The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 9, 1929, Page 4

Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co.. Inc., Square, New York City, N. ¥. Telephone Stuyve A@drers and mail all checks to the Daily, Worker. Four nt Sunday, 6-7-8. Cable: at 26-28 Union “DAIWORK.” y _ Betty 2G; Worker. rai Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S By Mail (in New York only) SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $8.00 a year; By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year; $2.50 three months $2.00 three months $4.50 six months; $3.50 six months; | Demagogy an Fascism There are a number of factors which differentiate fastism from cther forms of bourgeois dictatorship, As distinct from a purely mili- tary dictatorship (which in recent times, it is true, tries to strengthen its position—and with a fair success—by creating fascist support for itself), all forms of fascism are based upon broad mass organization whose activit! s are contrasted with the failure of bourgeois parliamen- tarism and which (otherwise the masses could not be won for fascism) use a certain “anti-capitalist” phraseology, and refrain from appearing openly as representatives of capital. Fascism is differentiated from the terror exercised against the wotking class by a parliamentary democracy (a terror which in its out- ward manifestations may be just as brutal as fascist terror), in that it justifies its terrorist actions, not from the formal standpoint of the “will of the majority,” but by the particular weight of the interests it represents. To bourgeois democracy it opposes the “organic membership of society” by the cooperation of various group organizations—fascism does not deny class contradictions; it merely maintains that they can be overcome within the framework of “common interests.” In this way. it seeks to organize the anger of the masses at the bankruptey of parliamentarism in a manner which involves no danger to the rule of finance capital, and, whwen bourgeois democracy fails, tries to utilize that anger for the maintenance of bourgeois class rule in other forms. For the working class movement, the particular danger of fascism lies in its use of demagogy as well as terror, lies in the fact that it awakens among the workers the illusion that the dictatorship, which it is anxious to establish, or has succeeded in establishing, is not the rule of their class enemy, but the result of their own work. In this sense, of course, fascism is the general tendency of the development of bourgeois democracy in the period of capitalist decline. The growth of internal and external contradictions necessarily leads to an intensification of the white terror against the proletariat, and also makes the parliamentary democratic form of bourgeois class rule and less useful for finance capital. On the other hand, the increasing difficulties and working class revolt, which is drawing more workers into the struggle, necessitates the creation of bases of support within the working class, support which is won by the corruption of the labor aristocracy. The smaller this aristocracy becomes, because of growing difficulties, the closer, by way of compensation, grows its connection with finance capital. For this limited group to fulfill its role of binding the greatest possible number of workers to the policy of finance capital, it must convince them that the tendencies in the development if imperialism— increasing monopolization and trustification, state capitalism, the en- rolment of members of the labor aristocracy in the executive organs of bourgeois class rule—are means of overcoming “the bad side of capi- talism.” This is but a paraphrase of the fascist ideal of the “organic state,” of “structural democracy.” The organizational concentration of the national economy by means of state capitalism in the interests of finance capital, appears as the “supersession \of private capital,” and the use of degenerate working class elements to suppress their class comrades as the “participation of the working class in the management of industry.” These basic elements of fascist ideology will, in the conditions of the Third Period, develop to a greater or lesser degree all over: the imperialist world. Socialist Construction in USSR By J. L. The decree of the 27th of August concerning the introduction of the uninterrupted working week is, one may confidently say, of world historical importance. It represents an alteration of the economic meth- ods taken over from the bourgeoisie, it represents an improvement which must be adopted in every country where the proletariat is.vic- torious. With the application of the uninterrupted working week, it will be possible to increase the production of all mechanical and similar productive units by a fourth and even by a third. The emancipation of the proletariat from the yoke of capitalism, the abolition of exploitation and of anarchy, the abandonment of the traditions and prejudices of the bourgeois order will make it possible for the proletariat to offer toiling humanity a considerably higher standard of life with