In other words, the Congress showed how to carry out in Great Britain the “New Course” decided upon by the Fifth World Congress of the Y. C. I. This change is of the utmost importance because the British Y. C. L. still in many ways resembles a kind of Young Communist Party, and up to this Congress had not clearly recognized the fact that it does not grow because it does not carry on a youth policy by attractive and interesting methods, The second achievement of the Congress was the political unanimity and discussion on and the adoption of the resolution dealing with the struggle against the Right danger in the ranks of the Party and League, the rooting out of which is the chief inner-Party task. This firm and clear resolution marked the beginning of a decisive struggle on the part of the League against the Right danger and has had, no doubt a profound effect in the ranks of the Party. It is quite elear, that the decisions of the League Congress in this respect considerably influenced the discussion in the Central Committee of the Party and con- tributed towards the drawing of the resolution of the Central Com- mittee which for the first time correctly analyzes the Right danger and states what must be done in order to eradicate it. It is important to emphasize that the Congress was able to reach these achievements because it utilized the method of self-criticism. For the first time we had a Congress of self-criticism, and it was precisely because we were able to see ourselves as we really are that the dele- gats understood the burning necessity for a real change in the work of the League. This is especially true of the decision regarding the Right danger, The League was able to play this important part in the Party life because it analyzed the forms of the Right danger in the League South will mean a challenge to their years of misrile, therefore they will utilize every weapon at their command to crush the union. In view of these facts the entire working class of America must realize that the seven workers now in prison must be freed. This can be done only by our organized might, by the organization of shop com- mittees, defense committees and the utilization of every method at our disposal to secure the release of our heroic organizers, now lan- guishing in the prison cells ‘under the vicious system of racial and class oppression. Down with the mill hells! Down with pellagra and consumption! Long live the unity of black and white workers! Long live the establishment of a new left wing union! Free our seven comrades! Defeat the capitalist. murderers! Long live the Trade Union Unity League! Long live the Communist Party! —HAROLD WILLIAMS. iT attentively to the ibe of itself, and showed how it must be fought. The Congress declared the following on the Right danger in the League: “The League has shared in many of the Party mistakes and the League leadership failed to mobilize the League for a struggle against the Right tendencies in its own. leadership and ranks. These have been strikingly shown in the political passivity. (particularly in the failure to participate in the Party life on the basis of fighting for the line ‘of the C. I.), in the resistance against developing a youth policy, new methods of work and factory activity, underestimation of the war danger, very little anti-militarist and colonial work, and a markedly weak spirit of internationalism. Particular mention*must be made of the demand for trade union control of the Industrial Transference Schemes, contained in the General Election program, which although a glaring Right mistake, was defended by the League ©. C. Also the complete neglect of the struggle against the Guild of Youth, practically no attention to the Young Comrades League, which has suffered a heavy decline, and the indifference towards the workers’ sports moye- ment.” The Congress also accomplished a great deal of practical work with regard to youth questions, and considerably fmproved the draft resolutions Which were layed before it. Of great importance was the attention that was given to the ques- tion of the system of practical work, which was presented as one of the outstanding problems. The Congress showed that it is impossible to carry out a revolutionary political activity with a social democratic system of work. At the present time the League is going through a crisis, partieularly, in the London district the organization is in a very bad state. There are not more than four factory groups in the entire League. Many of the members are passive and the planning and con- trolling of the practical work is very rarely carried out. This is a very big problem for the League because the activity of many members is not amongst the masses but confined within the four walls of the or- ganization; circularization and phrase mongering is substituted for living example and planned division of work. The economic struggle rightly occupied a prominent place because the radicalization of the workers is particularly expressed in a growing wave of economic struggles in Great Britain, which also assume a ‘poli- tical character, and in which the youth. play a great part because of jae increased role in production due to the growing rationalization ive. The Congress did not content itself with merely sending greetings to the locked out textile workers. It worked out-a plan of campaign, also made practical decisions with regard to the Pjecers’ Reform Move- ment. (This is the unofficial organization of a ‘ion of the textile workers, mostly young workers, whose wages are paid by the adult workers. They are mercilessly exploited and have practically no rights in the union). It rejected the idea of a new Piecers’ Union, and showed the necessity for developing the piecers’ movement along mass lincs based upon factory organization. Further, the Congress once and for all, cleared pis the old sectarian confusion regarding youth committees v. youth sections, condemned the mistaken proposal in favor of a Young Trade Unionists’ League, and decided firmly in favor of the formation of youth sections in the trade unions. The Agit-Prop resolution was exclusively of a practical character, giving concrete examples of new and interesting methods of carrying on mass agitation and propaganda, in place of the old dry-as-dust cui? | and dried methods, The Congress dealt with the.colonial question and correctly con- centrated attention on the great revolutionary mass struggle in India. The resolution dealt with the situation of the Indian youth, explained why the formation of an Indian Y. C. L. is an imperative necessity, and states in a practical way the tasks of the League at the present time in support of the Indian Revolution, A statement dealing with what must be done in-order to strengthen the British Workers’ Sports Federation was adopted. Before and during the Congress, the Executive Committee of the Y.C.I. played an active and direct part in preparing the resolutions and giving the correct lead to the Congress. The first reporw on the agenda was on the work of the E.C.Y.C.L, the first time such a report has been given in a Congress of the League. The