the same amount of effort. In consequénce of its socialist systemization of the economic leadership of the country, and the useful application of tremendous resources which were formerly wasted unproductively by the bourgeoisie and the rich landowners, the Soviet Union has already achieved a quicker tempo of development. The growth of the feeling of social responsibility amongst the toil- ers and the real successes which have already been obtained, now make it possible to take a new step and introduce the uninterrupted working week into the factories and offices. The gradual introduction of the uninterrupted working week into all state and other bureaus in the Soviet Union would in any case be the inevitable result of the unin- terrupted productive activity of industry. All institutions serve in some way or another industry or the persons occupied in industry, and the working methods of these institutions must correspond to those pre- vailing in industry. The introduction of the uninterrupted week in all factories and offices thus becomes a part of the program of the Com- munist International for all countries under a proletarian dictatorship. ‘We must be prepared, however, to repel all attempts of the bour- geoisie to worsen the situation of “their” workers and at the same time to appeal hypocritically and dishonestly to our example. We are introducing the uninterrupted working week into the fac- tories, but every worker will enjoy just as many free days in the year as previously. He will not work more hours yearly than before. This yrinciple has been clearly laid down in the decree. All that will be changed will be the distribution of the free days over the year. Abroad, however, the capitalists would cling to the word “uninterrupted” and be*inclined to rob the workers of all or a part of their free days, by appealing to the example of “the Bolsheviks.” We want our machines te work uninterruptedly, whereby we shall employ more workers and guarantee to each worker the full right of the free time previously enjoyed by him. In the Soviet Union the “uninterrupted” principle is an instrument for improving the general situation of the toilers and in particular for reducing unemployment. The capitalists, however, would force each worker to work uninterruptedly in order to employ a still smaller number of workers for the same machines, For the capitalists the “uninterrupted” principle would be a means for worsening the situa- tion of the workers, a means for increasing the industrial reserve army. The introduction of the uninterrupted working week in a great country like the Soviet Union must inevitably attract attention in the list countries. Apart from all else, this measure means a con- siderable increase in the speed of economic development and thus an increase in the competitive capacity of the Soviet Union in the world economic system. Such factors will not be ignored by the capitalists. ‘therefore \.e can reckon confidently with a campaign of lies abroad yning the uninterrupted working week. It will be declared that the uninterrupted working week robs the workers of their free time. At ‘UTW the same time, however, the capitalists, “in order to meet the competi- | tion of the Soviet Union” will, in fact, themselves make efforts to organize such a robbery of the workers’ ffree time. The Communists ef all countries must therefore be prepared to expose their enemies ideologically and to resist all attempts to worsen the situation of the proletariat by a capitalist offensive under “similar” slogans. In this connection the question of the uninterrupted working week is of special practical importance for the sections of the Comintern in all countries, even before the victory of the proletarian revolution, and not only in the Soviet Union: The Communist Parties abroad must fully inform themselves in order to be prepared to enlighten the proletariat concern- ing this question. The uninterrupted working week in the Soviet Union must be recognized by the workers of all countries as that which it really is; the expression of the social-progressive superiority of the socialist system over the capitalist system and as a powerful instru- \ | | | | | ment for the continued improvement of the standard of life of the | s i aS Official: “if You Would Let Me Organize Them, Sir, You Would Not Have This Trouble.” By Fred Ellis ae nig \CTion | Notice & Role of the Labor Government in England By LEON PLOTT. The sharpening of the class struggle of the exploited workers in the capitalist countries, the growing offensive of the oppressed colonial masses against world imperialism, the inability of capitalism to solve its basic inner and outer contradictions, leads the entire capitalist sys- tem to its inevitable downfall. It would be impossible for capitalism to maintain its power, if it would not succeed to exert its influences on | large sections of the working class. The .enemy of the working class is not only the bourgeoisie but also the agents of the bourgeoisie who | operate in the ranks of the working class and thereby temporarily suc- ceed to save capitalism from its destruction. The last imperialist war shattered capitalism to its foundation and created an acute revolution- ary situation in a number of countries, where capitalism could no longer | maintain its rule, the destruction of the capitalist state was averted only thru the treachery of the social patriots of the Second Interna- tional. The British goyernment came into power not with the purpose to fight capitalism and improve the conditionsof the working class, on the contrary, it came to perpetuate the capitalist system and further exploit the British working class and the oppressed colonial people. All which was impossible for the British conservative government to carry through, the former Prime Minister Baldwin stated, is now being accomplished by the labor government. “In foreign affairs the so- cialist government has undoubtedly achieved a measure of success very large because there has been no break in continuity with the declared policy of its predecessors, the conservative governmnt.” WHAT BROUGHT THE LABOR PARTY INTO POWER? Thé coming of the Labor Party into power does not mean that the British working class be lessons of the general strike. tion and the leftward drift of the British working’ class. The Labor Party would have never succeeded to get such a large vote if the masses would not be dissatisfied with the capitalist parties and the rule of the conservative government. The British working masses still nourished illusions, that through the labor government they will be able to carry on their fight against British capitalism, to repel the employers’ class legislation of the conservative government, to give back the seven-hour day to the coal miners and to raise the standards of living of the working class. The desire to throw out the conserva- tive government and an attempt for the last time to test the Labor Party. It is not only the social imperialist of the Labor Party leader- ship that we must see, but the masses of the British workers, who in | their determination to struggle against British capitalism were ready to vote for the Labor Party and put it into power. The national and international policies of the Labor Party for the few months it was in power will ‘definitely prove before the British working class that the Labor Party as the Communists have analyzed it to be is only a third party of capitalism and the working class has nothing from it to expect * and on the gontrary must fight it. THE LABOR GOVERNMENT—THE AGENT OF CAPITALIST RATIONALIZATION, F Since the war the British industry was in a,continuous crisis, it | still did not reach the pre-war level of production it was continually loosing on the world markets and s more modern and superior methods of production of American imperial- ism. In the markets of Canada, Latin America, and Asia, The only way British industry could be improved and strengthen its competitive abilities on the world market is through a complete technical reorgan- ization of its methods of production, all of which is done by lengthen- 4 ing hours, cutting wages, and increasing of the amount of production at the great expense of the British working tlass. It was not a mere coincidence that* the lock-out of, the 500,000 cotton workers took place under the labor government. The cotton manufacturers knew well that only with the help of the labor government will they be able to carry through their wage cut, impose upon the workers arbitrary decisions, make them operate more looms and cut the labor force. While not even the meager promises made by the Labor Party during the elections are being carried through we see the labor goyern- ment considering a plan for the merger of enterprises, particularly in the coal mining industry, which would only increase the number of un- employed miners and consglidate the fighting position of the mine owners. Instead of increasing the unemployment dole, the labor govern- inent is considering granting subsidies to, those industries where the small rate of*profit does not attract the investment of new capital. Instead of increasing wages, shortehing the working day, the labor gov- ernment is forcing upon the workers arbitration and wage cuts. How- ever, the most important function of the labor government will. be to help the employers to introduce American methods of production, the speed-up system and other forms of capitalist rationalization. From all this the British working class has nothing to gain, only be increased and the standards of living lowered. The economic policy of the labor government was best expressed by* Ben Tillet, the chairman of the Belfast Congress of British Trade Unions; The congress has no competitors in the field of experience, and this experience is at the disposal of the nation, to rehabilitate our economic life, to reestablish our lost markets, to open new channel§ of commerce and modernize our methods of production and distribtition.” (Our, emphasis.) ¥ Naturally the policy to stimulate the process of capitalist ration- alization is connected with the task of supporting the economic expan- ‘sion of British imperialism, the prohibltion