Congress also listened very u a ive, , which thst bina | | \ BY XANDER NEWEROFF | THE CITY... ‘OF BREAD “yhe City of Bre: shted by Doubl TRANSLATED FRO? THE RUSSIAN Reprinted, permis ubtished sw by Alexander Doran, New York, (Continued) IS mother lay on the bed, moaning. The youngest, Fyedka, tugged at her dr stuck his thumb in his mouth, cried for bread. The middle one, Yashka, was making a wooden popgun, so he could shoot sparrows and eat them. He was thinking: “Pll kill three, and éat all I can hold. Till give just a little to Fyedka and mamma. Oh, if only J could hit a pigeon!” Mishka strode into the empty, hungry izba, pushed his cap back on his head, frowned. Suddenly he looked like a regular grown-up mujik, standing there with legs spread apart in true mujik fashion. “Why ave you lying down, Mamma?” “I'm not feeling so well today, little “I want to go to Tashkent, to get bread.” “What Tashkent?” “There’s a city by that name, two thousand versts from here, and bread is very cheap there,” Mishka spoke quictly, sensibly. like a real, grown-up mujik. His. mother regarded him with wondering eyes. “What are you chattering about—I don’t understand you!” Mishka began telling everything son.” 4 in due order. There were heaps ‘of berries there, and everybody had more bread than he could eat. He, Mishka, could. bring back thirty pounds with him at a time. (He made it thirty on purpose, so that his mother would be more impressed.) He talked logically, like a book. Everything the mujiks had told him, everything he had thought of himself—he poured it all out. To get there would: take four days at most—to get back four days, at most. “Don’t be afraid, Mamma.” “But if you don’t come back again?” “T will come back again.” “But think, little son, every night I'll be lying awake because of 7 you, I won’t be able to think of anything but you. Why, even the big mujiks don’t go off like t oe i “It's worse for the muj Mamma. They have to have tickets and passes, but it will be easy for Serioshka and me to slip in somewhere, Anyway, there’s no one but me to go. Can you send Fyedka or Yashka anywhere? And there’s nothing to be afraid of.” “But, look, Mishka in God’s name I beg of you don’t climb up on the roof of thestrain. You might fall down, God forbid, at night, and that would be the end of you. Better go down on your knees and beg them to let you sit somewhere in peace. Wha shall I do if I am left alone?” “Don’t be afraid, Mamma, I won’t fall off.” Mishka examined his bark sandals, worn through at the heels, and scowled. “No good, these damned things.” But the next moment he brightened up. “It’s not cold any more, I can go barefoot.” * * HE sharpened his knife to a fine edge on the whetstone, bored a hole in the handle with an awl, and fastened it to his belt with a leather thong, so that it would not get lost. He poured some salt into a rag, knotted it tightly so that the salt should not spill out; twsited a rope cut of flax, for an emergency—who could tell what might befall on the road! His father had always done it that way: when he drove to mar. ket, he would take along an extra axle’, a wheel and a shaft. Wheeels Mishka did not need but a rope one can always use. ’ His mother got out a pood sack, and began sewing patches on either side of it. “Will one sack be enough, Mishka?” “Better make it two, things won't fall through with one inside the other. Maybe the bread I get will be in small pieces.” His mother’ agreed. “That’s right, Mishka, and take whatever they give you. Perhaps you'll bring back a little seed, too, and we'll have something to sow.” His mother went into the store room and took off her coarse red peasant smock, and began cutting it up for a sack. Yashka stopped work on his popgun to stare at his big brother. “Mishk!” “Well?” “Is Serioshka going too? Mishka did not answer. He went out into the courtyard, and looked about him. Famine! Here lay a wheel, there a yoke, but there was no horse, and there was ‘no cow. Formerly, the hens used to go cackling around and the cok crowed with all his might; now there were only posts and a broken- down roof. Well, never mind. If only he could get to Tashkent things would be better. The important thing v not to be afraid. Others went, Mishka could try it too. It was only in years that he was a youngster; when it came to doing things he was as good as any of the big fellows. (To be Continued) showed how clearly the Y.C.I. understands the situation in Great Bri- tain, and what is necessary to be done in order to build up the League. The Congress showed, of course, very many weak sides. The weak- nesses shown during the three days at nchester expressed in a con- centrated form all the weaknesses of the League. First and foremost we must emphasize the political weakness. The discussion did not show that the meaning of the third period and the ‘New Course” had been *thoroughly grasped by the entire League, especially the question of, how to carry out the new methods, and to shake off the old traditions and inertia. No discussion took place on the report of the Executive of the Y. C, I. and the discussion on the Political Report was very gen- eral. This. brought out especially the fact that a very weak spirit of internationalism ‘exists in ovr ranks. The active role of the Y. C. I. brought this home very forcibly to the delegates. This is one of our biggest difficulties which prevents us getting out of our national rut, and prevents us from utilising the valuable experiences of other Leagues. On all League questions the discussion was much too general. ‘Neither the reporters or the participants in the discussion showed in an exact way the meaning of the mistakes and their causes. This, of course, arises from the general weakness pointed cut in the resolutions, namely, the exceedingly weak mass work and the tendency to talk about mass work and to use phrases instead of actually carrying it out. Above all this shows the separation of the League from the mass of the young workers. The discussion was clmost entirely monopolized by the leading members and funciYonarics, which is a bad sign of the passivity of the general membership. Vurther, the above criticiem of the discussion also shows that the weakness of our leading members is a matter of serious concern, and that the strengthening of the leadership is a vital need. Insufficient preparations had been made for the Congress, both polititally and organizationally, a number of locsl organizations were not represented, and the Congyces itself was not well organized. < This critical examination of the results of the Congress shows that it marks the beginning of a new stage of the development of the League, and that’ the achievements give the basis for the overcoming of the present crisis. The Congress faced the new situation and adopted reso- lutions which clearly state the new tasks of the League. Despite the fact that the Y. C. L. is a small organization it con- tains within its ranks many of the most active elements amongst ihe young workers, and it can and will develop into a mass neg in the course of the mighty truggles which lie ahead in Great Britai