of all strikes which would embarass the labor government and forcing upon the workers apbitra- tion, In other words the British labor government becoming an in- | ne more conservative, or that it forgot the | On the contrary it shows the radicaliza- stematically squeezed out by the | Unemployment can | | tegral part of the British imperialism will do everything to sacrifice the interests of the workers for the sake of the national bourgeoisie. THE LABOR GOVERNMENT—THE SAVIOR OF THE EMPIRE. “If this government (meaning the conservative government L.P.) would be in power for another ten years, then we would have to lose India as part of the British empire.” So declared Tom Shaw, the min- ister of war of the present labor government. According to that state- ment it means that the tasks of the labor government is to preserve the entity of the British empire. The colonial policy of the labor gov- ernment certainly bears this out. The recent Anglo Egyptian treaty concluded by the foreign minister, Mr. Henderson, with Machmud Pasha, the fascist dictator of egypt, which was hailed by the Second Interna- , tional as & victory over British imperialism, shows how through the empty pacifist phrases the British empire is being preserved. Though the treaty formally recognizes the independence of Egypt yet the ex- planatory notes accompanying the treaty provide for the retention of British troops in the territory of the Suez Canal, the British Egypti army is to be organized and trained only by British officers. The mili tary dictatorship of George Loyde is to be replaced by a special mili- tary mission, which meang the same thing. British police is to be re- | tained in Egypt for a period of five years and British. officers are to control the Egyptian police force for the same period, | courts can only be done upon unanimous agreements of all powers con- cerned. The treaty also provides that the territory of the Sudan region is to be under the joint control of Britain and Egypt and is to send | there only one battalion of Egyptian soldiers. The London Times stated that this treaty British imperialism proposed yet ten years ago and that Chamberlain himself wanted to conclude such treaty only for ten years while Henderson made it for 25 years. In reality the oppressed Egyptian peasants gained nothing from this treaty, the labor govern- ment only succeeded to bribe the Egyptian nationalists and thereby per- petuate the British imperialist rule in Egypt. In China the labor government is continuing the same imperialist policy of, its predecessor. Henderson successfully concluded the nego- tiations begun by Chamberlain and made a treaty with the Nanking government whereby Chinese officers are to be trained in England and a British military mission was sent to China to reorganize the Chinese navy. When Henderson was the chairman of the Second International, the Brussels Congress passed a resolution on the colonial question in which it declared that China_is mature enough to be an independent country and all extra-territoriality rights are to be abolished. How- ever, when the Chinese government called upon the labor government to abolish its extra-territorial right in China their demand was cate- gorically rejected. The same was the action concerning abolition of the mixed courts in China. . The imperialist role of the labor government was best demonstrated by its action of suppressing in a monstrous bath of blood the revolt of the Arabian masses in Palestine. Was there any difference between the labor government and the conservatives in its slaughter of the Arabian peasants by the use of bombs and machine guns by British | troops andthe Zionists fascist agents of British imperialism in Pales- tine? Have the Arabian masses to expect something better from the | “labor government than what *hey got from the imperialist government | of Lloyd George? At the present congress of the British Labor Party | the colonial imperialist policy of the labor government was made very | | clear by its foreign minister, Henderson. “We have no intention of reconsidering the British tenure, of the Palestine mandate. There is | no question of altering our position in regard to the mandate or in the | policy laid down in the Balfour declaration in 1917.” The colonial policy of the labor government in India was yet dem- onstrated in 1924, when the-Labor Party came first into power. Today * the reformists of British Trade Unions are cooperating with the British bourgeoisie and the British Indian government in breaking the strike of the Bombay textile ‘workers, in railroading the strike leaders in the | famous Meerut trial. The promises of Independence to India was com- pletely forgotten and will never be granted. The British labor gov- ernment appointed one of its members, Ben Wedgewood, as the colonial secretary for India who yet on March 8th declared that the Indian na- tionalists are going too far, that their demands will never by granted by the British parliament. This is the colonial policy of the labor gov- ernment, this is the social imperialist role of fthe Second International. THE GOVERNMENT OF IMPERIALIST: WARS. “The labor government came into power on a platform of “peace.” Peace in industry and in international relations. The disarmament ne- gotiations between MacDonald and Hoover do lessen the war danger. Imperialist war preparations does not exclude pacifist talk of disarma- ment. On, the contrary under the cloak of pacifism and meaningless disarmament conferences can the imperialist powers best carry on their war preparations. The contradictions between the imperialist powers are so great that they could not be'solved by peaceful disarmament con- ferences, This fact was definitely established by the Tenth Plenum of | the Communist International: i “No negotiations or even temporary agreements between the Mac- Donald government and the U. S. A. will avert the inevitable armed conflict between the United States and Great ‘Britain, but will in fact mark a stage in the preparation of that. conflict in the same way as the attempts of the imperialist powers to reach an agreement on the eve of the world war‘of 1912-28 marked a stage in the preparations for that war.” In reality nobody is disarming. Presidént Hoover declared that the 15 cruiser program is not to be violated. America is not only to build 15 new cruisers but in addition to that program it, will add 30,000 ton The mixed | | courts are to be retained and the reversal of the decisions of these t PS AW IT ven tine! rani ei NAY SELF y permission, from “I Saw It Myself” by Henri Barbusse, copyrighted by E. P, Dutton & Co, Ince New York. THE RED MAID : (Continued) ITH the passing of years, mnay stories came to be told about his condemnation. It was said that the Jews had brought about his death, But here, the facts speak plainly to us. Rome alone had powers of life and death in Judea. The Roman State, a great aristo- eratic institution, guardian of established ofder, like our ‘democracies’ of the present day, and like them, grandiloquent tolerance towards harmless dreamers; but it was always merciless towards troublers of the Established. Order —which, viewed from within, is systematic thievery nad viewed from without, systematic robbery with violence, The Jews could hate Jesus, and denounce him, but it was the estab- lished rule that put him to death. ¥ When this man Jesus was fastened to the cross, when darknes#f came over him, and before his transfixed eyes he saw the wavering, of the crowds whom he had wished to save—the crowds that had never understood him and knew not what they did—he must have thought that his work would die with him; nor was he wrong. = When all was over, darkness as of long night descended upon this defeated man. His name, too, seemed dead an no one remembered it. Had he a few discinles, who outlived him? Perhaps co. It has been said, but nothing is more doubtful, At all events, these persnoal dsiciples of his attracted little attention and were left undisturbed byt the authorities—which speaks well for their prudence, and ill for their dignity. Yeamg passed—five, ten, twenty... . The children grew to man- hood, young men were old men. And behold! in Asia, men went about preaching a new religion; and this was the watch-word given to the listening crowds: The Messiah has come. The watch-word was in this form: Christ is arisen. The preachers were Jews but not Jews of Palestine; they came from the Jewish colonies in the Greek world and were attracted and influenced by pagan culture. PS ee yhete religion which thus sprang into being had for its pivot a new God: the Christ, of whom there had been no question hitherto, and appropriated a vast new domain—the world beyond the tomb. It was the religion of death. Mankind, these reformers said, had been condemned ,to hard labor, to the pangs of childbirth, for the sins of the first man. But lo! the Son of God himself had come down to redeem mankind by his sacrifice; henceforth, a counter-destiny of light was nistituted for believers—and for them only—after death, and gave them eternal life. This operation of redemption took place in regions beyond the stars. Christ the Saviour was a kind of celestial angelic meteor; in reality he was not even the Son of God, but an aspect of the one and only God, a flaming light that was part and parcel of supreme Glory. | This principle of light which—so the new pastors said—gave rise) in Heaven and the regions above to the sublime annealing of death simply and purely by transforming death nito immortal life, now had nothing in common with the poor prophet who had foundered, long ere this, in Jerusalem; nad with good reason no one, least of all the apoltles, thought to associate them. It was indeed declared that Christ’s redeeming sacrifice had come through his suffering and even through his ‘crucifixion.’ But this suffering was wholly celestial nad mystical, adapted from the Psalms and from Greek mythology. The apostles only knew their God through the ecstasy of revelation and the sudden grace flashed down upon them. This God was to them noly a theological entity. It is true that he was also called Jesus. But Jesus means Saviour. And further, was the Gililean prophet called Jesus? We have been told so, but noly at a much later date, for no one spoke of‘him in his own day. * * * yee first generation of Christians lived and died, the founders of Christianity—Paul, Barnabas, Peter and the rest—also died, and still no human trait, no definite historic outline, had been assigned to the Messiah of Christians. Long after, twenty years after the death of Paul (who remains to our belief, and until further information is forthcoming, the man who evolved Christianity from A to Z, drawing upon sources which we can trace and identify more and more precisely, and which are borrowed from local cults) the believers, now growing in numbers, and having now left behind their first mystic enthusiasm, asked for further, ‘information concerning this God who was said to have suffered a: Man. What were his sufferings? Wheer had this all happened and’ how? . When, and under what conditions, had God come down among men? “We see him with the eyes of Faith,” they said, “but give us details!” For these reasons nad for others, the fathers of the Church had to comply and portray Christ in human guise. It was then, and then only, that they identified him with someone who had lived on earth. They chose one whose personality had dimmed and faded in the distance of years—half a century had now passed since the Galilean had pee crucified by the Roman procuror—and htey said. This was He. ' Tf he had never existed, they would have invented him now, for it was necessary that Christ should have bodily incarnation. And if the man who had existed had not been called Jesus, that name hence- forth would have been assigned to him, (To be Continued) —eESSFSFSsFeFeFeFeFeFeFeF more on naval craft. Great Britain is to continue to build the sevem cruisers under construction and the three authorized. Great Britain and the United States are to continue with their building program till 1936 and scrap some of the obsolete naval craft which are of no value in modern warfare. This is the disarmament that will take place between Hoover and MacDonald. Facts, however, show that these two imperial- ist powers will continue to arm according to their original plans, but in order to deceive the British working class whom the Labor Party prom ised peace and the American working class, the imperialists are react- ing to this peace gesture. However, behind the present disarmament negotiations ‘are underlying basic factors of imperialist antagonisms. American imperialism is determined*to wrest from Great Britain the position as the mistress of the seas, which it held for last century. The slogans advanced by American imperialism of “Freedom of the Seas,” belong to same category as the “Monroe Doctrine” and the, “open door policy” will he utilized as a weapon in the hands of Amer- ican imperialism to mobilize popular support in the struggle against, ; its strongest imperialist rival. The U. S. demand for naval parity with Great Britain, means to bring down the superior British navy to the level of the naval strength of the United States. Parity in naval power cannot be established by peaceful means, the demand of U. S. imperialism for equality in naval power, means that Great Britain is to give up its economic and political position as a leading imperialist power and further become subordinated to the United States. This struggle for the redivision of the world markets, sources of raw material and spheres of investment cannot be imposed upon Great Britain voluntar- ily, it can only be, brought about as a result cf armed conflict. The United States and Great Britain can come only to a temporary undere . Standigg on the basis of intensifying the struggle against the Sovicé Union and consolidating the imperialist front against the U.S.S.R. In view of the situation the danger of war against the Soviet Union is today more threatened than ever before. The British labor government is playing the role of the agept of world imperialism to mobilize sup- port among the working class in the war attack on the Soviet Union. The task of the International proletariat is to be on guard and expose the social imperialist role of the labor government. The workers of Great Britain now sge the role of the labor government and will have | -_ sale sake chiae. ay bape > to fight under the leadership of the British Communist Party to estab- | lish a revolutionary workers government in England. 4 , CORRECTION ‘ The article on “Sharp Mass Struggles in South Show Need for Intensive Party Building” by Comrade Bill Dunne, was published with- out containing a correction which substituted for paragraph four of the second column of the article the following: “The young workers, being less hurdened down by racial and religious prejudcies make up by far a big reservoir of revolu- tionary material. They must be energetically recruited into the Y. C. L. and into the Party. This must not lead, however, to the abandonment or lessening of work among the adults; otherwise the Party will not be able to become a real mass Party, leader Me ing economic and political struggles of all workers in the ut X 4